512 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
even further : Charles IX., so Galli hopes, now that his
Hugue
not counsellors have been removed, cannot hesitate to join
the league against the Turks, and this cannot fail to bring
about the adherence of the Emperor as well to the alliance
against the Crescent. 1
If all these circumstances are taken into account, as well
as
the prevalent opinion of those times as to the necessity and
lawfulness of the destruction by violence of the heretics,
then
the rejoicings of the Pope and the Curia on account of the
un
expected turn of affairs in their favour, which disturb us
so
much in these days, become very easy to explain. Moreover,
the Catholics of the time formed their opinion of what had
happened in France
1572, the Cardinal of Lorraine wrote from Rome
that on the strength of the news from France
reason to entertain the highest hopes for the peace and tran
quillity of that nation, as well as for the good of the
Catholic
Church, now that the enemies of the altar and the throne,
who
had entered into a conspiracy for the usurpation of the
crown,
1 See the context of this important letter of September 12,
1572, in TORNE , loc. cit.
6-8, which further states : " Such mis
apprehensions were possible in the Curia, in that very
little was
known there of the true nature of the inexplicable deed of
blood."
The reaction in the Low Countries
is mentioned by Facchinetti
in his *letter of September 6, 1572, published in App, n. 5,
Papal
Secret Archives. The hope that France
against the Turks is expressed by Cosimo I.
Gregory XIII., September 14, 1572, wherein he expresses his
joy at the blow dealt to the Huguenots by the massacre of
St.
Bartholomew. Nunziat. di Firenze. I. ,
141, Papal Secret
Archives.
* See DUHR, loc. cit. 272-277, and the remarks in FOUQUERAY,
recently only by pamphleteers like HOENSBROECH (Papsttum,
I.,
204 seq.) to try and make capital out of the demonstrations
of
joy in Rome
(Lit. Rundschau, 1880, 172 seq.} has already remarked : When
have the Protestants ever grieved, if they have won a
victory
over the Catholics ?
RELIGIOUS UNITY ? 513
had been destroyed by the king. 1 By the command of
Charles IX. a medal was struck, showing on one side the
king,
with the inscription : " Virtus in rebelles "
(Strength against
rebels), and on the other the lilies with the words : "
Pietas
excitavit iustitiam " (Zeal for religion has stirred up
justice). 2
The actual conduct of the French government, however,
by no means corresponded to these official manifestations.
As
is clear from a noteworthy report ol Alessandro de Medici,
of
September I2th, 1572, doubts had already begun to make
themselves felt in Rome
policy towards the Huguenots had taken place, as the
Cardinal
of Lorraine
months later it was learned for certain in Rome
government had no intention of restoring religious unity in
Catherine de Medici to prohibit Protestant worship ; the
reply
of the queen was definitely to the effect that the French
people
must be governed by herself and her son, and not by anyone
else. 4
It would appear that the vindictive Queen-mother repented
of this revelation of her real intentions, which had escaped
her
1 See GANDY in Rev. d. quest, hist., I. ,
379. Cardinal Pelleve,
too, in a letter dated Rome
the conspiracy of the Huguenots ; see MERKI, 470 n.
2 See CAPEFIGUE, III., 225 ; PHILIPPSON, Westeuropa, II.,
270. The opinion of FORNERON (Les dues de Guise, II., Paris,
1893, 148) that this medal came from Gregory XIII., is
wrong.
3 Alessandro de Medici *reported that the Pope and everybody
else at first rejoiced at the massacre of St. Bartholomew in
the
hope of " qualche profitto rilevante " to
religious conditions there,
but that this " fervore " was " rintiepidito
per non si veder che
gli effetti corrispondino all opinioiie che se n era
conceputa in-
tendendosi massime che la religione ha fatto piccolo
acquisto
non si essendo rinovati ordini buoni per la purgatione di
quella
infettiva, onde si conosce che il card, di Lorena s e
vanteggiato
molto clo promettervi delle cose di la." We shall see
what will
happen. State Archives, Florence
4 See the report of the nuncio in Madrid
in SERRANO, Liga II., 163, n.i.
VOL. xix. 33
514 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in her anger, because soon afterwards she caused quite
another
impression to be given in Rome
sent in December as envoy-extraordinary of France
to offer, in the name of Charles IX., the customary good
wishes
to the Pope, and make the usual obedientia, brought with him
a
letter from Catherine, of November iQth, 1572, in which the
Queen-mother solemnly asserted that all that had recently
happened in France
religion. 1 At the obedientia, which took place on December
23rd, the discourse was delivered by Muret : "The
Huguenots,"
he said, " were not ashamed to conspire against the
life of the
king, from whom, after so many and terrible misdeeds, they
had received, not only pardon, but even a kindly and loving
welcome. Since this conspiracy was discovered and made
known by the providence of God at the very moment appointed
for the carrying out of the crime, what they had plotted
against
the king and almost all his house and dynasty had recoiled
upon the heads of those criminals and traitors. O memorable
night which, by the death of a few rebels, has set free the
king
from the peril of being murdered, and his kingdom from the
constant fear of civil war ! 2
The discourse in which the Papal secretary, Boccapaduli,
replied to Muret s address, showed that Gregory, no doubt as
the result of Salviati s later reports, 3 was by that time
begin
ning to doubt the sincerity of the statements of the French
court concerning the conspiracy of the Huguenots. Although
in his reply he tried to repeat briefly the words of the
previous
speaker, Boccapaduli did not touch upon the question of the
1 See the text of the letter in THEINER, I. ,
337. The instruc
tions for Rambouillet are dated December 16, 1572, see
Bullet,
de la Soc. de 1 hist. des portest. fran9ais, 1882.
2 See MURETI
Orationes I.
of Rambouillet on December 21 (see THEINER, I. , 46) and the
consistory on December 23, which was to result in the
sending
of a blessed sword to Charles IX. " ut eo contra
haereticos Ugon-
ottos catholicae fidei hostes uteretur," see Mucantius,
*Diarium,
Papal Secret Archives.
3 Cf. MARTIN, Gallicanisme, 107, 113.
ORSINI IN FRANCE
supposed plot arranged by the Huguenots, but contented him
self with thanking the King of France for his sentiments
against
the heretics. 1 Salviati had been warned on several
occasions
to stiffen the often hesitating government on this point. 2
The Cardinal legate Orsini, who had left Rome
6th, was also to work for the same purpose. 3
Orsini was instructed besides securing the acceptance of the
decrees of Trent , to bring
about the participation of France
in the league against the Turks, and above all to prevent
the
outbreak of war between France
and Spain
was to make generous proposals. The Pope was prepared to
support the aspirations of Anjou
to the crown of Poland
give him the supreme command in the war against the Turks,
and to reward France
in the east. 4 But it was now shown quite clearly that
Catherine had not in any sense brought about the massacre of
St. Bartholomew from religious motives, and that the last
thing they wished to hear of in Paris
of Catholic interests. The impressive mission of a Cardinal
legate endangered the relations of Catherine with England
and with the Protestant princes of Germany
must therefore be prevented. When Orsini, who had always
united himself to the French party in Rome
be"ry, he was met by a courier from the French king,
who
begged him not to continue his journey, because the king
could not receive him. 7 Soon afterwards Orsini also
received
a letter from the Cardinal Secretary of State with the news
that Charles IX. had expressly requested the Pope not to
send
1 See ACTON
2 See the instructions of Galli in PHILIPPSON, Kurie, 135
seq.
3 Cf. Lettres de P. de Foix, 19, 30.
4 Cf. P. DE CENIVAL, 147. See also MARIIN, Gallicanisme,
no seq.
6 How the legation was regarded there is shown by the report
from London in State Papers,
Spanish II., London
6 Cf. the *report of Fr. Gerini of September 6, 1572, State
Archives, Florence
7 See THEINER, I. , 361.
516 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
a legate, as such a course, on account of the events of
August
24th, might cause suspicion among the Protestants of Germany
and England
permission of the Secretary of State, Galli, repaired to Avignon
and contented himself with sending his secretary, Onofrio
Vigili, to Paris
Vigili was successful in obtaining permission for the
Cardinal
legate to go to the French capital, which he reached on
November 20th.
The welcome which awaited Orsini was so extraordinarily
cold that it was clear that there were no hopes of his
succeeding
in his mission. Not until December 2nd was he received in
audience by the king. Cardinals Bourbon and Guise, as well
as the nuncio Salviati, were also present, and before them
Orsini set forth the commissions which had been entrusted to
him. 2 These related first to the participation of France
league against the Turks, and secondly, the betrothal of Anjou
to a daughter of Philip II. Charles IX. refused to join the
league on the pretext of the Huguenot rising in Languedoc
he might be disposed to consider it if the bride were to
receive
versation to the complete destruction of the Huguenots,
reminding the king of the words which he caused to be
written
to the Pope by the nuncio, to the effect that within a few
days
there would not be a single Huguenot left in the kingdom.
The king s reply, both as concerned his attitude towards the
Huguenots, and his further support of ecclesiastical reform,
was evasive. Before the legate was successful in obtaining a
further audience, the French government had sent him, in
courteous form through the nuncio, a request to leave the
country as soon as possible. The interests of France
stated, did not allow of his further stay at the court.
1 Cf. his instructions, September 22, 1572, Nunziat. di
Francia,
283, p. 101, Papal Secret Archives.
2 Cf. the instructions for Orsini, of November 2 and 4,
1572,
ibid. p. 107 seq.
FAILURE OF ORSINI. 517
Under these painful circumstances Orsini had recourse to
he had received permission on January yth to return home,
he took his leave as soon as possible. 1 To the suggestion
which he put forward at his farewell audience, that Charles
IX.
should support the expedition of the Duke of Savoy against
of France
without having obtained anything. 2 It was indeed the case
that Orsini J s legation, from which so much had been hoped
in
1 Based on the *reports of Salviati and Orsini, in the Papal
Secret Archives, Nunziat. diFrancia, t. 5, n. 6; cf. ibid.
283 the "in
structions of Galli. Other *Atti in the Orsini Archives, Rome
Copies of the letters of Cardinal Orsini concerning his
negotiations
in France
are common : e.g. in Rome
p. 165-209, Ferraioli Library ; Cod. 297, Casanatense
Library
X., V., 31, p. 113 seq. ; Papal Secret Archives, Pio 231
(cf. Bes-
sarione, A. III., vol. 5 [1898-99], 495 seq.) ; Berlin
Inf. Polit. XVIII., Florence
p. 214 seq. See also Cod. D. 6, and F. 27, of the
Boncompagni
Archives, Rome
Orsini in THEINER, I. , 361
seq. Cf. Lettres de Cath. de Medicis,
IV., cxli. See also TORNE ,
140 seq. ALBERI, Vita di Caterina
di Medici, 159, 407 seq. P. de Ceneval is preparing a
special work
on the legation of Orsini.
2 See Lettres de Cath. de Medicis, I. ,
cxlvii. ; cf. CRAMER, I.,
201 seq. Gregory XIII. looked upon an expedition against
1581, the energetic Charles Emanuel of Savoy
on Geneva
RAULICH, Carlo Emanuele, I. ,
75 seq.
8 The sending of the blessed sword to Charles IX. (cf. supra
p.
514, n. 2) with which, by a brief of January 15, 1573 (Papal
Secret
Archives, Arm. 44, t. 21, n. 322) Silvio Sabelli was
entrusted,
had, in view of the development of events, proved quite in
vain.
The disappointment of the Curia at the result of Orsini s
legation
comes out clearly in the *Memorie of Galli. Boncompagni
Archives, Rome
518 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
before they gave up all the expectations which they had
formed
at the massacre of St. Bartholomew, because Catherine knew
very well how to keep on raising fresh hopes, 1 but the
truith
was that Charles IX. and Catherine de Medici wished to ma^n-
tain the alliance with England
her with the German Protestants.
1 Cf. MARTIN, Gallicanisme, 115.
CHAPTER XIV.
CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS WARS IN FRANCE
THE LEAGUE. BEGINNINGS OF CATHOLIC REFORM IN FRANCE
WHILE in its foreign policy the French government continued
to pursue its former ends, even after the massacre of August
24th, 1572, at home it found itself called upon to face a
fresh
Huguenot rising. The power of the Huguenots had been
weakened by the events of St. Bartholomew, but not
destroyed,
but in spite of all their bra very, the fourth Huguenot war
would
have ended, as was hoped in Rome
of the government if, at the moment he was laying siege to
bring it about that the Huguenots received more favourable
terms of peace than they could have expected. The treaty of
July 6th, 1573, ensured liberty of conscience to all the
adherents
of the new doctrines, while the nobles enjoying independent
jurisdiction and the cities of La
Rochelle , Nimes
Montauban were given the free exercise of their religion. 2
This weakness encouraged the followers of Calvin in the
south
of France
Catherine de Medici remarked, they could not have insisted
if Conde* had found himself in the heart of the kingdom with
70,000 men. 3
It was very much to the advantage of the Huguenots that
they were able to count upon political divisions among the
Catholics, and the presence of many malcontents, who, dis
pleased at the privileges accorded to the Guise and the
Italians,
1 See the *report of Capilupi, Rome
Archives, Mantua
2 Cf. THEINEK, I., 173 seq. ; THAUNUS, I. ,
56.
3 See SOLDAN, II., 547.
519
520 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
had banded themselves together to support Duke Francis of
Alen9on. 1 Hitherto the Catholics had been united against
their common mortal enemy, but now they were divided. A
middle and opportunist party had been formed, which looked
upon the carrying on of the struggle against the Huguenots
as
impossible, considered that it could only lead to the
greater
ruin of the kingdom, and therefore spoke of a policy of con
ciliation. If the Huguenots, so they thought, were given
toleration, they would respect the king, would do no further
violence to the Catholics, and abroad would no longer enter
into traitorous alliances against their own country. The
supporters of this view naturally did not conceal from them
selves the fact that several different religions could only
exist in
mutual peace within the nation if the king could rule with a
strong hand. 2 But that was the very thing which France
that time lacked, and therefore all attempts of the kind
were
at the outset doomed to failure.
Of what kind the Catholicism of these politicians was, was
shown by their union with the Huguenots. Alenon, who
was both proud and unscrupulous, entered into negotiations
with Navarre
On the Tuesday of Carnival, 1574, there was to be a general
rising to upset the government of Catherine de Medici. This
plot, however, failed, and inquiries led to the arrest of
Alen^on
and Navarre
fifth religious war, broke out in several places. In the
midst
of these disturbances the weak and sickly Charles IX. was
carried off by consumption on May 3oth, 1574, having shortly
before appointed his mother as temporary regent. Henry of
his brother than, being long since weary of the sovereignty
of
1 See ibid. 549 seq.
1 Cf. *" Discorso di M. de Bellegarde dello stato cli
Francia,"
a manuscript in the possession of a private individual at
Borgo
in the South Tyrol, kindly placed at my disposal at Trent
courtesy of the late mgr. Cl. Benetti. Another copy in Cod.
CXV., n. 2 of the Capilupi Library, Mantua
HENRY III. 521
fugitive, in order to assume the government of his own
country.
At Vienna he resolved to make
his journey into France
northern Italy
As soon as the news of the death of Charles IX. reached
meeting of the Cardinals. Morone advised the sending of
nuncios to Poland
and France
Mirto Frangipani, who was to convey the Pope s condolences
to Catherine de Medici, and above all to intervene on behalf
of Catholic interests against the Huguenots. 2 At the same
time Gian Maria Graziani was sent to Poland
In consequence of the hurried return of the king to his own
country, this last mission was at once rendered useless. 3
On
July 5th the Pope informed the Cardinals in consistory of
the
way in which he intended to welcome the new King of France
on Italian soil ; Gregory thought of making use of this
oppor
tunity for a personal meeting with Henry III., and was
ready,
1 *" Hoc mane," says Mucantius on June 10, 1574,
antequam
Papa descenderet ad capellam (it was Corpus Christi
Franciae attulit nuntium S* 1 Suae de obitu Caroli IX."
The
Pope was grieved at the news and thought that the king had
been poisoned by his enemies. On June 22 Mucantius *reports
concerning the obsequies, which took place in the Cappella
Palatina, at which Muret delivered the funeral oration
(Oraison
funebre p. Muret, trad, du latin, Lyons, 1574). Diarium,
Papal
Secret Archives. The briefs of condolence, June 12, 1574, in
THEINER, I. , 284 seq.
2 See the *report of Odescalchi of June 12, 1574, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua
State Archives, Modena
1574, State Archives, Vienna
Archives, Rome
mission of Frangipani that its principal object was "
esortare
la Regina
dere gagliardamente contro gli heretici." For
Frangipani see
ZuftiGA in N. Colecc. de docum. in6d., III., 15 ;
Nuntiaturber-
ichte aus Deutschland, ed. by the GORRES-GFSELLSCH. I. ,2,
xiii.seq.
J.See MAFFEI, J,, 117 seq.
522 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
if Rome should seem to be too distant, to go to Bologna.
Filippo Boncompagni was to convey to Venice the invitation
to this meeting. Moreover Giacomo Boncompagni, who was
at Ancona, was charged to go and welcome the King of France
in the Pope s name. 1
When Henry III. arrived in Venice on July i8th, in the
newly decorated Bucentaur, accompanied by a great number
of ships and gondolas, and welcomed with cannon, cheers and
festive music, the Papal legate sat on his right hand under
a
baldachino erected on the poop, and the Doge on his left. In
the midst of these grand festivities, in which the wealth,
and
the imaginative and artistic taste of the Venetians was bril
liantly displayed, 2 it fell to Filippo Boncompagni to
discharge
the commissions entrusted to him by the Pope. He at once
1 See, besides Santori, Diario consist. XXIV. 243, and
Mucan-
tius, *Diarium (Papal Secret Archives), the "report of
Luigi
Rogna of July 5, 1574, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and *that
of
Cusano of July TO, 1574, State Archives, Vienna. The brief
concerning the mission of Boncompagni to Henry III., July 5,
1574, in THEINER, I., 285. A special *brief was also sent to
Venice on July 5, 1574, concerning the mission of
Boncompagni,
the orignal in the State Archives, Venice.
2 See P. DE NOLHAC and A. SOLERII, II viaggio in Italia di
Enrico III. Re di Francia e le feste a Venezia, Ferrara,
Mantova
e Torino, Turin, 1890, 94 seq., 101 seq. Cod. D. 6 of the
Boncom
pagni Archives, Rome, contains, p. 59-71. *Raguaglio del
viaggio dell ill. s. card. S. Sisto quando and6 in Venetia
legato al
Re christ. nel passaggio suo di Polonia per Italia e del
modo
col quale S. M t& ricevuta da quella ser. republica,
1574. The
King is there described as follows : Sua M td/ e di vita
asciutta et
assai piu alta d huomo ordinario, di cabezza piu tosto
spagnuola
che francese et d un colore mezamente palh do. Parla con
gran
flemma et porge le maniere sue con molta gravidad. . . .
Veste
tutto di pavonazzo fino la berretta et le scarpe et porta un
par
di pianelle da questo tempo alte ben due dita. Beve acqua et
non mangia in fretta come sogliono fare i principi. Giovedl
si fara una festa et un banchetto al quale interveniranno
piu di
300 gentildonne Venetiane con balli et comedie stupende et
fino
de Milano hanno fatto venire certi comici ch erano la.
HENRY III. IN ITALY. 523
realized that Henry III. shrank from a meeting with the
Pope,
on account of the stir which it would inevitably cause in
the
Protestant world. The remaining commissions of the legate,
to urge him to return to France and punish the rebels, were
listened to by the French king with deference indeed, but
were not carried into effect. In the intoxication of the
festivi
ties with which the courts of Ferrara, Mantua and Turin
enter
tained the French sovereign, it seemed as though the latter
had completely lost sight of his sorely tried kingdom. 1 For
this reason Cardinal Boncompagni took his leave of the king
at Ferrara, although his original orders had been to
accompany
Henry to the frontier of Italy. 2
The subsequent behaviour of Henry III., who only arrived
on French soil in September, 1574, caused general disappoint
ment. Instead of proving the genuineness of his declaration
that he would know how to break down the pride of the
rebels,
he delayed for two months at Lyons, where he devoted himself
to festivities, and the preparation of a new court
etiquette, in
imitation of the Spanish ceremonial. Fabio Mirto Frangipani
wrote to Rome from Lyons on September 2Oth, 1574 . "
The
true salvation of France would be a king who knew how to be
a
king indeed. We can look for nothing from this young man.
His tastes are all for ease and amusement, his body is weak
and sickly, so that only a short life can be predicted for
him." 3
Even before this severe judgment reached Rome, Gregory
XIII., in view of the struggle against the Huguenots, had
sent
large subsidies in money to the new French king, who, as the
1 See MAFFEI, I., 124 seq. NOLHAC-SOLERTI, loc. cit. 155
seq.,
173 seq., 202 seq., 213 ; cf. 259 concerning the visit of
Giacomo
Boncompagni in Ferrara. See also GABOTTO, Entrata di un
Re di Francia in Torino nel 1574, Turin, 1890.
2 Cardinal Galli, in his *Memorie, speaks of the " poca
voglia di
Enrico di assestare le cose della religione."
Boncompagni
Archives, Rome. Cusano in his *report of August 7, 1574,
remarks that " Boncompagni si era licentiate con poca
sodies-
fattione per non esser stato troppo accarezato da S.M td/
." State
Archives, Vienna.
8 See THEINER, I., 427.
524 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
result of his successes in war in his early youth, the
victories
of Jarnac and Moncontour, was held in high esteem at the
Curia, 1 and had caused his zeal for the acceptance of the
decrees of the Council of Trent to be made known in Rome.
At first he sent him 200,000 scudi, and then permission to
draw
two million from the ecclesiastical revenues. 2 In the
following
year he granted the levy of a half annate, and 100,000 scudi
in
ready money. 3 Gregory was also prepared to send troops, 4
but Henry III. wished for money rather than anything else.
His position became even worse when, in the autumn of 1575,
Alengon, who had been detained at the court in a semi-im
prisonment, succeeded in making his escape. Alen^on issued
at Dreux a manifesto demanding the convocation of the
States General and a national council. While he was placing
himself at the head of the Huguenots and the malcontent
Catholics, he was secretly sending an embassy to Rome to the
effect that he was not in earnest in countenancing the Hugue
nots, but only wished to restore peace and tranquillity in
France ! 5
Catherine had attempted to separate the party of the mal
content Catholics from the Huguenots by means of an
armistice,
but her adversaries did not trust her ; they placed their
hopes
in the troops of Conde* and the Prince-Elector, John
Casimir,
1 Cf. MARTIN. Gallicanisme, 126.
* Cf. THEINER, I., 286 seq., 289 seq., 291 seq. ;
DESJARDINS,
IV., 51 ; MAFFEI, I., 129 seq.
MAFFEI, I., 178; cf. THEINER, II., 121, 496 seq., 502 seq. ;
100,000 scudi were levied from the Roman merchants ; see
*Avviso di Roma of May u, 1575, Urb. 1044, p. 436, Vatican
Library.
4 4,000 men were to be sent to France ; see the *report of
Cusano of February 12, 1575, State Archives, Vienna.
* Like Alencon, Henry III. also had recourse to the Pope,
who
tried to reconcile the contestants ; see as to this and the
mission
of Fabio Mirto Frangipani in November, 1575, THEINER, II.,
113
seq., 483 ; SANTORI, Diario concist., XXV., 90 ; MAFFEI, I.,
179 seq. The *apology of Alengon to Gregory XIII. in Cod. d.
6,
Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
THE PEACE OF BEAULIEU. 525
which entered France from Lorraine on January nth, 1576,
and proceeded to lay waste the country. 1 The position of
the
government grew more precarious when, on February 3rd,
1576, Henry of Navarre fled from the court, where he had
hitherto been detained by his love affairs. He went to
Guienne, and there joined Alengon. Navarre, who had em
braced Catholicism after the massacre of St. Bartholomew, 2
remained undecided in his religious convictions at first.
His
true opinions were shown when, a few months later, he
returned to Calvinism, and declared that it had only been
under compulsion, and without conviction, that he had
adopted the Catholic doctrines four years earlier. 3
Henry was by no means the right man to resist the united
forces of Alengon, Navarre and Conde, and Catherine de
Medici at once resolved to make peace at all costs. This was
done on May 6th, 1576, at Beaulieu. According to the terms
there decided upon Alengon was to retain the government of
Anjou, Touraine and Berry ; Navarre was to hold Guienne,
and Conde" Picardy. The Huguenots were given more than
they had ever had before ; the free and public exercise of
their religion throughout the kingdom, with the sole
exception
of the environs of Paris ; they were to be admitted to all
offices and dignities ; a court of appeal in the Parliament
was
formed of both religions ; the marriage of the priests and
religious who had apostatized from the Catholic Church was
allowed, and they were given eight cities as a surety. 4
Cardinal Rambouillet described the ruin of France to the
Pope ; see the *report of P. Strozzi, Rome, January 28,
1576,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
2 Notwithstanding the humble letters to the Pope (see
*Lettres
missives de Henri IV., I., 38) and the sending of an
obedientia
embassy to Rome, no conversion was seriously contemplated
(see THEINER, I., 164 seq. ; cf. Claudii Arnolphi Paris, theol.
pro Henrico rege Navarrae oratio ad Gregorium XIII., Lyons,
1573).
3 Cf. SEGESSER, II., 286 seq., 298 seq. ; POLENZ., IV., 49
seq.
4 See THUANUS, I., 62 ; POLENZ, IV., 56 seq. ; SEGESSER,
II., 308 seq. ; Hist, de la Ligue, I., 15, n. 4.
526 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
It can be no matter for surprise that this treaty, which was
so damaging to the Catholic cause, filled the Pope with in
dignation and grief. 1 Gregory, by his letters to the king,
through his nuncio, Salviati, as well as by his pecuniary
help
of 100,000 scudi, which he had sent at the beginning of the
year, had done his best to bring about the continuation of
the
struggle against the Huguenots. 2 When the news from France
became more and more alarming, he ordered special prayers
in April for that nation. 3 With tears in his eyes he
lamented
that during his pontificate the Church in France should have
had to suffer such grievous losses. Even so, however,
Gregory
did not give up hopes of a change for the better. 4 He was
encouraged in this by the statements of Louis Chateigner de
la Rocheposay, who was sent to represent the French govern
ment in Rome. On June i8th, 1576, the new French ambas
sador made his solemn entry into Rome, 5 and on the
following
day was received at a public consistory. The discourse was
delivered by Muret. This celebrated latinist who, a few
years
before, had in the same place eulogized the massacre of St.
1 See the *report of P. Strozzi, Rome, May 19 and June 2,
1576, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
8 See MAFFEI, I., 236, an *Avviso di Roma of January 14,
1576,
speaks by exaggeration of 400,000 scudi. Urb. 1044, p. 13,
Vatican Library. Cf. RICHARD, Epinac, 135 n. ; TORNK, 154.
The great concession which was made by Gregory XIII. in
March,
1576, when he conferred the diocese of Verdun upon the
minor,
Charles of Lorraine (see THEINER, II., 226), was in
connexion
with his efforts to keep the king staunch to the war against
the
Huguenots.
8 See *Avviso di Roma of April 7, 1576, Urb. 1044, p. 6$b,
Vatican Library.
4 See MAFFEI, I., 237. The disadvantages and shameful con
clusion of peace in France, formed, according to an *Avvsio
di
Roma of May 16, 1576, the common topic of conversation in
Rome. State Archives, Naples, C. Fames. 6.
6 See Mucantius, *Diarium. The previous ambassador, Francois
de Rosier, had died suddenly on March 6, 1575 ; see ibid,
for
a detailed description of his funeral which took place on
March
9. Papal Secret Archives.
INDIGNATION OF THE POPE. 527
Bartholomew, on this occasion vainly employed all his
oratorical powers to excuse the shameful peace of Beaulieu.
He was answered in the Pope s name by his secretary
Antonio Boccapaduli, who made no attempt to hide how
much the Pope disapproved of a treaty which was so harmful
to the Catholic religion. 1
The Bishop of Paris, too, Pierre Gondi, who had come to
Rome in July, 1576, attempted in every way to calm the
Pope s displeasure. 2 He admitted that the terms accepted by
Henry were disadvantageous to the Catholic cause, but called
attention to the fact that the king had rejected terms that
were even worse. To the objection that such great
concessions
had never been made in the time of Charles IX., Gondi
pointed
out that in those days neither a brother of the king, nor
for the
most part any Catholics, had taken the part of the
Huguenots.
Under these circumstances, in order to prevent the utter
ruin
of France, it had been impossible to avoid making peace,
even
under the hardest conditions. For the rest Henry III. would
as far as possible care for Catholic interests. By these
declarations Gondi paved the way to a request that the
Pope would grant to the King of France, who was in the
direst financial straits, permission to effect a further
alienation
of Church property. 3
However unwillingly the Pope might consent to the laying
1 See SANTORI, Diario consist., XXV., 108 ; Mucantius,
*Diarium, Papal Secret Archives, and the *reports of P.
Strozzi
of June 9 and 16, 1576, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. P. DE
CHASTEIGNER DE LA ROCHEPOZAY, L ambassade de M. de la
Rochepozay a Rome (1576-81), Vannes, 1899 (Extract from the
Revue des quest, herald, etc.).
2 The *Avviso di Roma of July 21, 1576, announces that Gondi
had arrived on the Friday, and had several times had
audience
of the Pope with the French ambassador. Urb. 1044, p. 130,
Vatican Library.
3 See SANTORI, Diario concist. XXV., no. According to the
"report of P. Strozzi of July 28, 1576, Gondi also
asked for the
nomination of two French Cardinals, as an important thing
for the
reduttione di Francia." Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
528 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of a further burden on the clergy of France, he nevertheless
felt that he must give way in view of the danger of
arbitrary
action on the part of the French government, especially as
Henry promised in the future to take up the defence of the
Catholic cause, and to make use of his right of nomination
only
to the advantage of the Church. Naturally the demands of
Gondi were not accepted in their entirety, but it was
neverthe
less estimated that Henry III. would receive more than four
million francs on the strength of the Papal concession. 1 In
making the concession, Gregory, in his letter of July 24th,
1576, expressly made it clear to Henry III, and to Cardinals
Bourbon, Guise and Este, that the advantageous terms granted
to the Huguenots had been displeasing, not only to himself,
but to all zealous Catholics ; nothing but the direst
necessity,
which knows no law, could excuse them ; he therefore hoped
all
the more that in the future the king would defend the
Catholic
cause, and fulfil his promises with regard to the
appointment of
good bishops and abbots, and would promote the observance of
the decrees of the Council of Trent. 2
The peace of Beaulieu, which was so favourable to the
Huguenots, first of all aroused the opposition of the French
Catholics, because it had been imposed by a minority. The
Huguenots had attained this success, not only by their
clever
use of favourable circumstances, for it was in obvious con
tradiction to the real distribution of power, but even moie
by
their solid unity. 3 It was only by becoming closely united
in like manner, and organizing themselves as perfectly as
their
adversaries, that the Catholics could hope to effect a
change
in their own favour.
Associations in defence of Catholic interests against the
weakness of Charles IX. and the temporizing policy of
Catherine de Medici, had already come into existence during
1 See SANTORI, loc. cit, 112 ; THEINER, II., 222 seq. ;
MAFFEI,
I., 237 seq. cf. FORGEOT in the Rev. d. quest, hist., 1881,
Avril.
1 See the letter in THEINER, II., 224 seq.
8 Cardinal S. Croce said to the Pope when he was lamenting
the death of Charles IX., etc. : " che d ogni Ugonotto
ch era
in quel regno v erano venti cattolici." * Report of
Bernerio of
June 19, 1574, State Archives, Vienna.
THE PLAN OF DAVID. 529
the earlier wars of religion. The first of these
associations had
been formed at Toulouse in March, 1563. This had been
followed by others on similar lines in other parts of the
king
dom. In this way ecclesiastics, the aristocracy and the
citizens had united for the defence ol the altar and the
throne
at Angers in 1565, at Dijon in 1567, and at Bourges and
Troyes
in I568. 1
As the alliance between the Huguenots and the "
politicians "
at Nimes in February, 1575, 2 had resulted in the setting up
of a completely independent republic in the state, a plan
had
taken shape in the mind of a Paris lawyer, named David,
which was essentially different from the form of resistance
hitherto adopted by the Catholics. Whereas the latter had
hitherto inscribed on their banners, side by side with the
defence of the ancient religion, that of the ruling house,
David
now threw over that degenerate royal line, under whose rule
the government of the kingdom threatened to become the
prey of heresy. The Guise as the true descendants of Charle
magne, so thought David, must place themselves at the head
of a Catholic league, destroy the Huguenots and their
allies,
and, once they had secured the victory, shut up the weak
king
in a monastery, as Pepin had done to Childeric. 3 The major
ity of the Catholics, however, would not for the time being
hear of any such radical plans. 4 Even after the crown had
given its approval to the humiliating peace of Beaulieu, the
Catholic associations which sprang up in various places
remained true to the old programme, of supporting alike
their religion and the dynasty.
1 Cf. MOURIN, La ligue en Anjou, Paris, 1856, 76 ; THAUMAS-
SIERE, Hist, du Berry, 189 ; DE MEAUX, 176 seq. ; L ^PINOIS,
2.
2 See L. ANQUEZ, Hist, des Assemblies polit. des Reformes,
Paris, 1854, 1 6-2 1.
3 Memoires de la Ligue, I., Amsterdam, 1758, 1-7 ;
CAPEFIGUE,
IV., 38 seq. ; GUY DE BREMOND D ARS, Jean de Vivonne, 75 ;
KERVYN DE LETTENHOVE, Huguenots et Gueux, III., 92 ; DE
MEAUX, 179 seq.
4 That Gregory XIII., too, held entirely aloof from any such
plans, cf. THEINER, II., 233.
VOL. xix. 34
530 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
This is clearly shown by the text of the oath, almost every
where the same, by which those who joined the league bound
themselves in the name of the Most Holy Trinity, in addition
to prayer and the contribution of money for the gathering of
troops, to devote all their powers to the preservation of
obed
ience to the Holy, Apostolic and Roman Church, and the
legitimate king, Henry III. Naturally, this implied the
supposition that the king, in accordance with his coronation
oath, would preserve inviolate the rights of the Church, and
the ancient liberties of the nation. Henry declared himself
the head of these associations, both because he did not wish
that they should become more independent, and in order that
the Guise should not take over their direction. By himself
doing all he could to bring about their spread throughout
the
kingdom, he hoped to be able to keep them under his own
control. 1
The efficacy of this organization of the Catholics was shown
when on December 6th, 1576, the States General were opened
at Blois ; it was unanimously demanded that the king should
not in future tolerate the practice of any other religion
than the
Catholic. An essential part was taken in bringing about this
decision, which received the approval of the king, by the
Catholic Archbishop of Lyons, Pierre d lipinac, who,
however,
was not able to obtain the acceptance of the Tridentine de
crees. 2 Although it was obvious that the Huguenots would
oppose by force of arms this abrogation of the peace of
Beau-
lieu, the States could not agree as to the steps which would
have to be taken in its defence. Gregory XIII., however, was
again ready to come to their assistance ; 3 the decision of
the
1 Cf. LOUTSCHITZKY, Docum. inedits p. servir a 1 hist. de la
Reforine et de la Ligue, Paris, 1875, 50 seq., 39 ; HAAG, La
France
protest. Pieces justific., 141 ; L PINOIS, 3, seq. ;
FOUQUERAY,
II., 130.
8 Cf. THEINER, II., 318 seq. ; PICOT, tats gene>aux,
II., 305
seq. ; DE MEAUX, 180 seq., 187 seq.
8 The request for help from Henry III., dated Blois, January
I 5, *577, in THEINER, II., 581. Cf. *Acta consist. February
4,
1577, Papal Secret Archives ; "report of Odescalchi of
February
19, 1577, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
THE SIXTH WAR OF RELIGION. 531
king once again to restore religious unity had filled him
with
the greatest joy. 1
In the meantime the war had been begun by the Huguenots.
The Pope had already, in June, 1577, sent to the French king
a subsidy of 50,000 gold scudi, 2 and later on munitions.
More
over, at Avignon, which was seriously threatened by the
Huguenots, troops were in readiness, which were at the same
time to assist those of the king. Gregory also had a share
in
bringing about the submission of Marshal Damville to the
king, whose troops he reinforced. 3
The weakness of the Huguenots was clearly shown during
the course of this, the sixth war of religion. In the north
of
France they were almost entirely exterminated, and only con
tinued to offer armed resistance in Guienne, Gascony, Poitou
and Languedoc, and the greatest want of discipline prevailed
in their ranks. 4 It is not surprising that the Catholics
won
important successes. Henry III., who was constantly en
couraged by the Pope, by letters and by the nuncio Salviati,
to take strong action, seemed to be on the way to a decisive
victory. 5 Catherine de Medici then set herself against any
such thing, fearing to lose her authority and influence over
her son, and being unwilling that the Guise should obtain
too
much power. Her request, addressed to Gregory XIII., that
he would give his support to a compromise with the
Huguenots,
on the ground that this would be for the advantage of the
Catholic religion, naturally met with a refusal. 6
1 See *report of Odescalchi, January 12, 1577, Gonzaga
Archives,
Mantua.
2 See "report of Odescalchi, June 10, 1577, Gonzaga
Archives,
Mantua.
3 See MAFFEI, I., 292 seq. ; THEINER, II., 326 seq. ; ibid.
328
seq. the mission of Antonio Martinengo to Avignon. For the
great anxiety of the Pope at that time about the affairs of
Avignon,
cf. the "report of Odescalchi of March 23, April 13 and
20, 1577,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
4 Cf. POLENZ, IV., 120.
5 See G. LIPPOMANO in ALBERT, App. 35
8 See MAFFEI I., 295 seq
532 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Catherine de Medici nevertheless attained her end without
the Pope, because Henry III. was weary of the war, and hated
Henry of Guise as a rival and a claimant to the throne. In
the middle of September, 1577, peace was concluded at
Bergerac. This, it is true, limited in some degree the con
cessions made at Beaulieu concerning the exercise of the
Calvinist religion, but contained many things that were
favourable to the Huguenots, to whom, by secret articles,
was assured the right of inheriting for apostate priests and
religious. 1 It was characteristic of Henry III. that he did
not at first dare to inform the Pope of the terms of the
agree
ment. 2 Gregory XIII., who learned the exact terms from
Salviati, found at anyrate one advantage in the peace, in
that
his own territory in the south of France was included in it.
This seemed of all the more importance as the Pope, from the
beginning of his pontificate, had been called upon to make
great sacrifices for the defence of Avignon against the
attacks
of the Huguenots. 3 Further considerable expenditure 4 had
especially been involved in the territory of Avignon by the
very difficult sieges of the castles of Entrechaux and
Menerbe,
where the Papal forces had been reinforced by Henry III.
1 See THUANUS, I., 64 ; RANKE, Franzos. Geschichte, I. 2 ,
2 55 se< J- > SEGESSER, II., 340 seq. ; DE
MEAUX, 195 seq.
2 At the consistory on October 9, 1577, the Pope said that
he
did not yet altogether know the terms ; on the I2th he did
not
yet know them ; the full truth was only made known to him
at the end of the month ; see the ""reports of
Odescalchi of October
13 and 30, 1577, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. For the peace see
the opinion of Lippomano in ALBERT, App. 36.
8 See MAFFEI, I., 296 ; cf. ibid. 98 seq., 138 seq., 240
seq., and
THEINER, I., 176 seq., 236 seq., 432 seq., for the efforts
made by
Gregory XIII. for the defence of Avignon. According to the
"report of P. Strozzi of December 29, 1576, Gregory was
at that
time spending 12,000 scudi a month on the troops at Avignon.
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. also Giov. Batt. Fusconi
*" Ragguaglio delle turbulenze di Francia dell anno
1575 per
conto dello stato di Avignone." in Cod. D. 5,
Boncompagni
Archives, Rome.
4 Cf. CASTRUCCI, Istoria d Avignone, L, Venice, 1678, 419
seq.
DANDINO NUNCIO IN FRANCE. 533
After the capture of Entrechaux, Menerbe, which was situated
on a precipitous rock, offered the most stubborn resistance.
Even though, in consequence of the peace of Bergerac, the
assistance of the King of France was withdrawn and the
skilled
tactician Matteucci retired at the beginning of the winter,
nevertheless Domenico Grimaldi, the loyal governor of the
Venaissin, continued his efforts to reduce this strong
place.
He feared lest Menerbe, like another Geneva, should become a
safe place of refuge for the Huguenots of southern France.
The Pope did all in his power to support him ; at the last
extremity, he said, he would sell his last mitre in order to
obtain the necessary funds. 1 But the heroic resistance of
the
defenders of Menerbe rendered vain all the attempts that
were made during 1578 to capture the fortress.
In March, 1578, as the result of the changes made among
the nuncios, Francesco Maria Salviati was recalled. He was
succeeded by the protonotary, Anselmo Dandino. 2 The
latter received in his instructions, which also insisted on
the
acceptance of the reform decrees of Trent, orders to keep
con
stantly before his eyes, in the course of his negotiations,
how
much, on account of the weakness and unpopularity of the
king, everything depended upon his mother, Catherine de
Medici. 3 The further instructions which were given to Dan
dino, to devote his attention to cultivating friendly
relations
between France and Spain, were all the more difficult to
carry
out, because just at that time the ambitious Francis of
Alencon-
Anjou, the worthy son of the intriguing Catherine de Medici,
1 See the "notes of D. Grimaldi in the Boncompagni
Archives,
Rome. Cf, THEINER, II., 416 seq., and MAFFEI, I., 297 seq.
2 See the brief to Henry III. of March 8, 1578, in THEINER,
II., 415 ; cf. GARAMPI, Sul valore, 317. Dandino undertook
the
business of the nunciature on April 28, 1578 ; see his
*notes
in the Boncompagni Archives, Rome. According to the *Avviso
di Roma of June 28, 1578, Salviati returned to Rome, where
he
gave the Pope his information at a long audience. Urb. 1046,
p.
233, Vatican Library. With regard to Dandino see the remarks
of RICHARD in the Annales de St. Louis, II., (1898), 409, n.
2.
3 See the *notes of Dandino, Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
534 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
had set himself up as the " defender of the liberties
of the
Netherland rebels against the tyranny of Spain." This
made
a breach between Henry III. and Philip II. all the more
imminent. Papal diplomacy did all in its power to avert it ;
in the middle of June, 1578, Gregory XIII. sent to Dandino s
assistance in France Fabio Mirto Frangipani Archbishop of
Nazareth, who was on friendly terms with Anjou. 1 The Pope
also arranged with Venice to send a special envoy to France
on June 28th, 1578, 2 in the person of Giovanni Michele, to
back up the efforts of the nuncio. By arrangement with the
French government, Frangipani and Michele, accompanied
by the ambassador of Savoy, went to visit Alencon, who had
been at Mons since July I3th, 1578. Alencon, however, was
by this time so closely allied with the political ends of
Orange
that the eloquent expostulations of Frangipani and his col
leagues were without effect. 3
As against this failure, the Pope had the consolation of
learning that Me"nerbe had at last surrendered, on
December
loth, 1578, after a siege of sixteen months. 4 Soon
afterwards
1 The *" Istruzione al archivescovo di Nazaret,"
dated June
14, 1578, in Barb. LXII., 4, p. i seq. (also Ottob. 2415, P.
i, I
seq.}, Vatican Library. The minute in Var. Polit. CXXIX., p.
75
seq. (Papal Secret Archives) has also an appendix. On June
13,
I 57^, Gregory XIII. had informed the Cardinals of the
appoint
ment ; see *Acta Consist. Cod. Barb. Vatican Library.
2 See the report of G. Michele in ALBERT, I., 4, 379 seq.
8 See the *notes of Dandino, Boncompagni Archives, Rome,
and G. Michele in ALBERT, I., 4, 382 seq. Cf. MAFFEI, I.,
347
seq. ; HANSEN, Nuntiaturberichte, II., xlii., 213, 223.
Odescalchi
"reports on November 22, 1578, the return of Frangipani
from
France, and that he regretted his recall, but Odescalchi
adds :
" S.S t& sa molto ben che fa," Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. For
the agreement between Anjou and the States General, August
J 3 I 57&&gt; see MULLER-DIEGERICK,, Documents
concernant les
relations entre le due d Anjou et les Pays-Bas, I.,
Amsterdam
1899, 408.
4 See the *notes of D. Grimaldi, Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
Cf. THEINER, II., 418 ; MAFFEI, I., 353 ; Lettres de Cath,
de
THE TREATY OF N^RAC. 535
another envoy extraordinary was sent to France. The occasion
of this was the Papal approval which Henry III. had asked
for,
for the establishment of a military Order of the Holy
Spirit.
This Order was to be founded by further tax upon the French
clergy. The Papal envoy, Archbishop Giustiniani of Genoa,
declared that the Holy See, after mature deliberation, could
not give its consent to any further burdening of the French
clergy. 1
Although Gregory XIII., at the beginning of 1579, might
feel at ease as to the position of his territories in the south
of
France, 2 but little good news came from the unhappy kingdom
of Henry III. 3 Things there continued to go from bad to
worse. Not only the Papal nuncio, but the Venetian ambassa
dor, Girolamo Lippomano, draw an almost despairing picture
of the state of affairs in France. 4 Catherine de Medici was
negotiating with the Huguenots as much as ever ; in
February,
I 579> by the secret treaty of Nerac, she granted
favourable
Medicis, VI., 216. According to the *Avviso di Roma of
September 3, 1578, the attack on Menerbe had cost " im
millione d oro." Urb. 1046, p. 304, Vatican Library.
Galli
in his *Memorie estimates the whole expenditure of Gregory
XIII. on Avignon at two millions. Boncompagni Archives,
Rome.
1 See the ""instructions for Giustiniani of
September 22, 1578,
in BORGHESE, II., 462, p. 818, original minute in Var.
Polit.,
CXXIX., p. 138 seq. Papal Secret Archives. Cf. THEINER,
II., 415 seq. ; MAFFEI, I., 350 seq. TORNE, 205 seq. ; see
also the
*notes of Dandino in the Boncompagni Archives, Rome. See
G. Lippomano in ALBERI, App. 53, and the report of L.
Priuli,
ibid. I., 4, 414 seq. ; DUPLEIX, Hist, de Henri III., Paris,
1650,
73 seq. ; CAPEFIGUE, IV., 120 seq.
z See the "report of Odescalchi, Rome, January 17,
1579,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Later on the events at Avignon
caused further anxieties ; see THEINER, III., 197 seq.
3 See the *report of Odescalchi of January 31, 1579, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. Cf. also the complaints of the Pope at the
consistory on February 27, 1579. *Acta Consist. Cod. Barb.
Vatican Library.
4 See G. Lippomano in ALBERI, App. 45, 53.
536 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
terms to Henry of Navarre, which the weak king approved on
March igth. 1
At the beginning of March an extremely pessimistic esti
mate of the state of affairs in France was prevalent in
Rome. 2
How fully justified this was shown by the treaty of May 8th,
1579, between the French government and Berne and Soleure
in defence of Geneva. 3 This was a countermove to the de-
lensive alliance which had been formed on May 8th, 1577,
between the six Catholic cantons and the Duke of Savoy. 4
Henry III. knew very well what scandal would be occasioned
in Rome if France intervened in Switzerland on behalf of the
Protestant party ; he therefore hesitated for a long time as
to whether he should approve the treaty, but at length, in
August, 1579, ne decided to sign it. 5 The feeling of
irritation
increased in Rome when news came in October of the
conclusion
of an alliance between France and England. 6 This news,
however, was not confirmed, but the French court openly
showed its displeasure at the fact that Gregory XIII., who
well realized the mad dissipation that prevailed there,
refused
to make any further financial concessions at the expense of
the
ecclesiastical revenues. For a time it even seemed as though
diplomatic relations between Rome and Paris would be broken
off. It was a matter of real gratification to the Pope when
the
office of French ambassador was again conferred on Paul de
1 See POLENZ, IV., 220 ; Rev. d. quest, hist., LXI. (1897),
352 seq.
* See "report of Odescalchi, March 7, 1579, Gonzaga
Archives,
Mantua.
8 See Schweiz. Abschiede, IV., 2, 1556 seq. ; SEGESSER, II.,
417 seq. ; DIERAUER, III., 348.
4 See Schweiz. Abschiede, IV., 2, 1541 seq. ; SEGESSER, II.,
405 seq. ; DIERAUER, III., 346 seq.
6 See THUANUS, I., 68; SEGESSER, II., 414 n. On August i,
I 579, Odescalchi "reports the displeasure of Gregory
XIII. at
the attitude of Henry III. on this matter. Gonzaga Archives
Mantua.
6 See the "report of Odescalchi of October 6, 1579,
Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua,
THE PEACE OF LE FLEIX. 537
Foix, who arrived in Rome at the end of November, 1579. 1
At the same time the Huguenot war once more broke out,
and again it seemed that the superior forces of the
Catholics
must be victorious over the scattered forces of the
Calvinists.
But Henry III. was too much afraid of the party of the Guise
to be able really to desire the complete defeat of Henry of
Navarre ; accordingly, on November 26th, 1580, the peace of
Le Fleix, which confirmed the treaties of Bergerac and
Ne*rac,
was signed. 2
The man responsible for this peace had been Francis of
Anjou, who now renewed the unfortunate undertaking which
had been abandoned in 1578, and, at the beginning of 1581,
made ready to go the assistance of the insurgents in the
Nether
lands at the head of an army. As Henry III. secretly sup
ported this undertaking, as well as the resistance offered
by
the Portuguese to Philip II., it seemed that there must be
an
open rupture between France and Spain. Gregory XI II.,
in the greatest anxiety, 3 charged Giovan Battista Castelli,
Bishop of Rimini, who was appointed nuncio in France on
April ist, 1581, to avert this danger. 4 This man, who was
1 CORRARO, 286-287. The arrival of P. de Foix is announced
in an *Avviso di Roma of November 29, 1579, Urb. 1047, p.
382,
Vatican Library. For Foix cf. supra, p. 299, n. 3.
8 See POLENZ, IV., 247 seq. During the war, in consequence
of the interference of Henry III. with the publication of
the bull
In coena Domini, to which other princes also made opposition
(cf.
HAUSMANN, Reservatfalle, 379), serious disagreements had
arisen
between Rome and Paris, which were only smoothed over with
great difficulty ; see the *notes of Dandino in the
Boncompagni
Archives, Rome ; DESJARDINS, IV., 336 seq., 338 seq., 343 ;
MAFFEI, II., 117 seq., 204; FOUQUERAY, II., 72. What an un
favourable impression had been made in Rome by the behaviour
of Henry III., even before the peace, is clear from the
*reports of
Sporeno to the Archduke Ferdinand of September 3 and October
I, 1580, Viceregal Archives, Innsbruck.
3 See the *letter of Cusano of March 6, 1581, Nunziat. di
Francia,
XVI., 27, Papal Secret Archives. Cf. TORNE, 207.
4 See the brief in GARAMPI, Sul valore, 317. There were
great
changes in the nunciatures at that time ; see the *report of
Odescalchi of April i, 1581, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua,
538 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
strictly attached to the Church, and belonged to the school
of
Borromeo, 1 reached the royal court at Blois on May 24th. 2
Castelli also had to work against the proposed marriage of
Anjou with Elizabeth of England. He was further charged
to take steps for the publication of the bull In coena
Domini,
and the introduction of the reform decrees of the Council of
Trent. The peremptory language which he was instructed to
employ 3 showed that the patience which Gregory XIII. had so
long shown towards the King of France, was nearly at an end.
Although Castelli showed no lack of zeal, he was able to
accomplish nothing either in political or religious
questions. 4
At the end of October Orazio Malaspina was sent to assist
him
as nuncio-extraordinary. The latter, in accordance with his
instructions, 5 acted even more strongly than Castelli, and
reproved the French government for a long list of misdeeds,
especially for its anti-Spanish policy, which was so
threatening
to the cause of peace. In spite of this, his mission too was
devoid of result. The haughty tone employed by Henry III.
was even surpassed by the expressions which Catherine de
Medici allowed to escape her. 6 At the end of 1581 Cardinal
Galli wrote to Castelli that the whole behaviour of the
French
court was so bad that they must be satisfied if it did not
become
worse. 7
Philip II. sought to turn the strained relations between
France and the Holy See to his own advantage. The Spanish
1 Cf. Letters de P. de Foix, 43. Gregory XIII. gave an
account
in terms of high praise concerning the earlier life of
Castelli at
the consistory of March 29, 1574 * see SANTORI, Diario
consist.,
XXIV., 236.
* See the "notes of Dandino, Boncompagni Archives,
Rome.
The "instructions for G. B. Castelli, dated April i,
1581,
in Barb. 5744, p. 119 seq., Vatican Library. Some extracts
in
TORNE, 208 seq. Cf. also MAFFEI, II., 195 seq. ; RICHARD,
Iipinac, 175, 207 ; PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 259.
* Cf. Lettres de P. de Foix, 161.
6 Dated October 29, 1581, published in TORNE, 269 seq.
6 See MAFFEI, II., 201 seq. ; TORNE, 213.
T See TORNE, 213 n. 2.
NAVARRE HEIR TO THE THRONE. 539
party in Rome joined forces with their diplomatists to
induce
Gregory XIII. to enter into a general defensive alliance of
the
whole of Italy, which was to be apparently directed against
a possible attack on the part of the Huguenots, but was in
reality to become a weapon in the hands ol the King of Spain
against France. He was not successful, however, in inducing
the Pope to change his attitude. The efforts of Gregory
XIII.,
who was quite falsely looked upon by the French court as a
willing tool of Philip II., were principally directed, both
now
and later on, to preventing the outbreak of war between Spain
and France. 1 Girolamo Ragazzoni, Bishop of Bergamo, who
received the nunciature of France on September 28th, 1583,
after the death of Castelli, was instructed to work for the
same
end. The new nuncio, like his predecessor, was a high-prin
cipled man, and he too belonged to the school of Borromeo. 2
Ragazzoni arrived at a critical moment in the affairs of
France, which had fallen into hopeless confusion owing to
the
misgovernment of Henry III., and when the Duke of Anjou,
weighed down with debts and shame, had succumbed to his
excesses at Chateau-Thierry on June loth, 1584.
The premature death of the only surviving brother of the
king, who had no issue, brought the prospect of the
succession
to the throne of Henry of Navarre, the head of the line of
Bourbon, and the leader of the Huguenots, within the realm
of
immediate politics. It is easy to understand that an
indescrib
able anxiety took possession of all Catholics at the idea of
a
relapsed heretic obtaining possession of the crown once
borne
by Clovis and St. Louis. So fai the Huguenots, whenever
they were in power, had raged with rapine, fire and murder
against the Catholics, and had done all they could to
destroy
every trace of the old religion. Even though in many parts
1 See PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 298 seq., 399 seq. ; TORNE, 215
seq.
z See the *notes of Ragazzoni in the Boncompagni Archives
Rome ; MAFFEI, II., 337 ; TORNE, 216 ; the brief to Henry
III.
on the appointment of Ragazzoni in THEINER, III., 455. The
*" Instruttione per il vesc. di Bergamo " in
Qttob. 2415, P. II.,
p. 287 seq. t Vatican Library.
540 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of France they had not been successful in this, yet the
bloody
persecution of the Catholics in Zeeland, Holland and England
clearly showed the French Catholics the fate that was
awaiting
them should a Huguenot obtain possession of the throne.
Broadsheets and pictures brought home to them the bloody
cruelties to which their co-religionists were being
subjected
in those countries, and that cruelties of the same sort
would
be their own lot if Navarre became King of France. 1 Under
these circumstances, the idea of a strong political
organization
of the Catholics, which had been lost sight of after the pro
hibition of every " league, association or brotherhood
"
issued both for them and the Protestants in September 1577,
was bound once more to be put forward. The Catholics now
felt more than ever the need of union for the safeguarding
of
themselves and their faith. The most energetic promoter of
this attempt was Duke Henry of Guise, whose ambition and
spirit of enterprise did not hesitate even at the most
extreme
measures.
The loyalty of Guise to the Catholic Church was beyond
question, but he was too much involved in worldly and
political
interests ever to become its saviour. From the first he
stands
out as the self-interested champion of the Catholics ; 2 at
the
same time he was too shrewd to aim at obtaining the throne
at once for himself. A temporary candidate seemed to be
necessary, in whose name he could rule, and after whose
death
he could assume the crown for himself. He therefore thought
of Cardinal Charles of Bourbon, Navarre s uncle, as the heir
to
the throne after the death of Henry III., which might be con
sidered imminent. The Cardinal was more than sixty years
of age, and had a blameless reputation ; sincerely pious and
attached to the Church, he did not fathom the ambitious aims
1 Cf. supra, p. 509. See also the account in PICOT, Essai
hist,
sur 1 influence de la religion en France, I., Louvain, 1824,
22 seq.
and PRUNEL, La Renaissance cathol. en France au ij 6 siecle,
Paris, 1921, 4 seqq., 6 seqq.
2 See BAUDRILLART, La France chretienne, 359 ; SAULNIER,
92 seq.
FEARS OF PHILIP II. 541
of Guise. 1 His elevation had already been decided upon at a
meeting of the Catholic leaders at Nancy in March, 1584, in
the probable event of the death of the Duke of Anjou without
issue. 2
An anxiety which was certainly no less great than that of
the French Catholics had been caused to Philip II. by the
thought of a Huguenot ascending the throne of France. He
had too often had experience of the way in which, every time
the Huguenots got the upper hand in France, French policy
took an anti-Spanish turn. What then was to be looked for if
a Huguenot became master of the French kingdom ! An extra
ordinary increase in the power of Protestantism in France
might be expected, the consequences of which would have an
incalculable effect in the Low Countries. In that case the
whole position of the Spanish power in western Europe would
be imperilled. 3
Thus Philip II. on one side, and the Guise and the French
Catholics on the other, found themselves driven to look for
help
to each other, but, the King of Spain, no less than the
Guise,
intervened as the self-seeking protectors of the Catholics
of
France. If, especially in Rome, Philip apparently put
religious
interests in the first place, politics were nevertheless the
primary consideration with him ; France must not only remain
Catholic, but must also be kept weak, reduced to the status
of a second-rate power, and always kept under the domination
of Spain. 4 The danger of the French Catholics became
greater
when Henry III. openly showed himself disposed to recognize
Navarre as his successor, in the hope that he would return
to the
Church. 5 Under these circumstances the new organization
of the Catholics, which was formed in September, 1584, took
1 Cf. G. Lippomano in ALBERI, App. 63 ; SAULNIER, 90 seq. ;
107 seq., 253 seq.
2 See CHALEMBERT, 10 seq.
8 See RANKE, Franzos. Gesch., I. 2 , 398.
4 Cf. PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 421 seq.
6 Ragazzoni announces this to Cardinal Galli in a cypher
report of May 29, 1584, therefore even before Anjou was dead
;
see FOUQUERAY, II., 131.
542 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
an entirely different form from the previous one. The "
Holy
League " which was now established, so long as Henry
III.
insisted on recognizing the heretical Navarre as his
successor,
saw no other means of averting this grave danger than to
offer
armed resistance to the king. Naturally the head of the
league was Henry of Guise, but he feared lest he should be
looked upon as a rebel, a thing which he did not conceal
from
the Spanish ambassador in Paris, Giovanni Battista di
Tassis. 1
Naturally the idea occurred to him of shielding himself from
such a charge by obtaining the approval of the Pope. After
Cardinal Pelleve, who was so loyal to the Guise, had
prepared
the ground in Rome, the Jesuit, Claude Matthieu, who was in
close relations with the Guise and Cardinal Bourbon, 2 took
upon himself the difficult task of asking Gregory XIII. for
a
definite declaration. The Pope s reply, which was given on
November i6th, 1584, after long consultation with
experienced
theologians, stated that if the first and principal end of
the
members of the league was the taking up of arms against the
heretics, and they thought that they were strong enough to
be
victorious, in that case he could not but approve of that
under
taking ; the nation too would certainly give its approval to
such a project. Even if this were not the case it was not
necessary that the members of the league should abandon
their
main purpose. 3
1 See I. B. DE TASSIS, Commentarii in HOYNCK v. PAPENDRECHT,
Anal. Belgica, II., i, 443.
2 See FOUQUERAY, II., 131.
3 See the original text of the Papal declaration in the
letter of
Matthieu to the Duke of Nevers, February n, 1585, in
Memoires
du due de Nevers, I., Paris, 1665, 655 seq. RANKE (Papste,
II ., 99) quotes the Papal declaration according to
CAPEFIGUE,
IV., 173, where it is quite erroneously stated:
"persuade que
le roy aura cela pour bien faict." In the original
statement
it is said : " instando ch el regno havevo anco esso
per ben
fatto." In his Franzos. Gesch. (I. 2 , 402) Ranke only
quotes
MAFFEI, II., 379, who, however, only speaks in general
terms.
Galli speaks expressly of the previous consultations with
theolo
gians in his *Memorie, Boncompagni Archives, Rome ; see App.
n. 28.
THE TREATY OF JOINVILLE. 543
The disturbed conditions in which the Catholics of France
found themselves as the result of the attitude of Henry III.
were made worse when Henry of Navarre resolved to adopt
extreme measures. Even while Anjou was still alive he had
been preparing for war, and had sought for help abroad, with
the result that the Catholics found themselves obliged to
have
recourse to similar measures. 1
In January 1585 the plenipotentiaries of Philip II. on the
one hand, and the Duke of Guise with his two brothers and
cousins, as well as Cardinal Charles of Bourbon, on the
other,
entered into the confederacy of Joinville. Their object was
the destruction of Protestantism in France and the Low
Countries, and the exclusion of Navarre from the succession
to
the throne ; Cardinal de Bourbon was proclaimed in his stead
as the next heir to the kingdom. 2 With regard to the
political
advantages which were guaranteed to Spain by this treaty,
among others the possession of Cambrai and French Navarre,
the Guise were able to point to the fact that the Huguenots
had once granted to the English the far more important
position of Le Havre. Nevertheless the treaty of Joinville
was unfortunate in more than one respect. All the
malcontents
in France immediately joined Guise and the league, and their
number was very great, as Henry III. had earned the hatred
and contempt of the whole nation. 3 He gave himself up
alternately to dissipation and exercises of penance, and to
satisfy his favourites allowed them to do what they liked,
while he squandered the revenues of the kingdom upon them.
The mad luxury of the court was in manifest contrast to the
general poverty and distress. The people of Paris, from whose
treasury he had in 1582 forcibly taken 200,000 livres, were
especially angry with the king, and it was in Paris that the
league found the greater number of its adherents. 4
1 See DE MEAUX, 203 seq. Cf. PRUNEL, Renaissance Cathol,
5-6.
2 See DUMONT, V., 441 ; L PINOIS, 8 ; SAULNIER, 115.
3 See Hist, de la Ligue, I., 66 seq. ; cf. 54 n. 2.
4 See CHALEMBERT, n seq.; ROBIQUET, 1203 seq. ; LAVISSE,
Hist de France, VI., i, 241 seq.
544 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
While the weak Henry was hesitating between one side
and the other, he received from Elizabeth the Order of the
Garter, and encouragement to declare war against Spain,
and although, in view of the preparations being made by the
league, he publicly declared that he wished to live at peace
with
Philip II., the adherents of the league nevertheless
published
on March 3ist, 1585, the manifesto of Pe"ronne. Thanks
to
unworthy favourites, this manifesto states, all men have be
come negligent, and both religion and the constitution are
going to ruin ; there is also reason to fear that a heretic
may
ascend the throne after the death of the reigning king.
There
fore a holy alliance has been formed for the preservation of
the
Catholic religion, the rights of the nobles and the
liberties of the
people, the extirpation of heresy and the removal of evil
counsellors. Parliaments must once again be given their due
rights, the new taxes must be abolished, and every man be
protected in his own rights. 1
In order to attain these ends, recourse was to be had to
arms
on April 6th. 2 While France was thus once more plunging
into
war, Gregory XIII. died. His share in the league had been
limited to the verbal declaration of November i6th, 1584,
which favoured a middle course. The Guise, as the Duke of
Nevers told the historian de Thou, were by no means
satisfied
with this. 3
Gregory XIII., who was so well versed in law, was careful
to avoid taking any momentous step. All the pressure that
was brought to bear by the Spanish party in Rome, under the
leadership of Olivares, to force him to issue a bull giving
the
Papal approbation to all that was done by the league, was
to not purpose. 4 It is beyond doubt that it was fully
realized in Rome that among the members of the league
1 See L IIPINOIS, 9 seq. ; PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 420 seq. ;
SAULNIER, 122 seq.
* See L liPiNOis, 10.
See THUANUS, I., 81.
4 Cf. L ^PINOIS, 13 seq. ; TORNE, 219 seq. ; VALOIS in his
edition
of the Hist, de la Ligue, I., 75, n. i.
CATHOLIC LEAGUE IN FRANCE. 545
some were more interested in wresting the sceptre from
Henry III. than in defending the Catholic religion. 1
Even though the leaders of the league spread the report that
the Holy See had unconditionally approved their levying of
money, they were unable to produce any Papal document to
that effect. 2 On the other hand the Papal nuncio was able
to
give proofs to Henry III. that the league had gone beyond
the
facts in their statements. 3 The Guise and their adherents
had
obtained nothing more from Rome than words of encourage
ment for energetic measures against the innovators. That
Gregory XIII. steadily maintained his attitude of cautious
reserve up to the time of his death, is attested not only by
the historian Davila, 4 but also by the Cardinal Secretary
of
State, Tolomeo Galli, 5 and by Sixtus V., whose evidence,
1 See the "report of Ragazzoni of May 23, 1585, Papal
Secret
Archives (used by L liPiNOis, n, n. 2 ; see also DESJARDINS,
IV., 571) the text of which will be given in a future volume
of this work.
* Nor could PHILIPPSON (Granvella, 425) do this, where, more
over, the important information given by L lipinois is
entirely
passed over. On what weak grounds the arguments of
Philippson
are based may also be seen from the fact that he thought he
had
discovered that the Archbishop of Seville, Rodrigo de
Castro,
had received in 1585 " solo ed in una forma eccezionale
il cappello
cardinalizio." In reality the appointment of Castro had
taken
place in 1583 together with that of 18 other prelates ; see
supra
p. 231.
8 See the ""reports of Ragazzoni of April 9 and
29, 1585, in
L PINOIS, 14.
4 DAVILA, II. (1757), 123.
5 See the *Memorie of Galli (Boncompagni Archives, Rome),
App. n. 28. Cf. also RAULICH, Storia di Carlo Emanuele I. di
Savoia, Turin. 1898, 236. The opinion put forward by RANKE
(Papste, I. 8 , 278) that " The French league, which
was so danger
ous to Henry III. and Henry IV., had its origin in the
relations
between this Pope and Guise " has become untenable
after Ranke s
own account in his Franzos. Gesch., I. 2 , 402 ; but in
spite of
this it is still to be found in all subsequent editions of
his History
of the Popes !
VOL. XIX. 35
546 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
as the severe critic of his predecessor, is especially
worthy
of notice. 1
Although the Holy See showed great caution with regard
to the political aims of the French Catholics, it
unreservedly
supported, and with all the greater zeal, those purely
religious
endeavours which were aimed at reviving and strengthening
the Catholic Church in the kingdom of Henry III.
It was entirely in accordance with the views of Gregory
XIII.
when immediately after the massacre of St. Bartholomew, an
intimate friend of Pius V., Giovanni Antonio Facchinetti, ex
pressed the opinion that force alone would not serve to put
an
end to heresy in France. Above all what was required were
good bishops, who would fulfil their duty of residence, and
convert the still numerous Huguenots by their instructions
and example. If the King of France would make up his mind
to make good use of the rights given him by the Concordat,
and the episcopal and abbatial sees were once again filled
by
men who were conscientious and loyal to the Church, then the
state of affairs in France would very soon and very easily
change for the better. I speak at present, Facchinetti adds,
only of the bishoprics and abbacies, because it is useless
to speak
as yet of other reforms, and many of the Catholics
themselves
would be opposed to them. 2 A clear hint is here given that
there was still much work to be done before the work of
Catholic reform could be fully carried out.
As was the case with the other Catholic nations, so in that
of France as well, Gregory XIII. saw in the new Orders of
the
Jesuits and Capuchins the instruments which were best suited
to prepare the way for Catholic reform. It was of great ad
vantage to him that not only the Guise, but Charles IX.,
Henry III., and Catherine de Medici were quite in agreement
with him in this respect. The first attempt of the Capuchins
1 See DESJARDINS, V., 118.
1 See in App. n. 5 the "report of Facchinetti of
September
6, 1572. He again expresses himself to the same effect in
his
"report of September 13, 1572, Nunziat. di Venezia XII.
86,
Papal Secret Archives.
THE CAPUCHINS IN FRANCE. 547
to get a footing in Paris took place as early as I568. 1 In
1573
the General Chapter sent some religious across the Alps into
France, who showed themselves in public for the first time
at
the obsequies of Charles IX. Being themselves of Italian
birth at first they lived with their own fellow-countrymen
in
France. In 1573 the Cardinal of Lorraine gave them a house
at Meudon. They also found favour with Catherine de Medici,
who as early as 1568 had given a convent to the new
religious
at St. Honore, a suburb of Paris ; she now bought for them a
site at Lyons, where they erected a convent in 1574. 2
In this year the Capuchins received a legal status, by
Gregory
XIII. s abrogation of the enactment of Paul III., by which
the Order was restricted to Italy. 3 He did this very gladly
because he built great hopes upon the labours of the
Capuchins,
on behalf of the Church in France. 4 No less important was
the fact that Catherine de Medici obtained official
permission
from Henry III. for the Capuchins to work in France. Con
vents were established at Caen, Roanne, Orleans and Avignon.
5
The Bishop of Paris, Gondi, who at first had been opposed to
the Capuchins, was soon convinced of the value of their
labours,
and the spread of the Order was marvellously rapid ; in 1579
Catherine de Medici laid the first stone of the Capuchin
convent
at Marseilles, for which she had herself given the site. 6
The self-sacrifice displayed by the Capuchins in caring for
the plague-stricken in 1576 7 and 1580, 8 won for them the
1 Cf. Vol. XVIII. of this work, p. 150.
2 See ALENCON, Documents p. s. a 1 hist. de 1 etablissements
des Capucins en France, Paris, 1894, 14, 24, 36.
3 Cf. supra, p. 124.
4 Cf. in App. n. 31 the *report of Salviati, Boncompagni
Archives, Rome.
5 Cf. FORNERY, Hist, du comte Venaissin et d Avignon, II.,
106 seq.
6 See *" Livre des Annales des Religieux Capucins de la
province
de Provence " in Cod, 636. p. 650 seq. of the Library
at Aix
(Provence). Cf BOVERIUS, I., II., and ALENCON, Documents,
Paris, 1894.
7 Cf. SACCHINI, IV., 147.
8 See the *Livres des Annales, loc. cit. Cf. the letter of
the nun
cio Dandino in ALENCON, Documents, 61, n. 4.
54$ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
affectionate gratitude of the populace. In 1581 Toulouse,
the
first city of Languedoc, and the second in the kingdom,
asked
for a convent of Capuchins, who were welcomed there in
triumph in the following year. 1 Although the first
Capuchins
were for the most part Italians, they very quickly found a
firm
footing in France. Their strict poverty and the solemn
manner
in which they sang the office helped greatly to win for them
the love of the people. Their simple churches were distin
guished by their cleanliness and their decorations of fresh
flowers, an innovation, as we are told by the chronicle of
Toulouse. 2 Intent above all things on the welfare of
religion,
the Capuchins in France adhered to the league, but at the
same
time they found supporters even among the friends of Henry
of Navarre. 3
Besides their works of charity the Capuchins also distin
guished themselves above all things as untiring preachers.
The results that they obtained opened the way to them in not
a few cities. The preaching of Father Angelo Bresson in 1585
was followed by the establishment of a convent at
Be"ziers in
the same year ; the same thing happened in 1590 at Nar-
bonne. 4 In 1582 the Capuchins were already established at
Rouen, 5 and in 1585 at Verdun. 6 The conversions among the
1 See GABRIEL DE ST. NAZAIRE, *Recueil chronolog. des choses
qui concernent la fondation et le progres des Capucins d
Aquitaine
ou de Toulouse, in Archives de la Haute Garonne, F. H., Fr.
Capuc.
n. 7, made use of by DOUAIS in his apposite article in La
Con-
traverse, XIII. (1888), 59 seq. Catherine de Medici also
showed
favour to the Capuchin nuns ; see ALBERI, I., 4, 61.
* See Toulouse chretienne. Histoire des Capucins par le P.
APOLLINAIRE DE VALENCE, I., Toulouse, 1897, 7.
3 See DOUAIS, loc. cit. 51.
4 See ibid. 54.
6 Cf. Documents (Paris, 1894), 82 seq.
After 1582 the Capuchins also developed their work in the
Franche-Comt6, at that time Spanish, and founded 19 convents
up to 1612 ; see MOREY, Les Capucins en Franche-Comt6,
Paris,
1882. From Paris the Capuchins went into the Low Countries ;
see APPOLLINAIRE DE VALENCE, Hist, des Capucins de Flandre,
I.,
Paris, 1878, 513.
THE CAPUCHINS AND JESUITS. 549
Huguenots which they succeeded in making were very numer
ous, and an extraordinary impression was created when,
in 1587, the brother of Cardinal Joyeuse, one of the most
important men in the kingdom, entered the Capuchin Order
a few days after the death of his wife ; the king was speechless
when for the first time he saw his old friend bare-footed
and
in his rough habit. 1
With the Capuchins, and emulating them in works of
charity and pastoral labours, came the Jesuits, whose sphere
of action was even wider, for they also devoted themselves
in a special manner to the education of the young. In the
teeth of violent opposition, which came in a special degree
from the University of Paris, the sons of St. Ignatius had
won
for themselves civil rights in France, and during the pontifi
cates of Pius IV. and Pius V. had founded many colleges. 2
Very often, however, these were insufficiently endowed, and
in many places the help given them by the civil authorities
and
private benefactors had failed them, so that the superiors
of
the colleges had to contend with poverty and need. But all
this was not allowed to paralyse the activity of the
religious,
and the difficulties they met with urged them on to greater
sacrifices. No matter how great their privations were, they
continued to devote all their energies, as teachers of youth
and
as popular missionaries, to the preservation, spread and in
crease of the Catholic faith. Extraordinary results rewarded
their efforts. 3
So much the less did their old adversaries relax their efforts.
On the occasion of the accusation of heresy which was
brought
by certain members of the Sorbonne against the celebrated
exegetist, Maldonatus, which was quita unfounded, Claude
Matthieu, the rector of the Jesuit college in Paris, wrote
on
August iQth, 1575, to Gregory XIII. : " Since our
Society
set foot in this kingdom, it has always met with two kinds
of
1 Cf. BROUSSE, Vie du P. Ange de Joyeuse, Paris, 1621 ;
Freib.
Kirchenlexikon, VI. 2 , 1904 seq. ; BREMOND, II., 145 seq.
2 Cf. Vol. XVI. of this work, p. 210 ; Vol. XVIII., p. 150.
3 For details cf. the account of FOUQUERAY (Hist., I. and
II.),
which is in many places based upon unpublished documents.
550 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
powerful adversaries : the heretics, and those doctors of
the
Sorbonne who, from their age and reputation, had the
greatest
influence. Although these two kinds of enemies have occas
ioned us the same dangers and have placed the same obstacles
in our way, our way of combatting them has always been quite
different. In the case of the heretics we were not fighting
against our own adversaries, but against the enemies of God
and the Holy Catholic Church. We have therefore waged
open war against them. But patience and silence have been
the only weapons we thought it right to use against the
doctors
of the university, whose hostility was directed against our
selves, for we recognized them as our brethren. We believed
that the opposition they offered us, and through us to God
and the Church, sprang not so much from any corruption of
heart as from an error of judgment. As far as the heretics
were concerned, we have challenged them, and if they ran
away from us we have pursued them, but when we have been
challenged by the attacks of the university we have made no
reply, fearing lest a just defence might place in their
hands
an unjust motive for thinking themselves attacked. Neverthe
less the doctors have placed far greater obstacles in the
way of
our plans than the heretics have done, and that all the more
easily in that we for our part had no wish to harm
them."
Gregory XIII. took up the cause of Maldonatus, but the
latter, in his dislike of any kind of quarrel, resigned his
chair
and retired to Bourges, where he set himself to writing his
celebrated commentary on the four Gospels. 1 Another shin
ing light of the Jesuit Order in France was Edmond Auger, 2
whom Henry III. chose in 1575 as his confessor. His burning
zeal and eloquence, which won for him the name of the Chry-
sostom of France, brought back several thousand Calvinists
1 Cf. PRAT, Maldonat et 1 universit^ de Paris, Paris, 1856.
8 Cf. besides the early works of Bailly (Paris, 1652),
Dorigny
(Lyons), 1716) and Pe>icaud (Paris, 1828), the works
of FR. J.
BRAND : P. E. Augerius, Frankreichs Canisius, Cleves, 1903,
and
Die Katechismen des Edm. Augerius S.J., Freiburg, 1917. See
also PAULUS in Hist. Jahrbuch, XXXIX., 802.
THE JESUITS IN FRANCE. 551
to the Church. His labours had the same, if not as great
importance, for France as that of his fellow- Jesuit
Canisius
in Germany. Even more than by his words, Auger contri
buted by his writings to the preservation and consolidation
of Catholicism among his countrymen. Besides his ascetical
works he composed polemical ones on the real presence of
Jesus Christ in the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar, and on
the sacraments of the Church, as well as a catechism, of
which
38,000 copies were issued in Paris alone during the course
of
eight years.
Besides Henry III., Cardinal Charles of Guise was especially
a zealous supporter of the Jesuits, for whom he founded in
1572 an academy at Pont-a-Mousson. 1 Here a number of
exceptional young men, such as Peter Fourier, Servais de
Lairuels and Didier de la Cour, received in about 1580 the
in
spiration for their subsequent labours which were to be so
useful to Catholic reform. 2 By the end of the pontificate
of
Gregory XIII. the Society of Jesus had reached so
flourishing
a state that to the two provinces of which it consisted,
that of
Aquitaine and the French province, a third was added, that
of
Lyons. Besides Lyons itself, the latter comprised the
colleges
at Dijon, Avignon, Tournon, Billom and Chambery. The
province of Aquitaine had the great colleges of Bordeaux and
Toulouse, besides those of Rodez and Mauriac. The French
province included, besides the professed house and college
of
Paris, those of Berry, Nevers, Eu, Pont-a-Mousson and Ver
dun. 3 " As the harvest is great " the Cardinal of
Lorraine
wrote to Sirleto on July 2nd, 1578, " we need above all
good
labourers." 4 These the Society of Jesus provided in
great
numbers ; its colleges furnished capable instructors for the
young, eloquent preachers, wise directors for the religious
and
benevolent associations, and skilled pastors of souls. It
was
especially due to the labours of the Jesuits that in many
places
1 Cf. supra, p. 237.
2 See BRMOND, II., 2.
3 See SACCHINI, V., 30.
4 ""Letter dated " ex novo castro in
Lotharingia," July 2, 1578,
Vat. 6180, p. ii, Vatican Library,
552 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the numbers of the Huguenots visibly decreased, and the com
mon folk became more and more Catholic. All this inevitably
had a beneficial effect upon the ancient religious Orders
too,
of whom only the Carthusians had maintained their former
strictness, 1 Gregory XIII. had already brought about a re
form of the Cistercians in 1574. 2 He received special
support
in this from Abbot Jean de la Barriere, who in 1580
introduced
into his monastery a reform according to the primitive rule,
with certain additional austerities. 3 In 1580 the exempt
Benedictines of France resolved, in accordance with the in
junctions of the Council of Trent, to hold a Congregation
every
three years. 4
Besides the Jesuits, several distinguished bishops, such as
those of Rheims, Rouen, Bourges, Lyons, Tours, Narbonne,
Bordeaux, Valence, Paris and Embrun, laboured to rouse
the secular clergy to a new religious strictness. 5 But
these
were an exception, for as late as 1576 Gregory XIII. had to
remind the French bishops in severe words of their duty of
residence. 6 The reason for these scandals lay in the unscru
pulous use made by Henry and his predecessors of the rights
given them by the Concordat. 7 To the repeated warning
addressed to him by the Pope, Henry gave the most
satisfactory
assurances, but in his weakness he adhered to the system
hitherto adopted, which was so advantageous to the crown,
of making use of the lucrative dignities of the Church to
pro
vide for his favourites. The Venetian ambassadors, Girolamo
Lippomano and Lorenzo Priuli, give an appalling picture of
this abuse. In spite of all the promises made to the Pope,
the
1 See BREMOND, II., 2.
2 Bull. Rom., VIII., 73 seq. ; see supra, p. 113.
3 Cf. BAZY, Vie du ven. Jean de la Barriere, Toulouse, 1885.
* Substantially they adhered to this decision ; BERLIERE in
the Revue Benedict. XIV. (1897), 398 seq.
6 Cf. THEINER, Bildungsanstalten, 152 zeq. and Annales, I.,
170 seq. II., 228 seq. RICHARD, P. d Epinac, 80 seq-
6 See THEINER, II., 227 seq.
7 With regard to Charles IX., cf. in App. n. 5 what
Facchinetti
says in his *letter of September 6, 1572, Papal Secret
Archives.
RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS IN FRANCE. 553
practice became worse and worse. Bishoprics and abbacies,
according to the testimony of impartial observers, were
given
by the king to completely unsuitable persons, to laymen, and
even to women and children, and sometimes even to Hugue
nots. These enjoyed the revenues, and left the
ecclesiastical
duties to the care of poor priests who for the most part
were
very ill provided for, so much so that often they trafficked
in
the sacraments. 1
That, in spite of this, religious conditions did not become
even worse, and France did not fall a victim to Calvinism,
was due to the concurrence of several circurnstances. In the
first place ecclesiastical property was to a great extent in
the
hands of the nobles and the crown ; it was therefore very
much
to the interest of both that the Church should not be
altogether
ruined. Henry III. would never personally have consented
to any such thing, and the greater number of the French
people realized that now as before the glorious records of
their
past were intimately bound up with the Catholic faith. 2
Lastly, an important reason was to be found in the labours
of the religious Orders, 3 whose members took to their
hearts
the neglected faithful, and in many places inspired the
Catholic
population with renewed zeal. It was especially among the
lower classes that this religious revival at first took
place.
In this respect Lorenzo Priuli found many encouraging things
to report in 1582, especially with regard to Paris. The
churches there were filled from morning to night on festival
days, and Priuli estimated that the Huguenots had lost 70
per
cent, of their numbers. 4 A religious revival among the
upper
classes was hindered by their great corruption, which found
1 See besides G. Lippomano (1579) in ALBRI, App. 45, 53,
especially the report of L. Priuli (1582), ibid., 4, 413
seq. Cf. also
the *notes of Ragazzoni in the Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
2 Cf. Priuli, loc. cit. 420.
8 The Minorite, Christoforo de Capite Fontium, worked es
pecially on behalf of the veneration of the Blessed
Sacrament, and,
assisted by Gregory XIII., introduced the confraternities of
the
B. Sacrament into France ; see Bull. Rom., 177 seq.
4 See Priuli, loc. cit. 413.
554 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
expression even in the literature. It was above all fatal
that
the court of the last of the Valois gave the worst possible
moral example. The ambassador turned with a shudder from
the mixture of dissoluteness and exercises of piety, between
which the unhappy Henry III. spent his time.
The abuse of the right of nomination on the part of the king
led in 1579, at a meeting of the French clergy at Melun, to
a
demand for the restoration of freedom of election to
bishoprics
and abbacies. At the same meeting another important
question was raised, which was of decisive importance for a
radical improvement of religious conditions in France ; this
was the acceptance of the decrees of the Council of Trent,
which was now demanded by the clergy themselves. 1
Gregory XIII. had already in 1572, by means of the Cardinal
legate Orsini, and in 1574 by means of the nuncio Salviati,
made every advance that lay in his power, in order to obtain
a definite result in this matter, which was so near to his
heart ; 2
but the resistance he met with proved insuperable. The king
and his ministers, as well as the Parliament and the
Sorbonne,
again on this occasion raised every kind of objection. Above
all, the old objection was made that the decrees of Trent
militated against the rights of the crown and the liberties
of
the Gallican church ; 3 it was also suggested that their
intro-
1 See for what follows the important report of Dandino of
July 19, 1579, in THEINER, III., 665 seq. ; MAFFEI, II., 52
seq. ;
MIGNOT, II., i seq., 22 seq., 49 seq., 53 seq., and above
all MARTIN,
Gallicanisme, 143 seq. Cf. also Catal. codic. manuscr. Bibl.
Monac. VII., 189. MAFFEI (Hist., 7) speaks of the acceptance
of
the Tridentine decrees as " unicum malis
remedium."
1 Cf. supra, p. 515 ; MIGNOT, I., 353 seq. ; MARTIN, no seq.
t
116 seq., for the introduction of the decrees of the Council
of
Trent at Carpentras, see Arch. stor. Italiano. 5th. Ser.,
XXXVI.,
413.
* MARTIN (p. 149) very rightly remarks : " Tout le
secret de
1 opposition parlamentaire au concile de Trente est la :
dans
I id6e fausse, caressee par les Politiques, de 1
independance possible,
en matieres religieuses, d une Eglise nationale ; dans le
sentiment
exagere" de leur juridiction laique, qu ils entendaient
substituer
a 1 autorite du pouvoir spirituel. Cette disposition d
esprit se
RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS IN FRANCE. 555
duction would disturb the peace with the Huguenots ; they
even did not hesitate to question whether the introduction
of
the reform decrees was necessary, and to appeal to the suscept
ibilities of the French, who themselves possessed men who
were the equals of Borromeo and Paleotto. It was to no pur
pose that three bishops had recourse to the king in Paris.
Their spokesman, the Bishop of Bazas, Arnauld de Pontac,
spoke with great frankness of the consequences which flowed
from the abuse of the royal right of nomination. He pointed
out that, in addition to innumerable abbacies, priories and
parishes, no less than twenty-eight bishoprics were without
a
lawful pastor, which had led to such great scandals that
there
was reason to fear lest the anger of God should result in
the
ruin of France. In eloquent words he pointed out that the
one
means of salvation lay in the acceptance of the Tridentine
decrees and the restoration of freedom of election. 1
The reply of Henry was almost sarcastic. He said that he
too had always aimed at a reform of the clergy, and that if
this
had not been accomplished the fault was not his, but that of
the clergy who refused to be reformed, who refused to devote
to the poor the third part of their revenues, as was once
the
custom, and, not satisfied with one benefice only, were
always
aiming at getting something more. As far as the freedom of
election was concerned, Henry referred them to the
hereditary
rights of his predecessors, which he too had hitherto
exercised
with the consent of the Pope, and which he intended to main
tain like the Kings of Spain and Poland. With regard to the
acceptance of the decrees of Trent, Henry again referred
to the other Christian princes, who were still hesitating on
that
matter, as well as to the dangers to his own authority and
the
liberty of the Gallican church, and finally to the fact that
there were already plenty of decrees of councils, which were
suitable to serve as a basis for reform. As in all
subsequent
manifeste dans toutes les Conferences qu eurent les delegues
de
L Assemblee de Melum avec les gens du roi."
1 The statements of Pontac were completely confirmed by the
reports of the nuncios ; see MARTIN, Gallicanisme, 152.
556 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
negotiations he adhered firmly to this point of view, 1 some
of
the bishops who were of strict ecclesiastical \iews resolved
to bring about in France the indirect introduction of the
spirit
of the reform decrees of Trent. The critical moment arrived
when at Melun the French Clergy openly declared themselves
in favour of the principles of Catholic reform. 2 The state
of
affairs, however, soon took a turn for the worse, as the
attitude
of Henry III. on this matter was opposed to Canon Law, and
brought him into conflict with Gregory XIII. 3 When the Pope
in 1580, in issuing the bull In coena Domini, sought to act
in
accordance with the spirit of Catholic reform, he had all
the
less reason to doubt of his success as in the case of
several
states which were very jealous of their rights, such as
Venice,
the publication of the bull had been accomplished without
any
difficulties. 4 The nuncio in Paris, Anselmo Dandino, sup
ported by a Jesuit, attempted to cany out the Pope s com
mands, but forthwith met with the opposition of the king,
who, irritated by the reluctant attitude of Oregon* XIII.
towards his constant demands for money, was now making
common cause with the Gallicans. Henry III. had the
printer of the bull arrested, and caused the Parliament to
issue
a severe decree. This body, which was assembled on October
4th, 1580, declared the promulgation of the bull, since it
had
not received the royal placet, to be an act of high treason
and ordered the confiscation of their property in the case
of
those bishops and ecclesiastics who acted in accordance with
the terms of the bull. For a time it seemed as though there
must be a rupture between Rome and Paris, but after deeper
reflection both parties abstained from such a step. The Pope
allowed the French ambassador once more to present himself
at court, and the imprisoned printer in Paris was released.
All
Dandino s efforts, however, to obtain a repeal of the decree
of
1 Cf. the final report of Iipinac, dated Cal. Mart. 1580, in
THEINER, III., 195.
1 See MARTIN, loc. cit. 165.
Ibid. 171 seq.
*" La cosa sin qui e passata quietissimamente "
Bolognetti
report from Venice, June 18, 1580, Nunziat. di Venezia, XXL,
321, Papal Secret Archives.
THE MISSION OF CASTELLI. 557
Parliament, were in vain. 1 The result was a change in the
nunciature.
The Bishop of Rimini, Giovanni Battista Castelli, was
appointed as Dandino s successor on April ist, 1581. This
distinguished man, though he was hampered by his advanced
age, and very often by ill-health, devoted himself to his
task
with both zeal and prudence. At the beginning of 1582,
Castelli obtained the repeal of the decree of Parliament,
and
permissi6n for the publication in France of the bull In
coena
Domini. z After this success it was hoped in Rome that
Castelli would also be able to bring to a successful issue
the
second and more important part of his mission, by opening
the
way to the publication of the reform decrees of the Council
of
Trent by means of the removal of the ordinances of Blois
which were opposed to the Canon Law. But this proved to be
impossible in face of the Gallican tendencies which were so
closely bound up with the national prejudices and interests.
The King of Navarre found allies even among the Catholics
in his protest against the decrees of the Council.
Irreconcil
able Gallicans, proud ecclesiastics, and servile courtiers
took
up their stand like one man against the Pope s representative.
The death which, on August 2/th, 1583, set Castelli free
from
his bodily and spiritual pains, was a real release for that
ailing
man, who had for a long time past been asking for his
recall.
He was buried in the choir of the Cathedral of Notre-
Dame. 3
After the failure of Castelli s negotiations the only hope
for
an improvement of religious conditions in France lay in the
assembling of provincial councils. Such assemblies, by means
of which the reform decrees of Trent could to some extent
be made effective, were held between the years 1581 and 1585
1 See the valuable monograph of RICHARD : Gallicains et
Ultramontains. Une episode de la politique pontificate en
France
apres le concile de Trente 1580 a 1583, in the Annates de
St. Louis,
II. (1898), 409 seq,, 413 seq., 417 seq.
1 See RICHARD, loc. cit.
* See ibid. 431, 437 seq., 461 seq., 469 seq., 479 seq., 481
seq.
Cf. also the excellent work by MARTIN, loc. cit. 171 seq.,
209.
55$ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
at Rouen, Bordeaux, Rheims, Tours, Poitiers, Embrun,
Angers, Bourges and Aix. 1 That the principal cause of the
opposition to the decrees of Trent lay in widespread
Gallican
tendencies, is clear from the report of the Venetian,
Lorenzo
Priuli, in 1582. 2 In common with other correspondents he
shows how little the ruling powers in France cared about the
Papal authority, 3 and that even among the Catholics there
were not wanting men who would have liked to remove the
French Church entirely from the influence of the Holy See,
limited though that already was. Priuli relates that in the
course of his embassy, which included the years from 1579 t
1582, it was twice suggested to the king that he should
cause
the French clergy to elect a patriarch for the kingdom, who
should have the power of granting bulls concerning
benefices.
But Henry III. was not prepared to go as far as that, and
nothing but his personal resistance, so Priuli thought, pre
vented a complete separation between France and Rome, a
1 Cf. LABBE-COSSART, Concil. collectio, XV., 820 seq., 884
seq.,
944 seq., 1002 seq., 1067 seq., 1119 seq. Cf. THEINER, III.,
357 seq.,
455 se( l- > MIGNOT, II., 85 seq. ; Gallia christ.,
II. and III. ; PICOT,
Essai historique sur 1 influence de la religion en France,
I., Lou vain,
1824, 26 seq. ; CLAUDE DE SAINTES, Le concile prov. tenu a
Rouen,
Paris, 1853 ; SAULNIER, 98 seq. The *Acta concilii Burdegal.
1582, in Cod. Borgia lat. 349, Vatican Library. The
provincial
councils busied themselves in detail with the establishment
of
seminaries recommended by the Council of Trent, just as in
1567
Cardinal Guise had planned such a one at Rheims (see DEGERT,
Hist, des Seminaires Francais, I., Paris, 1892, 42 seqq.}.
The
foundations begun by the latter at Rouen, Bordeaux, Aix and
Toulouse had failed. See DEGERT, loc. cit. 52 ; LETOURNEAU,
La mission de Jean- Jacques Olier, Paris, 1906, 21 seqq. Cf.
BERTRAND, Hist, des Seminaires de Bordeaux, I., Bordeaux,
1894; BONENFANT, Les Seminaires Normands au i6 e et 17-
siecle, Paris, 1905.
2 See ALBERT, I., 4, 441.
8 Cf. the opinion of Serafino Cavalli in his report of 1574,
in ALBERI, I., 4, 337. The pessimistic view of the state of
affairs
in France held by Gregory XIII., is brought out by P.
TIEPOLO
(p. 229).
RELIGIOUS FUTURE OF FRANCE. 559
thing which found many supporters in the Parliament of
Paris at that time. 1
Thus, at the end of the pontificate of Gregory XIII., the
religious future of France was no less dark than the
political
outlook. The hope of better times, as Charles Borromeo
rightly pointed out to a French diplomatist, rested now as
before on the work of Catholic reform obtaining a stronger
hold. 2 Gregory XIII. worked with all his might to that end,
in spite of the unfavourable conditions ; his merit
consisted
in having prepared the way for the great revival of the
Church
in France which took place later on. 3
1 See Priuli in ALBERT, I., 4, 441-2. Grave dangers were
also
threatened by the constant efforts of Henry III. to obtain
from
the Pope permission to sell Church property. A cypher
*report
from Rome on October 8, 1580, states as to this : " II
clero di
Francia sta disperato perche conosce che il Re attende a
destruger
1 entrate sue senza far acquisto alcuno per la sua corona,
onde il
card. Ramboglieto ha detto al papa liberamente che se S.S
tSl
non trova modo di consolar quel clero se non di venter a
ugonotto
si dichiarera scismatico." Mss. Edmond Favre, LXII.,
in.,
University Library, Geneva.
2 See FREMY, 329 seq.
8 Cf. RICHARD, he. cit. 485.
APPENDIX
OF
UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS
AND
EXTRACTS FROM ARCHIVES
VOL. XIX.
APPENDIX.
PRELIMINARY NOTICE.
The following documents are intended to confirm and com
plete the text of my book ; it has formed no part of my plan
to provide a true and full collection of documents. In every
case the place where the document was found is given with
the
greatest possible exactitude. From considerations of space
I have had to be sparing in the matter of explanatory notes.
As far as the text is concerned, I have, as a rule,
preserved
intact the wording of the documents or letters, which for
the
most part I have had before me in the original ; there is no
need for me to justify the changes I have made in the matter
of capital letters and punctuation. Where I have ventured
on alteration, I have always noted the fact, though small
mistakes and obvious copyist s errors have not been
specially
noted. The additions which I have made are enclosed in
square brackets, while unintelligible or doubtful passages
are
marked by a note of interrogation or by the word "
sic."
Those passages which I have purposely omitted, either when
copying the documents or in preparing them for the press,
and which were not essential or were unnecessary to my
purpose, are marked by dots ( ).
I. PlUS IV. NOMINATES UCO BONCOMPAGNI CARDINAL. 1
1565, March 12, Rome.
Pius etc. Dilecto filio Ugoni S. Roman ae Ecclesiae presby-
tero cardinali Boncompagno nuncupate salutem etc.
Romana Ecclesia omnium ecclesiarum mater . . . Tu
siquidem cum Bononiae patriae tuae iura publice doceres,
multis iam annis laudabiliter in ea exercitatione
consumptis,
in collegium duodecim abbreviatorum litterarum apostolicarum
maioris praesidentiae aggregatus, nee multo post a felicis
1 See supra, p. 13,_20.
563
564 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
recordationis Paulo papa tertio praedecessore nostro in num-
erum referendariorum utriusque Signaturae suae cooptatus,
inde ad multa publica officia arduaque negotia domi
forisque,
prout res tulit, delegatus, ex omnibus rebus tractandis
iudican-
disque ingenitam semper seventatem pari aequitate coniunc-
tam retinens, insigne virtutis decus maximamque tibi apud
omnes gloriam comparasti. Subsignandis libellis supplicibus
gratiae a piae memoriae Paulo papa quarto etiam prae
decessore nostro praepositus, hoc munere hucusque diligenter
perfunctus fuisti, hisque tanti ponderis negotiis sine
inter-
missione impeditus, Vestanam ecclesiam, cui dictus Paulus IV.
praedecessor te pastorem praefecerat, solo Vestani episcopi
nomine contentus, in manibus nostris libere dimisisti. Bis
denique ad Concilium Tridentinum profectus, cum in dicendis
illic sententiis, turn in tuendis Romanae Ecclesiae et
nostra
hucusque Sanctae Sedis auctoritate, dignitate et libertate,
qua praestares doctrina, fide et constantia palam omnibus
ostendisti . . .
Anno Incarnationis Dominicae millesimo, quingentesimo,
sexagesimo quarto, quarto idus martii, Pontificatus nostri
anno sexto.
[Reg. 2002, p. 2og-209b, Papal Secret Archives.]
2. POPE GREGORY XIII. TO KING PHILIP OF SPAIN. l
1572, August 23, Rome.
He praises the king s resolve to have the Bible corrected
at his own expense, and to publish it in four languages ;
this
is a royal work which is of great value to Christendom,
since in
it are contained the whole of Dogmatic Theology and Moral,
the
two parts of our salvation " ut nihil possit esse horum
librorum
lectione dignius, nihil fructuosius, nihil omni hominum generi
accommodatius, nihil maiori doctrina et sapientia
refertius."
Philip has deserved well of all Christendom, in that he has
not allowed himself to be frightened by the difficulties,
nor by
so wide an interval of space. May every reader be brought
by means of this work to Our Lord !
(Brevia Gregorii XIII., 1572, n. 197, Papal Secret
Archives.]
1 See supra, p. 279.
APPENDIX. 565
3. CARDINAL GALLI TO THE FRENCH NUNCIO A. M, SALViATi. 1
1572, August 27, Rome.
Non ha havuto N. S. dopoi che e asonto al pontificate mag-
gior pensiero nel animo ne che piu 11 prema che di
accrescere
le forze de la s. lega operando che li principi Christian!
vi en-
trine- perch e conosce molto bene che contra cosi potente
nimico
come e il Turco bisogna molta forza ad assaltarlo et
opprimerlo,
ne quelle de principi collegati al presente bastano a far
questo
cosi compitamente come conviene, et vedendo S. B ne che
gi siamo per entrare nel autunno, nel qual tempo si suole
trattar qui del imprese del anno future, non ha voluto
tardare
a cercar di tirar in lega la M u del Re Christ 1110 , nel
quale S. S ta
ha posta gran parte de la sua speranza per la prosperita di
cosi santa impresa, la quale e per liberare da misera
captivita
et servitu de Turchi infinite numero di populo christiano et
per scaricare molti mali humori che sono et possono accres-
cersi ne principi et popoli christiani, et considerando S.
B.
che per simile negocio tiene legato al Imperatore il card.
Commendone, il quale sebene li giorni passati ando in
Polonia
et vi doveva stare fin che fusse eletto il nuovo re, pure si
tiene
per fermo che per tutto Settembre haveva vedulo il fine de
questi negotii di Polonia et sara in corte di S. M u Ces.,
ha
voluto S. S tA havere anco appresso la M ta Christ, un suo
legato per questo medesimo effetto de la lega, la quale
oltre
1 esser di tanta importanza per il servitio di Dio et de la
fede
Christiana, verra ancora a stabilire una ferma et sincera
pace
et unione tra S. M u Christ, et il Re catolico et dara
commodita
di liberar cotesto regno di molti inquieti et mali humori et
sara
causa ancora che 1 Imperatore piu prontamente si resolvera
ad entrarvi.
Pero S. B. 1 altr hieri in concistoro creo legato suo in
Francia 1 ill. card. Orsino . . .
[Concept. Nunziat. di Francia, 283 p. 64. Papal Secret
Archives.]
4. CONSISTORY OF 5 SEPTEMBER, 1572. 2
Romae apud S tum Mar cum die Veneris 5 septembris 1572
fuit Consistorium in quo S mus Dominus noster gratulatus est
1 See supra, p. 498.
1 See supra, p. 503,
566 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
rev mis dominis de occisione Gasparis Colingii admirantis
Galliae et aliorum Hugonottorum et mandavit per rev mum
Comensem legi literas nuntii Sanctitatis Suae, in quibus
con-
tinebatur qualiter ipse Caspar cum suis sequacibus fuerat
occisus, et proposuit Sanctitas Sua agendas esse gratias Deo
et missam celebrandam in ecclesia B tae Mariae de Aracoeli
et
quod indicatur lubilaeum et quod post Consistorium cantetur
canticum Te Deum laudamus etc. in ecclesia S w Marci.
[Arch. Cone. Acta consist. Miscell. 24 p. 83. Papal Secret
Archives.]
5. Giov. ANT. FACCHINETTI TO CARDINAL GALLIC
1572, September 6, Venice
. . . Hora habbiamo a sperare certo che le cose di Fiandra
debbano passar bene, perche oltra gli altri rispetti si puo
mostrare al Re Christianissimo che S. M ta per interesse
propiio
e costretta di desiderare et procurare di reprimere i
progressi
de gli Ugonotti di Fiandra et del prencipe d Oranges loro
capo,
sendo veri-simile che buona parte de gli heretici di Francia
habbia in questa proscrizione a fuggire all essercito di
Oranges
in Fiandra, ove s egli restasse superiore, la M ta Christ 01
*
havria di certo d aspettare la guerra nel regno suo . . .
II mandar 1 ill mo sig re card. Orsino legato in Francia e
stato grandemente lodato da questi signori. Piaccia a Dio
che
la M ta Christ ma sappia conoscer bene questa occasione. L
armi
et la forza le sono state necessarie, ma non le basteranno,
se non
si risolve di nominare a i vescovadi persone che possino con
la
residenza, con la dottrina, con I essempio della vita et
buona
distributione dell entrate, ridurre gli Ugonotti, che
restano et
i quali sono moltissimi, al gremio di santa chiesa. Sua
Maesta
Christ ma ha sempre mostrato in questo buona inclinatione,
ma nelle vacanze, importunata poi da favoriti, non tiene
memoria di quei soggetti che sariano opportuni per servigio
di
Dio et del suo regno. Onde saria necessario che di tre o
quattro, che furono proposti da i capitoli de le chiese, Sua
M ta
si contentasse di nominarne uno, si come si fa in qualche
altro
regno, o pur eleggere un collegio di X o XII huomini
timorati
di Dio et nominar solamente quei che fossero approbati da
loro,
o trovare qualche altro modo co 1 quale S. M ta si potesse
sempre iscusare dalla importunita degli ambitiosi et
favoriti e
1 See supra, p. 512, 546, 552.
APPENDIX. 567
sodisfare al servigio di Dio et alia necessita del suo
regno.
Quando anco S. M tdi si risolvera di nominare alle badie persone
religiose et procurar che ritornino a darsi in titolo, fara
cosa
utilissima per se, perche nella Francia s usa quasi per
tutto la
primagenitura et i Francesi sono di natura inquieti ; onde,
se
non e tenuto modo da trattenere i secondogeniti, che sono
pur
gentirhuomini et allevati da grandi, e necessario che sempre
siano amici et cupidi di novita. E chi osservera bene T
historic
di Francia, trovera che il phi efficace modo era di
trattenerli
nella religione con queste badie, percio che, oltra il
titolo
principale, v erano nei monasterii molti uffici et benefici
rego-
lari dependent! da collatione de gli abbati, con che si dava
da
vivere a infmita quantita di gentir huomini, onde moltissimi
s indrizzavano alia vita monastica, nella quale instituiti
alia
quiete erano alieni dalle seditioni et tumulti.
lo so che alcuni minis tri del Re soleano, per loro passioni
particolari, dire che S. M t& si farebbe gran danno, se
ristrin-
gesse 1 uso delle sue nominationi, perche non potria cosi
libera-
mente ricompensare, co l dar vescovadi et monasterii, molti
servigi fattole, ma non s aveggiono che, per opinione di
tutti
etiandio de gentili, che scrivono del governo di stato,
republica
o regno non puo mantenersi lungamente dove i sacerdoti man-
cano delToffitio loro, e dovriano pur conoscere che, mentre
le
chiese non hanno servito a questa ricompensa, il regno nel
sangue che e per 600 anni e ito prosperando ; et che per
con-
trario, da poi che il re Francesco primo comincio a disporre
de
vescovadi et delle badie et delle decime de i beneficii come
di
cose profane, nel regno cominciarono gli humori dell heresia
et sono iti crescendo tanto che hanno quasi causato la
rovina
della Francia. II commodo che contra 1 instituto de suoi
mag-
giori s e preso delle decime et del nominare a i vescovadi
et
monasterii per compiacenza propria, non e stato tanto che
non sia stato poi molto maggiore il pericolo et la spesa,
che di
necessita si e fatta nel reprimere con 1 armi quei scelerati
heretici, gli autori de quali non hanno mezo alcuno piu
potente
che il fomentarsi con mostrare la mala elettione et il male
essempio di questo et quel prelato. Onde se il Re vorra che
si
rimedii a questo abuso, le cose di Francia si ridurranno con
facilita et in breve tempo a buon termine. Parlo di questo
capo solo, si perche 1 entrare in altre riforme, I infermita
degli
huomini si grande che s offenderiano in quel regno gli animi
568 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
di molti catolici, il che adesso non torna forse a proposito
; si
perche, sempre che fusse provisto di buoni vescovi, et che i
monasterii si ritornassero a dare in titolo a i religiosi,
la riforma
senza strepito alcuno verrebbe a introdursi et ad haver
luogo
da se stessa . . .
[Orig. Nuziat. di Venezia, XIL, 80-83. Papal Secret
Archives.]
6. GALEAZZO CUSANO TO THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN IT. 1
1572, September 6, Rome.
" Hieri consistorio : " the cross to Cardinal
Orsini, " et lo
licentio per T inaspettata nuova " to France ..."
ma volse
il Papa finito il concistorio andare in processione pontifi-
calmente accompagnato dalli cardinali fin alia chiesa di San
Marco cantando il Tedeum ringratiando N. S r Dio c havesse
a un tempo liberate il Re Chr mo con li suoi cattolici, ma
tutto
1 regno di Francia et anco la Sede Apostolica dal gran
pericolo
li soprastava, se 1 armiraglio con li suoi complici
mandavano
ad effetto il trattato havevano, ch era d amazzare il Re con
tutta la casa sua regia et farsi re, per poter tanto meglio
aiutar
li ribelli di Fiandra et venire in Italia alia distmttione
del stato
ecclesiastico et di Roma."
The death of the admiral would be very disagreeable to
the Florentine, " perche si tiene per certo fusse
consapevole
d ogni trattamento facevano contra di S.M.Chr ma . Tutta
Roma st in allegria di tal fatto. ..."
[Orig. State Archives, Vienna, Romano,.}
7. CARDINAL ZACCARIA DELFINO TO THE EMPEROR
MAXIMILIAN II. 8
1572, December 13, Rome.
" Admirantur hie omnes homines rectos et insignes hos
actus S. S tis maxime quod nepotem habet ill. card. S. Sixti
cui ad hanc usque diem neque quadrantem in proventus
dedit," neither a pension from the archbishop of
Narbonne,
nor the office of Grand Penitentiary (quae a multis annis
semper fuit collata nepotibus summorum pontificum) 3 , nor
the post of arch-priest of S. Maria Maggiore.
[Orig. State Archives, Vienna, Romana.]
1 See supra, p. 504, 511.
* See supra, p. 31.
Cardinal S. Sisto [F. Boncompagni] only received the
Penitentiaria at the
third vacancy ; it was first held by Cardinal Aldobrandini,
and then by Howius,
See the *notee of Musotti in the Boncompagni Archives, Rome,
APPENDIX. 569
8. EXPENDITURE OF CARDINAL RICCI ON THE VILLA MEDICI
IN ROME UNTIL ITS COMPLETION, J-572. 1
Vigne e terreno acquistato . . scudi 3792.30
Spianatura del medesimo . . ,, 1459.94
Calce 4748.40
Pozzolana ,, 1301.61
Pietra 981. 28J
Mattoni 1261.10
Acqua ,, 514.68
Robe prese a minuto . . . 679.50
Opere spicciolate . . . ,, 1924. 24 J
Lavori di scarpello . . . ,, 3368.65
Manifattura di muraglie . . ,, 5569. 86 J
Ferramenti . . . . ,, 1102. 44!-
Legnami e fattura . . ,, I357-96J
Arbori e piante . . . ,, i68.6?J
Bestie e loro arnesi . . ,, 1324.00
Bassi relievi e colonne . . ,, 646.50
Condottura di acqua e condotti . ,, 665. 32^
Mobili . . . . . ,, 950.00
Total scudi 31816.484
[Copy Ricci Archives, Rome, IX.]
9. REPORT ON POPE GREGORY XIII., HIS COURT, AND THE
COLLEGE OF CARDINALS. 2
Codex 39 6.13 (formerly Nr. 714) of the Corsini Library,
Rome, contains, running from p. 402 to p. 446, a "
Relatione
della corte di Roma fatta in tempo di Gregorio XIII."
This
work, which is dated Rome, February 20, 1574, is from the
pen of an unknown diplomatist who wished to warn his
successor. Ranke (Papste III., note n. 44) praises this
" very
instructive report " as bearing " every mark of
truthfulness "
but only quotes one point from it. Its abundant matter
justifies its publication in the fullest possible form.
I. The author begins with the general expression " La
piu
difficile et piu fallace cosa che sia al mondo e il voler
far vero
giuditio degli animi degli huomini et voler far professione
di
1 See supra, p. 219.
2 See supra, pp. 30, 31, 32, 36, 40, 53, 55, 56, 58, 59, 66
172, 216, 222
297, 340, 350.
57 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
conoscerli nell intrinseco " ; it is even more
difficult to pass a
judgment upon princes, since they have " altretanto
rispetti
quanto interessi nelle loro operation!." He therefore
wishes
to comply with the command of his master and sketch a
" ritratto vero delle cose : diro come si giudica nella
corte
et come la intendo."
Dico adunque che N. S re nacque in Bologna d antica
famiglia, studio in leggi civili et canoniche, si adottoro,
lesse
publicamente nella citta, poi venne in questa corte, nella
quale
e vivuto molt anni, salendo per tutti li gradi dagli innmi
al
maggiore, et e vivuto sempre con buon nome di huomo da
bene et giusto, seguendo propriamente il cognome di Buon
Compagno ; non e stato scropuloso ne dissoluto mai et li
sono dispiacciute le cose mal fatte et le ha abhorrite
biasman-
dole publicamente et ancora non ha laudato negli altri tempi
gli estremi rigori. Fu fatto cardinale da Pio IV passato et
favorito dal cardinale Altemps in concorrenza d altro che
favoriva Borromeo, et havendo havuto la signatura de brevi
nel pontificato di Pio V parlava molto liberamente in favore
della corte et alle volte con puoco piacere del Papa, il
quale
essendo morto dal medesimo Altemps quale prima unitosi
con Medici et poi con Alessandrino il fecero Papa in 1}
hore,
cosa insolita a farsi et che ncn si aspettava cosi presto.
Di poi
assonto che e stato al pontificato in eta di 71 anni ha
parso
ch habbi voluto mutar natura et il rigore che era solito
biasimar in altri, massime nel particolare del vivere con
qualche licenza con donne n e stato piu rigoroso dell ante-
cessore et fattone maggior esecutioni et parimente nella
materia
del giuoco si e mostrato rigorosissimo, perche havendo certi
ill mi principiato a trattenersi nel principio del
pontificato con
giuocar qualche scudo, li riprese acremente, ancora che
alcuni
dubitorono che sotto il pretesto del giuoco si facesse nuove
pratiche di pontificato per un poco di male ch hebbe S. S
ta>
in quel principio, et da questo comincio a calare quella
ripu-
tatione o opinione che si voleva far credere dalT ill mo de
Medici d haver lui fatto il Papa et doverlo governare, la
qual
cosa fece chiaro il mondo, quanto S. S ta abhorrisse che
alcuno si
vogli arrogar di governarlo o ch habbi bisogno d esser
governato, perche non vuol essere in questa opinione di
lasciarsi governare a persona. Perche in effetto nelle cose
della giustitia n e capacissimo et la intende et non bisogna
APPENDIX. 571
pensar di darli parole. Ne maneggi di stati S. S ta ne
potria
saper piu, perche non vi ha fatto molto studio et sta sopra
di se
allevolte irresolute, ma considerate che v habbi sopra n e
benissimo capace et nelT udire le opinioni discerne
benissimo
il meglio. patientissimo et laboriosissimo et non sta mai in
otio et piglia ancora poca ricreatione, da continuamente
audienza et vede scritture ; dorme poco, si leva per tempo
et
fa volentieri esercitio et li piace 1 aria, quale non teme
per
cattiva che sia, mangia sobriamente et beve pochissimo et e
sano senza sorta alcuna di schinelle. grato in dimostrationi
esteriori a chi gli ha fatto piacere non e prodigo, ne quasi
si
puo dire liberale secondo 1 opinione del volgo, il quale non
considera o discerne la differenza che sia da un prencipe
che
si astenghi dall estorsioni et rapacita a quello che
conserva
quello che ha con tenacita. Questo non brama la roba
d altri ne gli insidia per haverla, non e crudele ne
sanguino-
lente, ma temendo di continue delle guerre si del Turco come
degli heretici li piace di haver somma di denari nelT erario
et conservarla senza dispensarli fuor di proposito et n ha
intorno ad un milione e mezzo d oro. E pero magnifico et
li piaciono le grandezze et sopra tutto e desideroso di
gloria,
il qual desiderio il fa forse trascorrere in. quello che non
piace
alia corte, perche quest! r di padri Chiettini che 1 hanno
conosciuto se li sono fatti a cavaliero sopra con
dimostrarli
che li credito et autorita, che haveva Pio V, non era se non
per la riputatione della bonta et con questo il tengono
quasi
che in filo et il necessitano a far cose contro la sua
natura et
la sua volonta, perche S. S u e sempre stato di natura
piacevole
et dolce et le ristringono a una vita non consueta et e
opinione
che per far questo si siano valsi di far venire lettere da
loro
padri medesimi di Spagna et d altri luoghi, dove sempre
fanno
mentione quanto sia comendata la vita santa del Papa
passato,
quale ha acquistato tanta gloria con la reputatione della
bont et delle reforme, et con questo modo perseverano loro
in dominar et havere autorita con S. B ne , et dices! che
sono
aiutati ancora dal vescovo di Padova 1 nuntio in Spagna,
creatura di Pio V et di loro. Brama tanto la gloria, che si
ritiene et sforza la natura di fare di quelle dimostrationi
ancor
verso la persona del figliuolo, quali sariano riputate
ragionevoli
et honeste da ogn uno per li scrupoli che li propongono
1 Niccol6 Ormaneto,
572 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
costoro, et in tanta felicita che ha havuto S. S t& di
essere
asceso a questa dignita di basso stato, e contrapesato da
questo oggetto et dall havere parenti quali non li
sodisfanno,
et che a S. S tdi non pare che siano atti o capaci de
negotii
importanti et da commetterli le facende di stato, perche il
fratello, quale da solo, lo lascia a Bologna ne si e curato
che
venghi in corte sin hora, ne manco gli altri dui figli di
detto
fratello, che il primo ha pero mandate al governo d Ancona ;
solo ha ritenuto qua il terzo figlio ch e secondo genito,
qual
fece cardinale ne primi di havendolo tenuto prima qui con
lui, qual e buon gentilhuomo, ma come giovane che ha atteso
alii studii delle leggi, non ha molta conoscenza delle cose
del
mondo, et sebene N. S re 1 ha proposto alia soprintendenza
delle cose del stato ecclesiastico, vi ha pero posto
appresso
diversi signori et fatto una consulta, dove si leggono li
memor-
iali, le lettere et si risolvono le facende, et del restante
S. S.
Ill ma non si travaglia, anzi N. S. vuol ogni di intender da
lui
tutto quello si tratta nella consulta, et li da di sua bocca
le
determinationi. Non li da S. S u molta autorita, sebene non
li dispiace che gli adimandi delle gratie et si procuri
degli
amici et servitori, sebene e S. B ne stretta a concederle.
II sig r
Giacomo che e il figliuolo et amato da lui, qual fece
castellano
ne primi di et poi li diede la carica dell armi, ha cervello
et
capacita et forse ha mira et desiderio di cose grandi et
patisce
infinitamente stando in otio. Questo solo gli e grato et
quelli
piaceri e gratie che vuole le ottiene quando vi si mette,
perche
parla vivamente col Papa che 1 ascolta et si replica, cosa
che
fanno pochi.
II Papa si promette cosi lunga vita che crede haver tempo di
provedere al figliuolo et agli altri et spera che habbino da
venir dell occasioni che senza porre in compromesso la
riputatione li potra accomodar tutti.
Di natura si crede che S. S tdp sia d animo francese, et che
se la M ta del Re Christ rao havesse pensieri et aspirasse
alle
cose d Italia, che saria sempre congionto con lui si per la
inclinatione propria come per gli accidenti che tutto di
occor-
rono et per il puoco conto, che tiene il Catolico et quel
suo
consiglio di S. S tA et di questa corte, conoscendo loro di
non
havere chi li facci contrapeso, non aspirando li sig rl
Francesi
ne altri catolici alle cose d Italia di presente,
strapazzano
ogn uno et per questo sempre vi sono occasioni di dispareri
APPENDIX. 573
per la giurisdittiorie ecclesiastica si nel regno di Napoli
feudo
della chiesa come nel stato di Milano, ne pare che nelli
par-
ticolari succeduti nel tempo della lega et nella causa dell
arcivescovo di Toledo si possa chiamar sodisfatto S. B ne di
quel Re et li Venetian! hanno dimostrato che le pace che
furono necessitati di fare, causo tutta dal Re et dal
conseglio
per la longhezza et lentezza de suoi apparati.
Desidera infinitamente S. S ta la gloria et conseguentemente
vorria una nuova lega contra il Turco overo un grande
apparec-
chio contra heretici, premendo a S. S tdl di ridurre gli
heretici
alia fede cattolica, et per una di queste occasioni faria
tutto
il possibile parendogli che una sola di queste operationi il
potesse far passar di credito il suo antecessore et vincerlo
di
gloria et vi attende con fatica et spesa, et di gia ha
introdotto
un collegio di Germani, quali si nutriscono qui ad imparar
lettere et il rito catolico, con molta spesa et diligenza.
Assonto che fu al pontificate chiamo al suo servito il card,
di Como, quale fu secretario di Pio IV et creato cardinale
da
lui, il quale si va conservando nell ufntio et nell
autorita,
con tutto che li signori nipoti et il figliuolo havessero
desiderate
haver quel luogo, che si suol dare a nepoti et a piu
prossimi.
Ma il Papa ha questa natura oltra la gratitudine, che teme
esser tenuto inconstante, et li pare d haver obligo al card,
di
Como, il quale ha forse fatto degli uffitii per lui nel
tempo dell
elettione o prima, et percio mai rimove quelli a chi propone
a un servitio se non per un demerito, et ha molto rispetto
ad
ogni qualita di persone, benche chiaritosi della malignita,
tristitia et mancamento d un suo ministro o servitore lo
lascia ne piu puo pensare colui di riconciliarselo, perche
vi
& risoluto dentro, et si e veduto nel Scadinari, quale
era prima
suo servitore et per certa occasione lo licentio ; in
Massimo
Cratta, quale haveva domandato al servitio della Camera
creato che fu Papa et lui abuso della gratia di S. S ta et
fu
forzato cacciarlo ; in Giov. Druetto, che deputo vicedatario
che per haver pigliato certi presenti, lo levo dall officio
et
dalla gratia sua ; nelli Musotti, quali erano in cosi ferma
opinione che aspiravano al cardinalato, che havendo scoperto
la loro malignita et interesse, furono esclusi di modo che
non
hanno piu a dito a parlargli. Detto card, di Como usa un
arte
grande in conservarsi et sa secondare alle voglie del Papa,
quale
havendolo trovato poco instrutto delle cose di stato, si e
andato
574 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
avanzando per quello che negotio lui al tempo di Pio IV, con
tutto che si creda che li minis tri de principi negotiano
mal
volentieri con lui et desiderassero piutosto trattare con
uno
de nepoti, non ardiscono venir a quest atto di declarasi o
dirlo al Papa, dubitando se non ottenessero 1 intento loro
di
nemicarsi quel ministro, quale e havuto per astuto et cupo,
che potria nuocere a loro negotii.
Ha S. S t& un altro nepote, figlio di sorella, qual e il
s. Filippo
Guastavillani, quale ha cervello et intelette et e amato dal
Papa et si trattiene col s. Giacomo, et si crede che lo fara
cardinale con la prima occasione et saria atto ad esser
proposto
a tutte le facende et negotii importanti. Ma come e detto
il Papa e tale che senza causa non rimove uno da quell
uffitio
a che 1 ha domandato.
Desider[a] S. S t& la pace et quiete d Italia et per
molta
occasione che potesse havere non s intricava in guerre et
non ha voluto ingerirsi per questo nelli tumulti d Urbino,
ne manco appropriarsi le passioni d altri, perche li signori
Fiorentini, quali si promettevano molt[o] di S. S tA ,
havendo
tenuto per prima una lunga amicitia et fatto professione di
haverlo voluto Papa et aiutatolo in effetto, non hanno
potuto
ottenere la confirmatione del titolo ne altre cose che hanno
ricerche in pregiuditio d altri, anzi S. S t& si declare
non voler
dispiacere all Imperatore, ne manco al duca di Ferrara, con
tutto ch havesse qualche occasione con S. Eccellenza per li
confini con li Bolognesi et per conto dell acque, come per
la
differenza de sali et del transito del Po, anzi va tolerando
et
ascoltando continuamente pratiche d accordo et sopporta ogni
cosa per non venire alia rottura, havendo questa mira di non
lasciar odio ne brighe al figliuolo o parenti, ne manco ha
dimostrato animo di volerli alzar troppo, ne di volerli
appogiare
a principi o dargli stati, havendo fatto li parentadi in
Bologna
ben con delle prime famiglie di quella citt& et ricusato
partiti
de principi. Non solo non e crudele, ma usa molta clemenza
nel punire li delitti, gratifica molti della patria massime
con
uffitii pertinenti a dottori, quali ama et ne tien conto.
parso alle volte che habbi lasciato, anzi fuggito le
occasioni
che se gli sono prebentate, come quella d Urbino, et che gli
hanno dato li ministri del Cattolico et altri et tutto per
non
romperla, il che pu6 esser vero, si per quello che si e
detto,
come per non veder le cose de Francesi in tal termine che si
APPENDIX. 575
possi promettere un gagliardo aiuto come bisognaria o d
altro
potentate cattolico, dubitando sempre di questa maleditione
di heretic!, a quali non si aprisse una strada a farli
discendere
in gratia, et ancora perche non potesse parere che non il
zelo
della fede cattolica o riputatione di santa chiesa, ma
qualche
particolar interesse et passione 1 havessero indotto et per
questo e stato creduto timido et di puoco ardire.
Da molta soddisfatione a cardinali, gli honora et li fa
delle
gratie, dove non vadi 1 interesse de denari, et tutti
ascolta.
Differisce assai alia prudenza di Morone et nelle cose ardue
chiama lui, Farnese et St Croce. Usa assai di commetter
a congregationi di cardinali le cose che gli occorrono,
depu-
tandone sei o otto per congregazione di diverse qualita
secondo
le materie che si tratta, et ode volontieri il parer di
tutti. Ama
Sermonetta et li presta fede et diede la guardia al s.
Honorato
suo nepote, assonto che fu al pontificate, per 1 amicitia
che
haveva havuta col s. Bonifacio suo padre et per il ben
servitio
che ha fatto detto Sermonetta. Nelle materie di religione
et del concilio crede a Varmiense, a Pelleve et ad Alciati.
Cerca di star bene et trattenersi con tutti li principi, ne
vuol
briga con alcuno di loro a patto che sia.
Gli servitori intimi, quali possono parlargli et hanno
autorita,
sono il sig Lodovico Bianchetti 1 , maestro di Camera, gli
da
da bere, legge tutti li memoriali et dice 1 ofntio con S. S
u ,
et di pci il sig r Paolo Ghiselli scalco secreto, quali sono
servitori
vecchi di molt anni et hanno cura della sua persona, et gli
dormono in camera et sono amati da S. S 1 ^ come quelli che
in certo modo egli stesso ha allevati, et sono tutti due
Bolog-
nesi ; gli crede S. S td> et li domanda ancor quello
che si dice
fuori via. Vi e ancora messer Pietro, quale prima era
maestro
di casa et hora e guardaroba, che puo assai et e servitore
vecchio et li parla con molta liberta et semplicita, che
piace
al Papa. Vi sono altri camerieri nobili che S. S ta
rispetta, et
possono fare certi ufntii che sempre torna bene che siano
fatte buone relation!, perche il Papa qualche volta ha
piacere
che li dicano come 1 intendano, tra quali vi e il sig r
Claudio
Gonzaga che vale e del quale il Papa si e servito di mandar
in volta et a commetterli negotii ; degli altri camerieri
non
vi e chi ardisca dirgli cosa alcuna o replicargli. Mons r
Fantino, quale e maestro di casa, ha havuto piu ardire et
1 See MORONI, XLL, 133.
576 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
autoritci di quello ha di presente, che corse un po di
burrasca
per conto di donne, pur si conserva et il Papa 1 ama,
restando
la memoria de piaceri havuti quando era in minor fortuna,
et e buon gentilhomo. Mons r Contarello, qual e datario et
di
natione Francese, e di molta riputatione et si e andato
avan-
zando sempre nella gratia di N. S., quale li presta gran
fede
et ha opinione che sia sincere et libero huomo et intenda
benissimo il suo ufficio, et quando lui vuole ottiene et
facilita
ogni negotio, sicome li distrugge ancora se li oppone. Con
S. Sig ia si sono uniti parte di questi reformatori, come
mons.
Carniglia, mons. Furmento et il Toledo prete Giesuita, et
T uno porta 1 altro et fanno venir a notitia di S. S t&
sotto
pretesto di carita et di zelo dell honor et gloria sua tutto
quello
che gli piace, facendo uffitii che alle volte hanno rovinato
le
genti, la qual cosa ha fatto alcuna volta mormorare la
corte,
si intorno alia bont& loro, come alia troppa credenza
che li da
S. B ne vedendo che sono stati atti a farli mutar natura et
complessione ; et mons r datario e tanto innanzi che si
crede
che T habbia a far cardinale, con tutto che sia cosi
riservato
a fame, non ne havendo fatto in 22 mesi che e Papa, se non
il nepote solo. II vescovo di Sora 1 , quale e tesauriere
generale,
ha autorit di parlargli et ricordargli cio che vuole, et per
la
bont sua et haver mantenuto un amicitia di 60 anni, che
sono quasi coetanei ; il Papa lo rispetta et se lui fosse di
maggior spirito, saria grande appresso a S. S tA da davero
et
con tutto cio sark cardinale per la comune opinione nella
prima
promotione.
Parmi haver detto [abbastanza] de signori parenti et de
servitori intimi et poi ancora degli altri ufBciali
intrinsechi
et si puo concludere che de parenti il sig r Giacomo sia il
diletto,
et dopo lui il sig r Guastavillani et de servitori intimi il
signore
maestro di Camera et poi il scalco. Degli uffici mons.
datario
antepongo a tutti et poi il tesauriero, et chi avr& il
favor di
quelli potr sperare di ottenere da S. S td> ogni
onesto favore
et gratia et essere ben veduto et ascoltato volentieri. Chi
serve alia Secretaria non vi e persona d autorita, perchu il
cardinale di Como li tiene lontani ne vuole che si faccino
innanzi, temendo sempre di restar lui indietro et escluso.
Deputo come dissi diversi prelati alia Consulta del stato
ecclesiastico in compagnia dell ill 1110 S. Sisto, quasi non
si
1 Tommaso Gigli ; see MOROM. LXXIV., 291.
APPENDIX. 577
travagliano fuori di essa in cose di negotii ne di stato, se
non
quello che contiene il stato ecclesiastico, ne pare che
siano in
gran stima appresso di Nostro Signore di spingerli innanti
pen il presente, ma vivendo S. S tA come si crede et si
desidera
non e dubbio che li esaltara tutti o la maggior parte, et
questi
sono mons r Brumano chierico di Camera, mons r Pietro
Giacomo de sig. del Monte santa Maria, mons r Visconti, il
sig r Marco, che era auditore del Papa, al quale ha dato la
chiesa di Volterra, et dovendo lui andar alia residenza, ha
posto in luogo suo un mons r Dal Bone Bolognese, che e
parente
di S. S ta> Tutti questi sono dottori di legge et
valent huomini
in quell esercitio, poiche S. S tA se ne serve et li
differisce assai
nelle cose della giustitia, et tutti sono di Signatura
giustitia.
Al governo di Roma ha proposto mons r Taverna Milanese
aiutato et favorito dal cardinal di Como per 1 instanza di
Morone, qual governo si fa da se con la sola riputatione et
e
alquanto adolcito et temperato da quell aspro rigore che
era,
et si vive quietamente, ne si corre dietro alle persone ne
si
estorce denari per compositione , e ne manco si castiga con
1 ultimo supplico. Si espediscono li carcerati et si nettano
le
prigioni. S. S ta assai indulgente et etiam che si merita
la morte, per poco di favore che 1 habbi permuta alia
galera.
Desidera molto che quest anno santo vengano gente assai
a Roma, et percio fa usar diligenze che siano accomodate
molte cose, et ha proposto persone a resarcire a fabriche et
ad accomodar le chiese et le strade, et in somma sin qui
habbiamo un buon Papa pieno d una ottima intentione et
bonta, et non solo questo popolo, ma tutti li sudditi della
chiesa sene laudano et contentano. Disegna S. S ta/ voler
allegerire li popoli da molte gravezze et ha dato principio
a
redimer molte entrate che erano state alienate da suoi ante-
cessori, et spera quando tutte 1 altre strade li manchino,
con
questa sola di farsi glorioso in eterno, passando la memoria
di tutti li suoi antecessori, quali sempre hanno alienato li
beni
della chiesa et posto gravezze incomportabili a popoli,
quali
S. S ta vuol levare in quanto potra.
Secondo si e detto di sopra Nostro Signore si per
alleggerirsi
da qualche fatica, sebben non la sente o teme, come per non
fare da se deliberatione a caso et di sua testa, come haveva
nome di far molte volte 1 antecessore, et ancor per tener in
esercitio honorevole il collegio et darli reputatione a
tutte le
VOL. xix. 37
578 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
cose che sopravengono, deputa congregatione de cardinal!
et ne sono molte ordinarie quali sono :
II. [Congregations.] Congregatione del S. Uffitio dell
Inquisitione, quella dell arcivescovo di Toledo, quella del
Concilio, v era quella della Lega, una delle cose di
Germania,
una delle petitioni de principi che e quasi la medesima che
de
negotii de stati, una della reforma del Decretale, un altra
del
Ceremoniale, una pecuniaria, una sopra le strade et 1 acque
o fontane, una della Reforma, una sopra le Bolla del
giubileo,
una sopra la Bibia et una dell Indice de libri ; un altra
ancor
sopra le cose important! del stato ecclesaistico che va
unita
con la Consulta.
Alia prima intravengono gli ill mi Pisa, qual e maggior
Inquisitor, Pacecco, Gambara, Chiesa et Madrucci, et in
questa non si tratta se non delle cose pertinenti a detto
officio,
ey oltre a sudetti cardinal! v intravengono molti teologi et
dottori.
Alia causa di Toledo vi entrano oltre li detti di sopra
Montalto
et Santa Severina et si ragiunano due volte la settimana,
una
in casa di Pisa tra loro ill mi et 1 altra alia presentia
del Papa,
dove si risolvono le materie, et un altra volta per il manco
si
fa innanzi a S. S a per la causa sola di Toledo.
In quella del Concilio intravengono molti cardinal!, quali
sono gli ill mi Morone, Savello, Colonna, Alciati, Paleotto,
Sforza, Ursino, Alessandrino, Commendone, Caraffa, Santa
Croce, Varmiense, Montalto, Acquaviva, S. Sisto, Borromeo,
Madrucci, Gesualdi, Pelleve, Lomellino. . . .
La congregatione del Concilio fu introdotta per li dispareri
et interpretation! stravaganti che davano al concilio li
Spag-
nuoli et li ministri del Catolico per raffrenar la loro
insolenza
et per risolvere le cose con piu maturita et autorita, et si
riduce
in casa di Morone una volta la settimana et un altra in casa
di
S te Croce. . . .
A quella di Germania [v intravengono] gli ill 1111 Morone,
Trento, Farnese, Altemps, S ta Croce, Varmiense, Como,
Delfino, Commendone et Madrucci, et in questa si tratta del
modo di ridurre quella provincia alia solita obedienza, et
si
radunano spesso tra loro in casa di Morone et alle volte
alia
presentia del Papa ; et quella delle petitioni dei principi
sono
Morone, Pisa, S. Croce, Como, Chiesa, Savello, Albano et
Monte;
a quella di stati Morone. Farnese, S. Croce, Como, Delfino,
Commendone.
APPENDIX. 579
Alia reforma del Decreto : Colonna, Sforza, Sirleto,
Alciati,
Vercelli, Caraffa, Pelleve et S. Sisto con molti prelati. A
quella del Ceremoniale : Morone, Farnese, Lorena, Varmiense,
Savello, Sermonetta, Madrucci, Este, Pacecco, Gambara,
Como, Sforza, Ursino, Caraffa, Perosa et Monte, et questa
per ridurre le ceremonie all uso antico et levar gli abusi
trascorsi si nella venuta de principi come de loro
ambasciatori
et di molt altre cose.
Alia Pecuniaria : Morone, Montepulciano, Cornaro che e
camerlengo, Maffeo, Chiesa, Cesi, Sforza, Albano et S.
Sisto,
con dui chierici di Camera, il tesauriero generale et il
commis-
sario della Camera, et questa puo dire tutti quelli che pro-
pongono modi et vie di far venir danari in mane alia Camera.
Quella sopra le strade et le fontane : Montepulciano, il
camer
lengo, Ursino, Maffeo et Medici, con li ministri di strada
et
certi ingegneri deputati.
Alia Reforma : Savello, S ta Severina, Pelleve, 1 auditore
della Camera, Formento, Carniglia et molti di questi
reforma-
tori, quali vi sono diligenti et soleciti.
A quella sopra la Bolla del giubileo : Morone, Farnese,
Savello, Ursino, Varmiense, Pacecco, Madrucci et Pelleve,
et questi hanno cura di formar la bolla del giubileo per F
anno
che viene.
Sopra la Bibia : Sirleto, Colonna, Varmiense, Madrucci,
Alessandrino, Pelleve et Caraffa. A quella dell Indice de
libri : Sirleto, Teano, Montalto, lustiniano, Alessandrino
et
Pelleve. A quella del stato ecclesiastico : Ursino, Cesis,
S ta Severina et S. Sisto, et tutte queste congregationi si
radunano almeno una volta la settimana, et quando occorre
sono dinanzi al Papa, et cosi S. S u viene a fare piu
effetti,
manca lui di tanti fastidii et loro consultano et
digeriscono le
facende, quali poi S. S ta le rissolve, et tiene in
essercitio li
cardinal! et li da autorita, et tutti participano delle
fatiche
et degli honori et hanno campo di far conoscere ciascuno
quello che vale. S. S ta poi fa per 1 ordinario concistoro
una
volta settimana, dove da audienza a tutti li cardinali per
ordine, et vi si propongono le materie concistoriali, che e
di
gran sfogamento alle facende. Fa parimente ogni settimana
una volta per il meno signatura di gratia, nella quale
intra-
vengono con S. S u gli ill mi Bobba, Ursino, Maffeo, Cesi,
Chiesa, Caraffa et Acquaviva. lo ho posto tutti li cardinali
580 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
deputati alle loro congregation! et ancora alia signatura
sebene sono absent!, perche si sappi che venendo alia corte
intervengono. . . .
III. [Characteristics of the Cardinals.] 1 Cominciaro dunque
secondo 1 ordine della carta all* ill. Morone quale e il
decano
quale e tenuto universalmente per valent huomo, intendente
et molto prattico della attioni di stato et di commune con-
sentimento havuto per de primi del collegio, et tutte le
cose
difficili et faticose che occorreno segli adossano a lui. Ha
havuto mala fortuna, che essendo stato reputato degno del
pontificate, et essendo in mano dell ill mo Borromeo di
farlo,
non lo seppe esseguire, et molti se li scopersero nemici
palesi et 1 impedirono. tenuto astuto artificioso
et cupo. Ha ancor havuto un altra mala fortuna che
essendo buono puochi lo credono, et fu opinione che Paolo
IV il volesse ruinar per sempre, sicome altri hanno ancor
tenuto il medesimo stile opponendoli di religione, seben
resto
giustificato ; et essendo cardinale vecchio, adoperato et
stimato e povero, non havendo mai importunate li pontefici
a dargli, ma solo atteso con ogni industria a superare le
invidie
et le malevolentie. II card, di Gambara e il principal
nemico
che habbi. . . .
Como ha le facende del Papa in mano, et percio e d autoritk
et stimato. in opinione di sapersi benissimo accommodare
al tempo, et e tenuto cupo che non si lasci intendere. Gli e
portato molta invidia, et signori parent! del Papa non lo
vedono volentieri in quell ufficio, che li pare che l f
occupi a
loro. creduto tutto di Morone et e mantenuto da Altemps.
Si e havuto opinione che accetti volentieri present! et vi
habbi
1 occhio spendendo mal volentieri. . . .
Commendone ha quello che suole esser in puochi, perche
ha la virtu, la bonta, 1 esperienza et la sumcienza con
infinite
giuditio, et non vi e signore nel colegio c habbi parlato a
piu divers! signori et principi et nation! di quello ha
fatto lui.
grave et severe accompagnato con dolcezza et affabilita.
/ II card, di Pisa, qual e inquisitore generale, e puoco
amato
o sia per rispetto dell ufficio o per natura che sia puoco
i servitiale. . . .
Altemps e ritirato e solitario si per natura, ma molto piu
per causa del male [del otioj, et e tanto puoco con
versatile
For reasons of space this paragraph is shortened.
APPENDIX. 58l
che non si puo fare determinatione del fatto suo. . . . di
autorita col Papa, ma saria ancora molto piu si per la
natura
grata del Papa come per gli amici che tiene, se lui fosse o
di
piii spirito et valore o non fosse offuscato il suo valore
dal male
del otio e dalla ritiratezza in che vive. . . .
Montalto quale fu frate di San Francesco et generale de
frati minori, e al contrario di Tiano, perche lui sa, che
accorto
et con giuditio opero et acquisto 1 animo di Pio V, che pur
lo
fece cardinale,contuttoche havesse chi segli opponeva et
diceva
esservi processi contro di lui di molte querele d ogni
qualita, et
offitii venduti mentre era generale, et per questo e
opinione
che ne ritenga particolar memoria et odio contra Crivello,
quale essendo viceprotettore della religione, in loco di
Borro-
meo porto il processo a Pio V, quale non lo volse vedere et
disse che erano malignita et persecutioni de frati. dotto
in theologia et astuto. amico di Farnese et si trattiene
unito con Alessandrino. Non e ricco come cardinale, ma come
frate, et alia vita che tiene con 1 entrate che ha avanza
piu
tosto che altrimente et si accommoda. Con il Papa ha
autorita nelle materie teologice et per la causa di Toledo.
S. S u T ascolta. opinione che saria facile a guadagnarlo,
havendo molto desiderio d havere, come hanno molti, et
essendo facile il poterli persuadere di volerlo aiutare a
maggior
dignita, alia quale dicono che aspira et vi attende come il
piu
de cardinali. reputato maligno et che per portarsi inanzi
habbi dato contra la sua religione.
Piacenza, qual era di preti reformati Thiettini di San
Silvestro che hebero origine da Paolo IV, fu pur creatura di
Pio V. tenuto buono et sant huomo. II collegio de
cardinali resto mal sodisfatto da lui, quale fu uno delli
quattro
a confinarlo alia residenza. Ha ancor dimostrato una certa
singolarita, la quale non piace, perche questo tempo che e
stato in Roma, ha vivuto molto retirato senza visitar
nessuno
o puochi, non voler razzi nelle stantie ne padiglione sopra
il
letto, mangiar sempre in pietra et tanto privatamente et
abbietamente che si conveniva piu tosto a romitto che a car
dinale, le quali cose sebene faceva per bonta et simplicita
pare che ancor la dignita comporti di viver secondo quella
et
non secondo il romittorio. Pero sebene non ha particolar
nemicita ne ofieso alcuno in particolare, tutti in generale
sono
poco sodisfatti. Seguita Alessandrino. della scuola di
Borromeo et e tutto di Farnese, sebene seguita quella
scuola.
582 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Per F opinione della bonta et santa vita e reputato et
stimato
dal Papa et da molti altri. ricco et spende puoco, dispensa
in elemosine et in buone opere le sue entrate. Ha lettere et
prattica delle cose del mondo havendoli gi atteso, hora e
tutto
volto alia contemplazione. ...
The French have little influence in the Sacred College, the
Spaniards a great deal. La maggior parte del collegio e al
contro da loro, essendo che una parte o sono sudditi del Re
Cattolico essendone molti di Milanesi e Napolitani et li
altri
la maggior parte sono gratificati, premiati, et obligati a
S. M t&
con pensioni et altri honori et utili. On the French side
only
Este and Santa Croce. Quelli che non sono di animo Spag-
nuolo et obligati a quel Re, fanno professione di
ecclesiastici
et di neutrali et di attendere al servito di questa corte.
IV. [The envoys.] The Emperor has none since the
death of Arcos. The French representative, Ferals, e
riguardato da N. Sig re piu che amato, havendo in certe
parti
non solo vivezza, ma del terribile et troppo ardente. Quello
di Spagna qual e D. Giovan di Zuniga fratello del Comendator
maggiore di Castilia, e tutto al contrario di quello di
Francia,
destro et quieto, et quanto alia sua persona amato dal Papa,
ma quanto agli accidenti, che occorreno a tutte F hore,
rispetto
alle cose che avengono, ha cause difficili,quali le va
trapassando
et scaramuzzando, et cerca facilitarle et dove puo mostra
buona volonta di contender con piacere et sodisfar al Papa,
et percio ha credito et autorit& con et S. S tdi et con
molti
signori del collegio rispetto agli interessi et disegni che
tutti
hanno col sue Re.
Quello di Venetia e il clarissimo messer Paolo Tiepolo,
quale c e stato altra volta, stimato et reputato da tutta la
corte per una buona testa et valent huomo. in buona gratia
del Papa, con tutto che la pace fatta da suoi signori col
Turco
il facesse star un puoco retirato in quel principio, ma con
la
sua destrezza ha superato ogni difficolta et ha fatto
conoscer
la necessita che li caus6 da Spagnuoli il farla. modesto,
et contra la natura de Venetiani e cortegiano et liberale,
et
riesce eccellentemente et sodisfa molto, et mostra prudenza
grande in questi travagli et frangenti a sapersi reger et
con-
servarsi la gratia del Papa et della corte. The envoy from
Savoy deserves praise, that from the Grand Duke of Tuscany
is a favourite of the Pope.
Di Roma li 20 <ii febraio 1574.
APPENDIX. 583
10. GIOVANNI ANTONIO ODESCALCHI TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA. l
1574, July 9, Rome.
. . . Lunedi mattina in concistoro S. S ta senza saputa
d alcuno et senza haver comunicata la sua voluntci. con
persona
di questo mondo et n anco col cardinale di Como suo
secretario,
come sa Vostra Eccellenza, ne con ambasciatori de principi,
per non essere importunata, alTimproviso creo cardinale il s
r
Guastavillano suo nipote di sorella, il quale non sapendo di
dovere essere fatto cardinale, quella mattina venne in con-
cistorio con la cappa et beretta la laico, il che vedendo il
s r
card. Morone come desideroso che Vostra Eccellenza restasse
consolata nella persona del s r Priore di Barletta, 2
supplico
molto instantemente S. S ta che restasse servita
accompagnare
tale creatione con qualche signore nobile et con qualche
persona benemerita, volendo poi inferire al detto s r
Priore,
quando S S id> se ne fosse contentata. Ma S. S tA
stette salda
con dire che hora non era tempo di pensare a maggiore
creatione . . . (the whole in cypher.)
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
11. GIOVANNI ANTONIO ODESCALCHI TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA.*
1575, April 2, Rome.
... Li pellegrini sono tutti spesati et albergati d
elemosine
dal-1 hospitale della S ma Trinita con cosi bell ordine et
con
tanta carita che rende maraviglia a ciascuno, con vedersi li
sigriori principal! di Roma servirli et lavarli li piedi, et
dicono
che sono maggiori 1 elemosine che la spesa.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
12. POMPEO STROZZI TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA.*
1576, March 3, 4, Rome.
March 3 : Entry of the bride of Giacomo Boncompagni in
rainy weather. Cardinal Sforza gave a fine banquet for her.
On the following morning the bride went to the Pope. The
Pope and Cardinals made her costly gifts.
March 4 : The bride went this evening to her husband in as
splendid a coach as can be imagined, dressed so richly and
See supra, p. 32, and the *relazione di Odescalchi del 13
febbraio 1573,
Oonzaga Arhcives Mantua and HERRE, Papstwahlen, 261.
* Vincenzo Gonzaga
See supra, p. 213.
* Fee supra, p. 34.
584 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
with so many jewels as to excite the envy of all of her
rank.
Our Lord the Pope went at the same time to the Seven
Churches.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
13. MEMORIAL FOR GREGORY XIII. ON THE FIRST ORATORiANS. 1
1578, January.
[Nomina priorum sacerdotum Congregationis Oratorii sub
invocatione S. Philippi Nerei.] 8
i. Sacerdoti della Congregatione delTOratorio da V. S u
eretta.
II Padre Ms. Filippo Neri Florentine, preposto.
Mons. Alfonso Visconti.
Ms. Gio. Francesco Bordini, dottore, confessa e predica.
Ms. Biagio Messia Spagnuolo, theologo, confessa e predica.
Ms. Alessandro Fideli, dottore, confessa.
Ms. Cesare Barone, dottore, confessa e predica.
Ms. Angelo Velli, confessa et ragiona all Oratorio.
Ms. Antonio Talpa, dottore, confessa et ragiona aH Oratorio.
Ms. Germanico Fideli, litterato, ragiona all Oratorio.
Ms. Nicol6 Giglio, Franzese, molto dotto, confessa il monas-
terio di Torre di Specchi.
Ms. Camillo Severino, dottore, predica.
Ms. Thommaso Bozzio, dottore, ragiona all Oratorio.
Ms. Julio Savioli, nobile Padovano, litterato, confessore et
ragiona all Oratorio.
Ms. Pietro Baffoli, dottore.
Ms. Pompeo Pateri.
Don Alvero di Lugo, Spagnuolo alTheremitorio, confessa,
assente.
Ms. Pietro Parracchione, confessore.
Ms. Francesco Soto Spagnuolo, cantore di cappella, legge e
governa 1 Oratorio.
Francesco Maria Tarugi, ragiona all Oratorio.
Ms. Carlo Novarese, nobile et homo di lettere et [di] molta
edificatione.
Assente Ms. Giovanni Antonio Lucci, dottore, confessa.
Assente Ms. Luigi Ponte, nobile Padoano, confessa.
Ms. Leonardo Pagoli theologo, confessa.
In minor gradi.
See supra, p. 172, 180.
1 This heading is in a later hand (circa 1622),
APPENDIX. 585
II sig r Fabbritio Mezzabarba, diacono.
II sig r Paulo Camillo Sfondrato, con vit tore.
Ms. Tiberio Ricciardelli, giovine nobile, studia.
Ms. Antonio Gallonio Romano, giovine litterato, legge
filosofia.
Ms. Gio. Battista Novarese, clerico, fa il corso della
filosofia.
Ms. Gaudentio Novarese, diacono.
Ms. Gio. Maria da Camerino, clerico, studente.
Ms. Francesco Spuntone Bolognese, clerico, fa il corso de la
filosofia.
Ms. Antonio Sala Bolognese, ha il governo di tutta la casa.
Francesco et Piero Bozzi d Agubbio, giovinetti studenti.
Paulo cherico, Lionardo cherico, Francesco servitore, Pietro
speditore, Pietro cuoco.
2. Esercitii che fa la Congregatione per utilita del prossimo.
E XX anni che ogni giorno doppo desinare due hore si
ragiona all Oratorio et a questi tempi incomincia a XIX hore
et mezza et dura fin alle XXI J. Ragionano quattro persone
mezz hora per uno et si finisce con cantare un mottetto o
laude
devota et si conclude con far dir sempre tre Pater nostri et
tre
Ave Marie, pregando [per] V. S tdi et pel profitto
spirituale et
per altri casi occorrenti.
Ogni sera tutto 1 anno si fa all Ave Maria un hora d
oratione,
la meta mentale, I altra meta vocale, dicendo le letanie et
facendo altre orationi per V. S u et per i prelati di s ta
chiesa et
per la conversione de peccatori ; et tre volte la settimana
si fa
la disciplina.
Sono in casa adesso dieci confessori, due altri sono
assenti.
Questi lavorano ne la vigna, ogniuno secondo il suo talento.
Tutti i sacerdoti di casa dicono quotidianamente messa,
quandro son sani. Vengono di fuori tant altri sacerdoti che
il giorno de le feste son meglio di XXX messe.
Si predica il giorno delle feste doppo il vespro.
Et doppo la predica vanno i padri di casa in strada Giulia
ad
una chiesa dello Spirito Santo de la Compagnia de
Napolitani,
ove si raccolgono meglio di tre mila persone et ivi, per
esser
luogo commodo, s alletta il populo con musiche devote et con
fare recitare a fanciulli alcune cose d edificatione,
composte
da i padri di casa. Et poi si conclude con fare due ragiona-
/nenti di cose compuntive et affettive, Ove, per gratia di
Dio,
586 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
s e fatto et fa notabil, frutto. Et vi vengono ad odire
quelli
del Collegio Germanico con molta lor edificatione.
Ogni giorno di festa si va a servire alii spedali con
notabil
numero di persone et molti vanno ogni giorno.
S ha cura di visitar infermi, aiutare chi muore a ben morire.
Molti insegnano in varie chiese la dottrina Christiana, et
altri
aiutano la Compagnia di Santo Apostolo in soccorrere i pover
vergognosi et in altre opere pie, ciascuno secondo il
talento et
vocation sua.
[Orig. Arm. 17, caps. 4, n. 6. Papal Secret Archives.]
14. ORAZIO SCOZIA TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA. l
1579, January 17, Rome.
. . . Gode hoggi la corte di Roma la superiority d un prin-
cipe nel quale concorrono tutte le parti che si possono
desiderare
in un ottimo Papa, attendendo egli con ogni pensiero a
quelle
cose che convengono al suo carico con animo quieto et
moderato
indefessamente et perpetuamente et con la suprema intelli-
genza legale et longa pratica di essa corte, moderando,
prove-
dendo et risolvendo tutte sorte de negotii con tanta
facilita
che ciascuna che ne ha bisogno riceve in essi comoda et
pronta
ispeditione, vigilando principalmente per la giustitia, con
usar
pero molta equit& et humanita, secondo i casi et le
persone et
in particolare verso i corteggiani di Roma, i quali per lo
piii
conosce partitamente et nominatamente, amando et facendo
grandissima stima dei prencipi et portando molto rispetto al
collegio dei cardinal! et a ciascun cardinale separatamente,
gratificando anco et soccorrendo secondo 1 occorrenze molti
di
loro, altri per merito de medesimi et benignita de lui,
altri
per la dignita del grado, per necessita et importunita loro
piu che per altro, servando sempre un medesmo tenore di vita
esemplare, cobl per quello che tocca all una come all altra
sorte
di vita sua, largo et patiente nelle audienze et benigno
nelle
risposte, benche non facile a conceder le gratie che gli
sono
domandate, et piu tosto parco che altrimente in ogni sorte
di
spesa fuor che nelle elemosine et soventioni de luoghi pii
et
maritar vergini, tanto nobili quanto povere, in che a
propor-
tione e larghissimo. Secreto tanto che pochissimi sono
quelli
che partecipano de pensieri et secreti suoi et levatone
Morone,
Altemps et Como et sig r Giacomo et in alcune cose Madruzzo,
See supra, p. 33, 48, 51, 221, 222.
APPENDIX. 587
non si puo dire che conferisca et se allarghi con altri, se
non
in quanto habbi a trattar con loro secondo i carichi che
hanno
ha pero in molto rispetto Farnese et Savello et fa molto
conto
di Sermoneta, Sforza, Este, Orsino et Urbino, ama tenera-
mente il sig r Giacomo, ma con misura tale che 1 amore cede
al
debito, all honore, alia gloria et buona fama d un Papa, a
quale
pare che egli indirizzi tutte le sue attioni, saldo tanto
nelle
risolutioni che si ha come per impossibile rimoverlo o
spuntarlo
a conceder gratia negata. Sano et di robusta complessione,
et che puo, come egli stesso spera, passarsene molti giorni
inanzi, et sibene in cardinalato et d altro tempo fu tenuto
ch
egli havesse piu del Francese che d altro et che 1 animo suo
inclinasse molto a quella natione, nondimeno riposando hoggi
la summa delle cose della christianita principalmente su la
grandezza, forza et bonta del Re cattolico, si vede che e
rivolto
coi pensieri a Spagna piu che altro ve, conservando pero il
suo
luogo all Imperatore, a Francia et a tutti gli altri
prencipi, i
quali come ho detto stima grandemente et agratia volentieri
in
tutto quello che puo. Che egli sia Bolognese et di honesta
famiglia et di eta di 77 anni et venuto al pontificate quasi
per
tutti i gradi della corte, ognuno lo sa, et del molto che ci
fosse
da dime di piu da chi non havesse ad uscir di un sommario
breve come sara questo, tanto bastera haver detto. Dei due
nepoti cardinali S. Sisto et Guastavillano, il primo e
ofntioso
et ardente capo della Consulta sopra i negotii dello stato
temporale ecclesiastico, il secondo della medesma Consulta
assai piu rimesso et quieto, et levatone il loro carico et 1
haver
una volta al giorno sopra esso a trattare con S. S u , non
si
ingeriscono in molto altro, non gli dando ne anco S. B ne
autorita
piu che tanto et passando tra loro stessi, et tra loro et il
sig r
Giacomo, il quale e di molto spirito, poco buona
intelligenza,
si vuole che questa discordanza habbi in piu attioni tenuto
alle
volte sospeso il Papa et in particolare in quella della
promotione
non concordando nei sogetti, et volendo 1 uno quello che non
voglia 1 altro, oltre che sia persuaso il sig r Giacomo che
a lui
non metta a conto col seguito di creature promosse far
grandi
S. Sisto et Guastavillano, poiche i cardinali creati hanno
piu
occasione di gratificare et servire a cardinali nepoti de
Papi che
a qual si voglia parente laico che resti per stretto che sia
; con
Guastavillano discorda pero manco che con S. Sisto, con
tutto
cio nella promotion passata tra il sig r Giacomo portati
Riario
588 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
et Besanzone, et in sua gratia si pu6 dire che gli habbi
promossi
S. S tA . Ma venendo hora al collegio de cardinal! diro che
essi sono in numero 63. l . . . Le fationi generali et
principali
sono la Francese et la Spagnuola, le particolari sono Farne-
siana, Borromea, Estense, Medicea et Alessandrina, benche in
quella di Borromeo si e pari autorita a lui Altemps, per
haver
pin adherenze et attendervi, et perch e Borromeo non e per
far
calo sopra soggetti piu d una che d una altra fatione che
siano
proposti, pure che a lui paia che meritano per bonta di
vita, a
che egli havera mira sempre piu che ad altro. Prima che
parlar delle fationi piu inanzi, diro che i papabili di
questo
tempo sono molti, perch e infiniti pretendono, et sono ;
Morone,
Trento, Farnese, Savello, Perugia, S. Giorgio, Varmiense,
Sirleto, Cornaro, Napoli, S. Croce, Tiano, Lomellino,
Giustin-
iano, Albano, Montalto 2 . . . Montalto pretende haver Ales-
saridrino col seguito, contrarii Francesi et 1 esser frate
come e
detto di sopra . . .
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
15. GIOVANNI ANT. ODESCALCHI TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA.
1579, August 7, Rome.
" . . . N. S. ha data la Penitentiaria, che il detto
cardinale
Varmiense teneva, al cardinale S. Sisto et S. Sig ri4 che e
devotissima sara quella che durera le fatiche per incaminar
bene. II detto cardinale e morto veramente un devoto et
sant huomo et letteratissimo, il quale ha scritto tanto bene
contra gli heretici moderni, ond egli e stato di molto utile
et
beneficio alle cose della fede Catholica, si come consta ad
ogn uno per 1 acquisto delle tante anime ch egli ha fatto
nel
regno di Polonia, onde si bene era vecchissimo e stata non-
dimeno per li sudetti rispetti la perdita molto grande . .
."
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
16. EXTRACTS FROM THE " DIARIUM " OF "
FRANCISCUS
MlJCANTIUS." 4
1574-
July 21 : " 111. card. Acquaviva, cum dies circiter 20
graviter
1 Here follow names of the Cardinale according to date of
creation.
1 Here follows an estimate of the parties in the Sacred
College and their
prospects in a conclave.
1 See svpra, p. 228.
See supra, p. 40, 41. 48. 218, 225, 228.
APPENDIX. 589
aegrotasset, reddidit spiritum Altissimo adhuc iuvenis
aetati
fere 30 ; fuit sepultus absque pompa in ecclesia Lateranensi
nocte adventanti. Vix credi potest, quanto cum moerore
totius urbis et universorum ordinum decesserit, tan tarn
sibi
benevolentiam et gratiam ab omnibus comparaverat, morum
suavitate ac vitae innocentia." More follows in his
praise.
1577-
July 23 : Death of Cardinal " Pisa, maior inquisitor,
vir
doctrina et experimento rerum Celebris et vitae integritate
universae curiae gratus."
November 3 : Death of Cardinal " Innocenzo del Monte :
vir habitus fuit in tota eius vita modici iudicii et
prudentiae et
plus aequo voluptatibus deditus."
1579-
April 10 : Entry of Paul Uchanski, ambassador of King
Stephen Bathory of Poland. He repaired with his suite to the
" palatium Farnesianum, rari ac sumptuosissimi
artificii
opus, cui aequale aut simile in urbe aut orbe haud facile
reperiri
posse crediderim, licet adhue imperfectum sit, sed brevi, ut
creditur, impenso et liberalitate rev. dom. Alex. card.
Farnesii
pernciendum."
Summer : " Hac aestate diversis diebus S. D. N.
visitavit
singula collegia a se instituta, nempe Germanorum, Grae-
corum, Neophitorum et Anglicorum ac collegium Romanum
Soc. Iseu, quern eorundem collegiorum alumni pulcherrimis et
eruditis orationibus collaudarunt, demonstrantes utilitatem
et fructum qui ex tarn piis operibus et institutis sperari
poterit,
eique gratias immortales egerunt."
1580.
May : Transactis iam octo integris annis quibus ecclesiae
catholicae praefuit S. D. N. Gregorius Papa XIII. eiusque
gubernacula summa vigilantia et prudentia felicissime rexit,
sacrarum celebritatum caeterarumque publicarum actionum
usque adeo religiosus observator fuit, ut vix semel aut
iterum
per hosce octo annos missam aut vesperas vel matutinas
horas solemnes, quibus quotannis statis temporibus summi
pontifices interesse vel sacra operari solent, quas vulgo
capellas
vocant, praetermiserit, consistoria, signatures, s.
inquisitionis
590 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
consultationes singulis hebdomadis, nonnumquam pluries in
hebdomada habuerit, visitationes ecclesiarum et piorum
locorum saepius per annum aliaque complura caritatis opera
continue exercuerit, quae enumerari vix possent, ultra per-
petuam in dies singulos innumerabilium supplicationum,
querelarum seu petitionum in scriptis oblatarum revisionem
et expeditionem, ut latius superiori volumine explicavimus,
ad quae omnia peragenda quamvis fuerit plenus annorum
nempe qui hodie annum agat 79, tamen optimam eius mentem
D. O. M. adiuvit, ei 1 vires opportunas ac corporis robur et
firmitatem subministrando, quod paucis vel fortasse nullis
ante pontificibus contigisse memoratur.
December I : Ante lucem migravit ex hac vita Joannes
cardinalis episcopus Ostiensis, s. collegii decanus Moronus
plurimis gravissimisque legationibus functus, praecipue in
Tridentino concilio, de republica Christiana optime meritus,
vir summi iudicii et prudentiae, a summis pontiftcibus,
regibus
et principibus in summa existimatione et veneratione
habitus,
cunctis gratus et amabilis, integerrimae vitae, in arduis
magni
consilii, in pauperes ac pia loca beneficentissimus, nullo
suae
vitae tempore otiosus, quamquam non satis firma valetudine ;
biduo antequam decederet, petiit Christum Deum piissimis
verbis allocutus, cuius crucifixi imaginem manibus gerebat,
eidem ecclesiam catholicam, summum pontificem, onmes
ecclesiae ordines et christifideles et fidei
unitatemcommendavit,
protestatus se in eadem imitate catholica semper vixisse ac
mori velle, quod si umquam secus opinati essent, eisdem
parce-
bat ipsumque Deum rogabat, ut illis ignosceret. 2
1581
Hoc anno permisit S mus ad exhilarundum populum paucis
quibusdam diebus, hoc est a secunda feria post sexagesimam,
personates per urbem incedere et bravia consueta velocius
currentibus elargiri, excerptis tamen diebus dominicus et
festivis ac sexta feria et sabbato prout a tempore Papae Pii
V
nimiam priorem libertatem restringendo introductum fuit ;
[an autem] huiusmodi ludi et bacchanalia permitti debeant in
civitatibus ac praesertim in urbe Romana cum aliqua modera-
tione, alias fortasse occasio disserendi dabitur.
1 MS., et.
Cf. SANTORI, Autobiografia, XIII., 168.
APPENDIX. 591
February 13 : " Fuit etiam his diebus decretum de man
date S mi , quod mendicantes omnes reducantur ad monaster-
ium s. Sixti, ubi paulo ante fuerant moniales, et cura
huius-
modi data fuit confratribus et praepositis hospitalis s.
Trinitatis
convalescentium, quod fuit necessarium et optimum decretum
saepe alias propositum et tentatum sed numquam ad exe-
cutionem demandatum, ex quo malitiae et ignaviae multorum
occurreret et vere indigentibus plenius et opportunius
provi-
deret pro cuisque necessitate, et auferretur importuna corum
postulatio per ecclesias cum divinorum officiorum et populi
devotionis turbatione." 1
[Cod. 12547, XII -> 35-3 6 Papal Secret Archives ;
Nat. Libr.,
Paris, XII., 35-36.]
17. GIOVANNI ANTONIO ODESCALCHI TO THE DUKE OF
MANTUA. 2
1581, January 7, Rome.
" N. S re sta assai bene et marti di mattina fu
banchettato
dal s. card, de Medici nella vigna die S. S. Ill ma compr6
de
Montepulciano, che hoggi di e la piu bella et ha il piu
ricco
et commodo palazzo, che si trovi in Roma."
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua].
l8. AVVISO DI ROMA OF l6 MAY, 1582. 3
Le statue ritrovate presso Suburra nella vigna di quel
servitore del s. Giov. Giorgio Cesarini, sono 31 antichissime
et di gran valuta, smisurata bellezza, tra quali 2 di
parragone
che superano tutte le altre.
[Orig. Urb. 1050, p. 159 -160. Vatican Library.]
19. GIOVANNI ANTONIO ODESCALCHI TO THE DUKE OF
MANTUA.*
1582, July 28, Rome.
, . . uscito fuori appresso al calendario novo il decreto
racconciato, che e una bella cosa, et S. S ta sta presta de
far
un libro delle nove constituzioni de Pontefici da Bonifacio
VIII in qua et chiamarlo il Settimo, come quello si chiamo
1 The ordinance was postponed until February 28, 1581.
*See supra, p. 221.
See supra, p. 220.
4 See supra, p. 280.
592 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
il VI, che sar molto necessario, et si tagliaranno molti
strava-
ganti superflui o che non sono in uso. . . .
[Grig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
20. GIOVANNI ANTONIO ODESCALCHI TO THE DUKE OP
MANTUA. 1
1582, September 9, Rome.
. . . Oltre il sudetto donative fatto in questa settimana
alii
padri del Giesu che importa n6 m ducati, S. B ne ha donate
2 m ducati in oro alii padri Theatini de S. Silvestro a
Monte
Cavallo per finir la loro fabrica, che fu giovedi che S. S
tA
ando a messa in detto luogo, et vedendo la soddetta fabrica
imperfetta dimando, perche non seguitavano a finirla. Quei
padri risposero che non havevano il modo, et informatosi
S. S ta dalli capimaestri che vi andaria per finirla detta
fabrica
2 m ducati, S. B ne sul par tire gli comando che dopo pranso
Tandassero a ritrovare alia vigna di Ferrara, dove S. S tA
sta XVI giorni sono, si come fecero, onde suoito dal sig r
maestro di Camera gli furono dati duoi sacchetti con duoi
milla
scudi d oro.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
21. Avviso DI ROMA OF 14 DECEMBER, 1583. 2
On Monday sudden promotion of 19 Cardinals, when the
Cardinals had already risen to depart, mentre in Banchi si
facevano scomesse in diversi modi et si davano denari a
furia,
che non solo prima di Natale non si sariano fatti cardinali,
ma ne ancho per tutto 1 anno 84, et che in Palazzo si teneva
per hora la promotione smarrita, oltre che i cardinali
grandi
erano dell istessa opinione et piu degl altri increduli i
nepoti
del Papa. Follows the list, with names, recommendations,
etc. Bolognetto con qualche maraviglia di quelli, che sanno
i disgusti, ch egli ha dato al Papa nel suo primo carico, ma
non gi di quelli che sanno, che gli u Bolognese. Et di
questi
soggetti fu che dir assai di Vandommo et di Vilna, per esser
stati figlii di perfidissimi et sceleratissimi padri, et il
simile
di Lancelotto per esser nato di circoncisa et Israelitica
razza.
II card. Farnese procurava, che il Papa (per servar almeno
in questa parte 1 ordine consueto se non in altro)
aspettasse
1 See supra, p. 122.
1 See supra, p. 230, 232.
APPENDIX. 593
i voti degl altri cardinal! ch erano in Curia et non in con-
cistoro, come quello d Este, di Savello, d Altemps et d
altri,
ma non fu essaudito, et e da credere, che molti di quelli
ill 1111
che s accostaro alia sedia di S. B., facessero ogni sforzo,
per
compiacere se medesimi, ma non si sanno le loro pratiche.
ben rimasto stupefatto ogni uno, che in una promotione cosi
numerosa et presta mons. di Nazaret, governatore di Bologna
et signore di tanta prudenza, meriti et integrita, non
habbia
havuto luogo fra questi, et cosi mons. S. Giorgio creatura
del
Papa tanto da lei stimata et per le cause che si sanno, se
pero
e vero, che i disordini passati et le bravate occulte d
alcuni
habbiano spinto il Papa a darla fuori con tante lancie rosse
per opporsi come si dice a gl arditi et tementa loro verso
il loro
generale, et parimente si e miravigliato ogn uno di mons.
Sega
insieme con tanti invecchiati in questa militia faticosa
della
corte con prove inreprensibili et del Bianchetti maestro di
Camera cosi assiduo assistente servitore di S. B., che siano
rimasti nella penna, ma cosi piacque a chi regge ii tutto. .
. .
Et a questo modo i momi et i contemplativi, che con T occhio
mortale vogliono trapassare nel secreto della mente d
altrui,
sono stati chiariti da questo soldato vecchio del Pontifice
generoso et accorto. The Datary, Facchinetti, Castagna and
Lancellotti receive the 1000 scudi of the " cardinal!
poveri."
[Orig. Urb. 1051 p. 510-511. Vatican Library.]
22. Avviso DI ROMA OF DECEMBER 17, 1583. 1
The Pope answered Farnese " che Papa Leone X. intro in
concistoro con pensiero di voler creare 20 solo cardianli,
ma
che poi perch e vi pose intervallo per havere i voti delli
car-
dinali absenti, fu sforzato fame 31 a loro
contemplatione."
When Farnese recommended Mons. di Nazaret to him, he said
that he had need of him in Bologna, and that he knew very
well that there were still many other deserving "
soggetti "
at the court. When Gambara reminded him of the merits
of Bianchetti he said : " che questo pensiero et
raccordo
s aspettava a lei et non ad altri."
[Orig. Urb. 1051, p. 512, Vatican Library.]
1 See supra, p. 230.
VOL. XIX. 38
594 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
23. Avviso DI ROMA OF 24 DECEMBER, 1583.*
" S intende, chel Papa disse dopo il giorno della
promotione,
che all hora fosse laudato Dio, poiche haveva d intorno
creature da potersene fidare, parole di molta consideratione
et da far credere, che possa esser vero quello, che con le
precedent! avisai, cioe che erunt novissimi primi et primi
novissimi."
" I Frances! dicono, che il re non ha voluto Vendome a
causa dell attrito con la sua famiglia e che se questo
cardinale
vorra essere da bene, potra, mirabilmente giovar a
cattolici,
ma se anche sara cattivo, guai a noi in quel regno di
Francia.
I Francesi avrebbero voluto volentieri Foix e
Lenoncourt."
" Mercoldi il card. Este fu per oltre due ore presso
del papa,
deciso, di lamentarsi su la forma della promozione, se il
Papa
avesse cominciato ; ma egli non lo fece."
[Orig. Urb. 1051, p. 523. Vatican Library.]
24. Avviso DI ROMA OF 14 NOVEMBER, 1584."
Farnese asked the Pope that the 40,000 scudi which were
left to him by Pius IV. might be given to the Marchese di
Marignano. The Pope said to him that he must send him
the book from the chancery, according to which Pius IV. only
gave it to him mortis causa, a thing which his successor
could
revoke ; he had the brief brought by Ces. Gloriero, "
chierico
di camera," according to which this was given also
inter vivos.
Gloriero begged for pardon, and alleged that the Cardinal
had
caused him to do this, to which the Pope very angrily
replied :
" Voi servivate il Papa et non i cardinal!. Hor poiche
v e
bastato 1 animo d alterar tanto la mente d un simil
testatore,
con pregiuditio cosi notabile di questa Sede, il medesimo
faresti, a noi ancora, et per non vogliamo piu servirci dell
opera vostra." His patrons vainly intervened on his
behalf.
" Parlando S. B. col card, di Como sopra la morte di
detto
Borromeo, mostro quanto amava con supreme laudi quel
signore, et quanto a lei sia pesata questa migratione, et
fece
chiamare a se mons. Spetiano, et a lui comando, che s infor-
masse et poi referisse alia S. S. di tutte quell opere
buone,
che haveva principiate ad honor di Dio, beneficio del
prossimo
See supra, p. 232.
See supra, p. 17, 18, 20, 48, 54, 233.
APPENDIX. 595
et ad utile della chiesa in Milano, perche vuole S. S.
adempire
a sue spese i santi pensieri di quell huomo."
[Orig. Urb. 1052 p. 452-453. Vatican Library.]
25. INCOMPLETE AND UNPUBLISHED BIOGRAPHIES OF
GREGORY XIII.
I. Fantuzzi (Scritt. Bolognesi IV. 283) makes mention of a
Biography of Gregory XIII., written by Cardinal Guido
Ferreri, in the Papal Secret Archives, but gives no exact
details as to where it is preserved. Without paying any
attention to this notice, Ranke (III., 50*) gives an extract
from the second book of Cardinal Ferreri, " Commentaria
de
rebus Gregorii XIII.", the first and second books of
which
he found in the Albani Library. Unfortunately that library
was destroyed in 1857. I succeeded, however, in finding the
first book of the work of Ferreri in Arm. XL, t. 42, p.
299-320,
of the Vatican Secret Archives. The introduction, which
I here give, explains the origin and purpose of the work :
Guido Ferrenus cardinalis Vercellensis
Lectori salutem.
Bonifacius cardinalis Eporediensis, patruus magnus meus,
dum Bononiae legatum gereret, Christophorum Boncompag-
nium Ugonis, quern hodie sub Gregorii XIII nomine colimus,
patrem familiarissime adhibere solitus fuit : quod
singularem
illius bonitatem, moderationem, placidissimos mores mirifice
probaret. Petro Francisco autem cardinali patruo meo magna
cum Ugone ipso necessitudo intercessit, ex quo una in
cornitatu
fuerunt Caroli Caraffae cardinalis ad Gallorum et Hispanorum
reges legati : quod quidem mei erga Ugonem amoris atque
ooservantiae initium fuit. Evenit deinde, summo Dei erga
me beneficio, ut ipsius collega essem in referendi ad
utramque
Signaturam munere, in Concilio Tridentino nonnallorum
laborum particeps, in examinandis supplicibus libellis, qui
cardinali Borromeo porrigebantur, socius, episcopatum
utrique
gereremus, ac postremo eadem nominatione, quod maximum
et sanctissimum vinculum est, a Pio IV in sacrum senatum
legeremur. Quamobrem cum hominis interius inspiicendi
multas ac praeclaras haberem occasiones, singularem ipsius
virtutem ac sapientiam ita semper amavi, suspexi, colui, ut
eius pontificatu nihil aut mihi aut reipublicae optabilius
596 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
contingere posse existimarim. Quo quidem perpetuo meo de
summa illius virtute iudicio multisque praeterea erga me
beneficiis adductus faciendum putavi, ut eius poritificatum
memoriae posterorum prodendum susciperem. Nam et amori,
qui foras se promere gestiebat, mos gerendus erat, et ita
mecum
cogitabam habitura insequentia tempora optimi Pontificis
imaginem, quam intueri magna cum ultilitate nee sine volup-
tate possent. Scripsi igitur amans : sed nihil in rebus
gestis
narrandis amori datum facile ex rebus ipsis intelliges,
meque,
ut spero et opto, de hoc meo labore amabis. Vale.
Then comes the following table of contents :
Capita libri [primi].
Brevis descriptio vitae Cap. I.
De pietate Cap. II.
Quomodo se erga cardinales gerat Cap. III.
De studio conservandae propagandaeque
religionis Cap. IV.
De anno lubilaei Cap. V.
De sacro foedere Cap. VI.
De sancto Inquisitionis officio Cap. VII.
De morum disciplina Cap. VIII.
De studio pacis Cap. IX.
Honores et praemia ab ipso donata Cap. X.
Conservatio et amplificatio patrimonii
ecclesiastic! Cap. XL
Sumptus inutiles sublati, magnificentia et
liberalitas Cap. XII.
Gravitas, facilitas, humanitas, sermo et studia Cap. XIII.
Ofncium in hospites Cap. XIV.
Dilectio omnium ad eum Cap. XV.
Statura et valetudo Cap. XVI.
The work of Cardinal Ferreri was never published, because
it was only fragmentary, as may be seen from a passage on
the building of St. Peter s. Although Ferreri was an avowed
admirer of Gregory XIII., he does not in any way exaggerate.
Thus he describes the concourse of people who flocked to the
Jubilee of 1575 as splendid, but whereas other chroniclers
can
never make the number of the pilgrims too great, the 170,000
given by Ferreri is quite a fair estimate. The efforts of
the
Pope on behalf of the league against the Turks are described
in detail, and Ferreri grieves exceedingly over its failure,
but
APPENDIX. 597
is of opinion (p. 315) that even Pius V. would not have been
able to hold the alliance together.
II. A life of Gregory XIII. in Cod. Barb. 4749 (Vatican
Libraty) only goes as far as the year 1574. The manuscript
is the original one of an unknown author, who has inserted
many corrections. This " Vita " gives careful
details of his
life before he became Pope. The chapter on the pontificate
is quite unimportant, and concludes with the breaking up
of the league against the Turks, and the appointment of a
new
Cardinal Penitentiary in the person of Aldobrandini. The
origin of Giacomo Boncompagni is evaded by the remark :
" suo strettissimo di sangue."
III. The Vatican Library contains, in Cod. Barb. 2675,
p. Ixv seq. yet a third " Vita Gregorii XIII."
written by
Paulus Bombinus. But this work, which is written in
Latin, suddenly comes to an end at p. Ixxxv. It only goes
as far as Boncompagni s legation to Spain. The author, who
wa,s a relative of Cardinal Parisi, the patron of
Boncompagni,
is well informed, and gives some valuable information as to
his life before he became Pope, with exact details, e.g. the
names of all the teachers of Gregory XIII. His information
as to the professorial work of Boncompagni seems to be far
from trustworthy. It is characteristic that nothing is said
of bis loss of favour under Julius III. Bombinus also omits
the circumstance that Boncompagni gave up teaching on
account of his want of voice, though he gives other general
reasons. For Bombinus cf. MAZZUCHELLI, II., 3, 1511 scq.
26. THE ANNALS OF GREGORY XIII. WRITTEN BY MAFFEI.
Among the biographers of Gregory XIII., 1 undoubtedly
the most important, and the one most made use of by pos
terity, is the Jesuit, Giampietro Maffei. Maffei 2 was born
in
1535 at Bergamo, and in 1565 he gave up the splendid career
which lay before him as secretary of the Republic of Genoa
1 Among these the only work of importance is by CIAPPI,
which did not
appear until 1591 (new edition, Bologna, 1592, and one in
Rome, 1596, with
pictures of the buildings of Gregory XIII.). In addition,
the Vita Gregorii
XIII. by A. Cicarella (printed in Platina s work) must be
mentioned. The
works of M. TABERNA, Draco Gregorianus, Romac, 1643, and
BOMPLANI,
Hist. P. Greg. XIII., Dillingae, 1685, are worthless. The
Vita di Gregorio
XIII., which Catena intended to write (see, his letters,
289) seems never to
have been done.
* See SERASSI, Opera ominia I. P.M., Bergami, 1747 ; I. Nicn
ERYTHRAEI,
Pinacotheca, II., 49 seq. ; TIRABOSCHI, VII., 2, 367 :
RENAZZI, II., 227 seq. ;
Sommervogel, V., 293 seqq.
59$ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in order to enter the Society of Jesus. As professor of elo
quence at the Roman College he devoted his attention a great
deal to the history of the Jesuit missions in eastern Asia.
Cardinal Henry of Portugal even obtained his transfer to
Lisbon, in order that he might write, with the help of
better
materials, a history of the Portuguese conquests and also of
the missions so closely connected with them. From 1572 to
1581 Maffei worked in Portugal upon his " Historiarum
Indicarum libri XVI (Rome 1588)," which, together with
his
life of St. Ignatius, published for the first time in 1585,
met
with a wide circulation. 1 Having returned in 1581 to
Italy, and later on being summoned to Rome by Clement VIII,
Maffei devoted himself to the history of the Popes, writing
a life of Gregory XIII. in Italian, intending afterwards to
deal
with his two successors. Only three books of this series,
which was written in Latin, were finished when Maffei died
at Tivoli on October 2oth, 1603. Even the Annals of Gregory
XIII. were not yet ready for the press. The manuscript,
which had been substantially altered and corrected, 2 was in
the hands of the learned secretary of Giacomo Boncompagni,
Paolo Teggia (died 1620), who, in spite of man} 7 requests,
did not publish it. This was done for the first time in
1742,
and was dedicated to the learned Benedict XIV. The editor,
Charles Cocquelines, gives in the preface an account of the
changes that had been made in the work, as well as of the
different manuscripts, of which he takes that in the
Barberini
Library as the basis of his edition. A short Appendix
(II. 431-480) together with a passage taken from the "
Com-
pendio delle attioni e vita di Gregorio XIII." by
Ciappi,
published in Rome in 1591, gives us certain information
drawn
from the Boncompagni Archives. 4 This, however, as well as
the remarks in the Introduction (I. p. xxii), only give a
very
insufficient idea of the material in the Boncompagni
Archives
1 For the life of Ignatius, see Vol. XIL of this work, p. 1,
n. 1.
For Maffei, as stylist and historian, see BENTIVOGLI,
Memorie, Amsterdam,
1648, 154 seq., 174 seq. (this should be compared with
Strada), and FEUTEK,
Gesch. der neuerc Historiographie, Munich, 1911, 284.
1 This is clear from the different copies in the Boncompagni
archives, from
the handwriting of which it is possible to follow out the
development of the
annals.
*C/. I. NICII ERYTIIKAKI, Pinacotheca, I., 156 seq.
4 To Maffei s sources also belong the Commentana de rebus
Gregorii XIII.
(c/. supra, n. 25) written by Cardinal Guido Ferreri. A Ms.
by G.
Vossius, made use of by Maffei, *Opera quae sub auspiciis
Gregorii XIII.
Romae vel alibi prodierunt, is in the Pietro Fieri
collection in Rome, which was
Bold in 1908.
APPENDIX. 599
of which Maffei made use for his Annals. Cocquelines and
Maffei himself, however, have not for the most part, made
sufficient use of these authorities of the first importance,
and even where they do make use of them, the historian who
has them at his disposal, will rely in the first instance on
these
original sources and not upon those who have made use of
them. 1
Although Maffei s work has, with the opening of the Bon-
compagni Archives, and the publication of the reports of the
German nunciatures, become one of the secondary authorities,
he must nevertheless be given the great merit of having been
the first to compile a full biography of Gregory XIII.,
which,
even though it is not altogether impartial, is nevertheless
balanced, correct in substance, always reliable and written
in good style. 2 This, following the lead of Ranke (III.,
57*)
is also recognized by Kartunnen (p. n), who also strongly
brings out that Maffei has given but an unsatisfactory
account
of the domestic and foreign policy of the Pope. 3 Maffei s
disciple, Bentivogli, had already expressed the wish for a
better political outlook in the work of his master. 4 The
chronological method adopted by Maffei is unfortunate, as
it often necessarily breaks the continuity, and does not
permit
the formation of^a connected estimate.
27. THE FAMILY ARCHIVES OF THE BONCOMPAGNI IN ROME,
AND THEIR IMPORTANCE FOR THE PONTIFICATE OF
GREGORY XIII.
Of the many archives and private libraries in Rome, 5 the
collection of manuscripts of the Boncompagni-Piombino is
1 Sometimes Maffei makes use of the acta in the Boncompagni
archives
verbally, e.g. I., 82, the remark of Salviati concerning the
Capuchins, which
however he does not quote.
* Casual mistakes are to be found I, 3, concerning the
family ; I, 5, con
cerning their coming to Rome in 1538 instead of 1539 ; I,
374, a mistake con
cerning the deaths of four Cardinals ; II, 82 seq., wrong
date (see THEINER,
III, 696). I, 24, gives the full truth as to the birth of
Giacomo Boncompagni,
which others avoid doing.
3 KARTTUNEN, loc. tit. says : " L oeuvre n en constitue
pas moms la source
principale et indispensable pour quieonque veut etudier le
pontificat de
Gr6goire XIII. J ajouterai qu au cours de mes etudes sur ce
pontificat j ai ete
a meme de constater que cet ouvrage souvent assez severement
critique au
point de vue de 1 exactitude des renseignments (see STIEVE,
IV, 86, n. 1), est
infiniment plus digue de foi qu on ne le croit g6neralement
(ibid,). Kart-
tunen also calls attention to the chronological notes of
JV.afl ei, which are very
exact, and the original of which is to be found in Cod.
Borghese, III, 129 G.,
Papal Secret Archives.
* Cf. BENTIVOGLI, Memorie, 155.
* Cf. L. PASTOR, Le Bibliotheche private e specialmente
quelle delle famlglie
principesche di Roma, Roma, 1906.
60O HISTORY OF THE POPES.
certainly the least known. No doubt this has been partly
caused by the erroneous idea, shared by a scholar of the
calibre
of Kehr, 1 that these archives were sold. But that was not
the case. The Boncompagni archives are carefully preserved
in the family palace in the Via della Scrofa, 2 and have a
detailed index : " Bibliothecae Boncompagno-Ludovisae
manuscriptorum codicum Elenchus Anno 1757," compiled by
Carolus Sommascha. It is clear from the introduction to
this index that the entire collection was already made in
the
time of Gregory XIII., and was added to by Sigonius.
Dominicus Jordanus and Justus Fontaninus occupied them
selves with cataloguing the printed works. C. Sommascha
was the first to arrange the manuscripts, which to some
extent he had rebound. He also collected the manuscripts
of the secret archives of the family, together with 200
already
existing codices, the number of which he brought up to 448.
Besides the valuable autograph letters, 3 the importance of
the archives consists above all in the manuscripts
concerning
the pontificate of Gregory XIII., which, however, after the
time of Maffei, were not made use of by anyone for the
history
of that Pope. 4 For that reason I am under the deepest
obligation of gratitude to the Prince of Piombino, who has
died in the meantime, who in 1902 with the greatest
generosity
placed at my disposal all the treasures of his archives.
The collection of archives of the Boncompagni family forms,
now that the Borghese, Barberini and Chigi collections have
come into the possession of the Vatican, and that of the
Corsini into that of the Italian government, the most
important
collection of the kind still in private hands. For Gregory
XIII. they contain essential additional matter to the
plentiful
material in the Papal Secret Archives. Besides numerous
collections of letters and monographs, of special importance
is a collection of materials for the history of Gregory
XIII.
added in the time of Sixtus V. by the Duke of Sora, Giacomo
1 Sec Ally. Zeitunv, 1901, n. 185.
1 Cod. B. 1, E. 107, F. 12 and 27 arc shown as mining in the
catalogue.
8 E.g. of Bern bo, Sigonio, Card. A. Valicro, M. A. Murctus,
Hicron. Cardanus,
Caspar Scioppius, Franc. Mucantius, C. Baronius, Fab.
Albergatus, Matth.
Henarego, Card. Toletus, and manv members of the
Boncam^agiii family.
No manuscript is earlier than the Xlllth century.
4 For other purposes there have been working in the Archives
since 1887 my
friend A. Picper, who died prematurely, P. Tacchi-Venturi,
P. Pierling, F.
Giiterbock (sec A 7 . Archiv f. altere deuische Gesch.,
XXV., 1899, 39 se<j.), A.
Hcidenhain, some scholars from Poland, Brom for the Low
Countries (see
Archivalia, III, 265 scq.) and lastly the young prince
Francesco Boncompaffn}-
Ludovisi on the Japanese mission to Gregory XIII.
APPENDIX. 6OI
Boncompagni, who died in 1612, and which Maffei used as
the basis of his biography. 1 This was formed by asking the
principal fellow-workers of the dead Pope for notes as to
their recollections. In order to facilitate their work
definite
questions were put before them. Thus in Cod. D. 7 there is
preserved a letter from Giacomo Boncompagni to A. Musotti,
dated Milan, January 1590, in which it is stated that the
writer for a long time (buon pezzo) has wished to have
written
a biography of Gregory XIII. ; that he has now found an
eminently qualified person for that purpose, for whose
benefit
he is trying to collect information from all quarters, and
especially from those persons who were the ministers and
most
intimate friends of that Pope. For this purpose he sends
Musotti 51 questions. 2 Musotti s reply is to be found in
the
same manuscript ; it is so detailed and valuable as to call
for
separate treatment (see infra App. no. 29).
Further material of the same kind is to be found in a series
of other manuscripts in the Boncompagni archives, especially
in Cod. D. 5, 6 and 8. Cod. D. 8 is directly described as
" Memorie diverse raccolte per la compilazione degli
annali
ms. intrapresi dal sig, Giacomo seniore Boncompagni, duca
di Sora." This manuscript contains a report of the
conclave,
a " Compendio della vita di Gregorio XIII. con molte
postille
orig. fra quali varie del sig. Fabio Albergati," and
other
documents, especially poems and orations, as for example
" Oratione prima di Ferrante Caraffa marchese di Santo
Lucido
alia S u di P. Gregorio XIII. dopo i successi della vittoria
per
conservatione et accrescimento della s. lega e per 1
espeditione
della s. crociata (scritta al 1 di November 1573)." The
funeral
oration by Cardinal Guastavillani is also to be found here
(see supra p. 22, n. 7). Materials of a similar kind are to
be found in Cod. D. 6 ; e.g. many opinions on the
disturbances
in Mclta (see supra p. 116), the report of the journey of
the
Cardinal of S. Sisto, F. Boncompagni (see supra p. 522, n.
2),
the " Abiuratio archi-episcopi Toletam " of April
14, 1576,
a series of documents concerning France, as well as the
letter
of justification from Alengon to Gregory XIII., dated Blois,
5 November, 1575 (see supra p. 524), and especially the
report
1 Cod. D.28 contains " Lettere spettanti alia
compilazione degli Annali di
Gregorio XIiI," A letter that belongs here, in MAFFEI,
1, xvi.
2 In this he also asks concerning the mistakes of Gregory
XIII. From the
order in which these questions are placed we get the explanation
of the order
in which Galli, Musotti, etc. wrote their notes.
602 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of Cardinal Orsini (pp. 131-319) on his mission in France
(see
supra p. 517, n. i). Cod. D. 29 contains " Istanze e
suppliche
da diversi sovrani d Europa per la reintegrazione dell
ordine
degli Umiliati 1572-73." Cod. D. 9 contains documents
concerning the Pope s anxiety about damage by floods in the
Papal States, and among the latter many monographs of
Scipione di Castro. 1 The letter of Gregory XIII. concerning
the granting of property at Bologna to Giacomo Boncompagni
and his heirs is to be found in Cod. D. i. The same applies
to
the letter on the coronation of Charles V. (see supra p. 17,
n. 3).
Cod. D. 4. contains the letters of the legation to Spain of
Ugo
Boncompagni (see supra p. 23) and letters of the years
1566-71.
Besides these the most important materials are contained
in Cod. D. 5 : " Memorie della vita di Gregorio XIII.
raccolte
da diversi e originali relazioni di cardinali, nunzii e
altri intesi
del di lui pontificate." The most important documents
are :
1. Notes of Cardinal Galli (see infra App. no. 28).
2. Memorie e osservazioni sulla vita di Gregorio XIII. dal
card, di Fiorenza (poi Leone XI). Medici, who knew Gregory
XIII. as a Cardinal, gives a report of what he learned
during
the pontificate. As to the Pope s character, he begins by
saying : " lo posso con verita affirmare di non haver
mai
trattato con huomo alcuno piu accorto, piu cauto e piu tem-
perato, percioche nei negotii ch io passai con S.B ne non si
alteri mai ne mai offese con parole alcun principe . . .,
con-
servo sempre una somma gravita accompagnata da una
mansuetudine incredibile . . . Spediva con celerita
incredibile
andando sempre al punto del negotio che si trattava."
The
great love of the Pope for peace, his " costanza "
and his
" temperanza " are also shown by means of
examples. Medici
here confirms the account of Musotti (see infra App. No. 29)
and remarks : " Come inimico dell otio et de piaceri
non
lascio mai ne intermesse la speditione de negotii, sebene
tal
volta indisposto occultando quanto piu poteva 1
indispositione
come indefesso ch era nelle fatighe." Medici cites
numerous
1 Cod. D. 9 also contains from the same author a " Compendio
degli stati e
govern! di Fiandro " and " Mem. orig. dei Cantoni
Svizzeri." Many writings
of S. de Castro are also to be found in the Boncompagni
Archives, e.g. in Cod
F. 32 and 33 : " De vita et rebus gestis Andreae Doriae
" ; in Cod. 1). 10 :
" (1) Trattato politico -morale del Principe ; (2)
Informatione del generalato
d aiyrai dello stato di Milano a Giacomo Boncompagni ; (3)
Avvertimenti dati
a Marc Ant, Colonna quando audo vicerd In Sicilia,"
APPENDIX. 603
circumstances in defence and explanation of the attitude of
Gregory XIII. towards the bandits. The following remark is
especially important : " lo posso referire in sua
difesa quello
che a S. S td> udi ragionare, et questo e che li
papi, che sono
vecchi, malagevolmente conducono T imprese loro a buon
fine dove si ha da fare con 1 arme, perche poco sono serviti
et di male gambe si dalli lor proprii ministri, si ancora
dalli
principi et signori."
3. The notes of Salviati refer exclusively to the time of
his nunciature in France. They have been used supra in
chapters IX., XIII. For the reference to the massacre of St.
Bartholomew see App. n. 31.
4. The notes of Cardinal A. Valiero principally refer to his
visitation journeys (see supra, 82, n. i).
5. The " Memorie del card. Mattei " refer to the
disagree
ment between Gregory XIII. and Cardinal Este. Maffei
(II., 463 seq.) relies upon this in his account ; this is
the only
instance where he expressly quotes a document in Cod.
D. 5.
6. The " Considerationi di Ces. Speciani " are so
full as to
demand special treatment (see infra, App. No. 30).
7. The " Memorie del vesc. di Lodi [L. Taverna "]
contain
especially notes on the character of the Pope, which
frequently
confirm and amplify Musotti (cf. supra, Chap. I.).
8. The " Memorie del vesc. di Bergamo [G. Ragazzoni]
nuncio in Francia " contain little of importance ; the
only
point of interest are his remarks on the zeal of Gregory for
the visitation of dioceses.
9. The " Memorie di Mons. Dandino " are only of
importance
for events in France (see supra 533).
10. The Notes of A. Musotti (see infra, App. No. 29).
11. The " Memorie di Mons. Domenico Grimaldi,
arcivescovo
di Avignone." The author (cf. Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XVI.,
382, 431 seq.) principally gives information as to his own
work
in connexion with the war against the Turks and the defence
of Avignon (see supra 533).
12. " Sommario delle commissioni date da Gregorio XIII.
di s.m. al P. Possevino per conto di pace fra principi et
pro-
pagatione della fede cattolica in varii regni et
provincie."
After the many publications of Pierling this only gives any
thing that is new in certain points (cf. Vol. XX. of this
work).
604 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
As an appendix Possevino gives a collection of dates and of
qualifications of Gregory XIII., which are specially note
worthy (see supra, p. 53, n. 3, note on Galli) and the
memorial
to Gregory XIII. which is now published in Fontes rer.
Transilv.,
III., i seqq.
13. The report of P. Giov. Bruno is of importance for the
history of the missions (see Vol. XX. of this work).
14. " Memorie sulle pitture et fabriche " (see
Vol. XX.
of this work, App. No. n).
15. Notes of P. Leonardo di Santangelo, rettore di Lore to
(see Vol. XX. of this work).
16. " Memorie di Mons. Venantio da Camerino " are
of the
greatest interest for the earlier life of the Pope, and
worthy
of all reliance ; these have been used fully in Chapter I.
17. " Memorie di Fazolio " with notes as to where
further
material is to be found ; there are also some noteworthy
remarks.
1 8. At the same time there are by way of Appendix the
" Varia." Here too original opinions are to be
found : e.g.
a plan presented to the Pope by Bernardo Bizzardo for a
" nuovo ordine di cavalieri." An anonymous plan is
addressed
to Giacomo Boncompagni for fighting the bandits, and a
report
of Onorato Gaetani on the " fortezza di Ancona."
(Plans for
its strengthening and the repairing of the harbour.) The
anonymous " Avvertimenti per la fortificatione di
Civitavecchia
et dell inconvenienti seguiti " contain schemes for the
forti
fication together with an indication of the errors which are
thereby avoided. There follow opinions on the war against
the Turks (see infra, App. Nos. 31-33), on the question of
the Jews (see supra pp. 308 seq.), a " Discorso sopra
le cose
di Fiandra," another " sul fatto del marchesato di
Saluzzo
(cf. MAFFEI, II., 34 seq., 98) and on the disturbances at
Genoa.
The manuscripts collected by the Duke of Sora, bear witness,
not only to his devotion to Gregory XIII., but are a further
proof that he was a very cultivated man of great ability. 1
1 Torne (p. 119) forms quite a false judgment of the duke.
The latter
showed favour to scholars (cf. LITTA, p. 53) many of whom
dedicated their
works to him, e.g. C. SIOONIO his masterpiece De regno
Italiae (Venice, 1591),
and Fabio Albergati his *Trattato di politica, Cod. K. 15,
and the *Discorso
sul moda di cognoscere la verita e far buona scelta di
ministri, Cod. K. 11
Bonoompagni Archives, Rome. Also the celebrated collection
of engravings
of ETIENNK nu FKKAC, I vestigj dell antichita di Roma,
(Home, 1577), is
dedicated to the duke,
APPENDIX. 605
28. MEMORIE ET OSSERVATIONI SULLA VITA DI GREGORIO XIII.
DEL S. CARDINALE DI COMO [GALLl].
The notes of a Papal Secretary of State concerning the
period of his own term of office are very rare. Among such
may be placed the " Memorie " of Cardinal Galli
preserved
in Cod. D. 5 of the Boncompagni Archives. Galli certainly
had before him a draft of a biography of Gregory XIII., upon
which he made his own observations, since he arranged these
according to the chapters of his copy. Of great interest is
the
judgment formed as early as Chapter III. Galli there remarks
as follows on the personality of Gregory XIII. : " Fu
huomo
di sodo e prudente giudicio et d una constante et perpetua
bonta in tutte le sue attioni et abborrente da certi
artificii
che procedono de la sagacita et astutia ordinaria degli huomini."
Concerning Gregory s manner of life, Galli remarks : "
Non
si sa che havesse altro diletto maggiore che d attendere
a negotii. Dispensava il suo tempo benissimo stando in
perpetua attione. La mattina ricitato I officio divino in
camera
usciva a la messa, la quale celebrava per se stesso almeno
203 volte la settimana. Di poi secondo le giornate attendeva
alle capelle, consistorii et signature senza lasciarne mai
altro
che una capella sola in 13 anni. II resto tempo consumava
in audienze dandole gratissimamente, perche non inter-
rompeva mai quel che parlava, et ne dava molte, perche con
le sue brevi risposte consumava poco tempo con
ciascuno."
He spent only half an hour over his dinner, and a quarter
over his supper " essendo parcissimo del mangiare et
bere, senza
voler trattenimento di musica ne di buffoni et
ciarlatori."
Galli speaks in a specially detailed way of the
ecclesiastico-
political work of Gregory XIII. The form of his account of
the struggles with Philip II. on p. 18 seq., shows how wrong
is the view that Galli was the obsequious servant of the
Spanish
king. In this matter Galli is absolutely on the side of the
Pope, as he is in dealing with the controversy with Venice
about Aquileia, as to which he remarks that in this matter
no
agreement was arrived at : " Fu lasso indeciso, ma pero
con
un perpetuo timore de la Republica, che il Pontefice dovesse
procedere ad ultiora contra la Republica, se ben S. S ta per
non sturbar la quiete publica d ltalia s astenne sempre di
farlo."
606 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Drawing upon his recollections, Galli says : " Molte
volte
avenne che i cardinal! de li congregation!, quando in
concistoro
referivano alcuni loro decreti et risolutioni fondate ne le
legge
et autorita de dottori, esso [il Papa] a 1 improvise
ricordava
loro altre piu a proposito et di maggior peso, di che essi
rimanevano stupiti non meno che de la memorie che del
giudicio."
Galli treats more especially of the great work done by
Gregory XIII. in the foundation of colleges (see supra 237
seq),
of his care for the pilgrims during the year of Jubilee, of
his
relations with the Cardinals, his predilection for the
Jesuits
(see supra 234), and his piety and generosity (see supra
48).
As far as the matter of money subsidies to the princes is
concerned, Galli s information differs from that of Musotti.
According to Galli Maximilian II. and Henry III. each
received
100,000 scudi, the Archduke Charles 40,000, and Ernest of
Bavari more than 120,000 against Gebhard Truchsess.
Musotti, on the other hand, allows " al Re di Francia
piu
di 300,000 scudi aU Imperatore 100,000 all arciduca Carlo
100,000, all impresa di Colonia piu di 200,000, al sig. D.
Giovanni d Austria 50,000." The latter figures are to
be
preferred to those of Galli.
Speaking of buildings, Galli describes the Capella
Gregoriana
as follows : " Questa capella per la quantita, varieta
et
finezza di diversi marmi et colonne pretiose et per li
lavori
sottilissimi di mosaico e stimata cosa a nostri tempi molto
singolare et che forsi superi di bellezza ogni altro
edificio anco
degli antichi." He continues : " Ampli6 et orno
grandemente
il palazzo di S. Pietro in Vaticano et tra le altre cose si
fece
quell appartamento che attacca con la loggia di Leone X.,
con
la loggia chiamata Bologna in cima, che da se solo e un
grandis-
simo palazzo, et fini del tutto la Sala regia col suo
stupendo
pavimento et incrostatura di varii et finissimi marmi et
medesimamente la capella Paulina. Ma quel che supera
ogni meraviglia e 1 haver finito il corridore che da la
banda de
le stanze papali passa in Belvedere, che fu opera di
grandissima
et incomparabil spesa, massime per la galaria [sic] che vi
si e
fatta ornata tutta di stucchi et oro et di varie pitture de
la
topografia di tutta Italia, tutti distinta in quadri di
provincia
in provincia con le misure molto giuste, che e forse la piu
bella
cosa che hoggidi si veda in questo genere."
APPENDIX. 607
Galli is upon his own ground when he speaks of the diplo
matic missions, but it could be desired that he had been
more
explicit in this matter ; he points to the mission of
Possevino
as the most important, even though its purpose was very
incompletely fulfilled. In Sweden, Galli says, Possevino at
least saved the king s son to the Church. With regard to
Ivan IV. he says : " Ma come 1 intentione del Mosco non
era
in altro che di liberarsi de le guerre, non si puote fare
profitto
alcuno circa la rehgione." The unfortunate outcome of
the
mission of the Cardinal-nephew to Henry III. is not passed
over. Galli strongly rebuts the view that Gregory XIII. had
concluded a secret alliance with the Guise : " E molto
lontano
dal vero quel che si presuppone che il Pontefice facesse mai
lega secreta che li s rl Ghisardi ne con altri in Francia,
et la
verita e questa che li s ri Ghisardi mandorno a Roma
secreta-
mente il P. Claudio Matthei lesuita a far intendere a S. S 1
^
la risolutione che essi havevano fatta di pigliar le armi
etiam
invito rege, per cacciar di Francia tutti gli heretici et
rimettere
in pie la puritk de la fede cattolica, et che prima che
cominciar
1 impresa dimandavano 1 apostolica benedettione. II Papa
fece consultare da molti theologi quel che in tal caso
poteva
et doveva fare, et col parere di loro rispose a bocca che se
li
principi de la lega si movevano principalmente per la
religione,
S. S u approbava 1 intention loro et li benediva, ne altro
fu
fatto ne detto in questa materia ne posto cosa alcuna in
scritto, et fu nei giorni estremi de la vita del
Pontefice."
There only follow some remarks upon the conclave (see
supra 15) and the statement that the Pope always kept
Galli with him, whom he had summoned to assist him, and
Contarelli, whereas he changed his other " ministri."
A useful supplement to Musotti is afforded by a detailed
description of the manner of life and character of the Pope,
which has been made use of supra, chapter I.
A special chapter serves as a relation on the conditions in
the States of the Church : " Di alcuni difetti come
credulita,
troppa misericordia et qualche prodigalita et gladiorum
impunitas massime dopo la morte del S. Raimondo
Orsino."
In this Galli says : " E venuto [il Papa] in opinione
di molti
per troppo credulo et facile, et mite. Ma la verita e che
egli
era prudentissimo et sagacissimo, et per la gran prudenza
sua
mostrava molte volte di credere quel che conosceva essere
608 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in contrario, perche cosl espediva di fare secondo la
qualit&
de le persone et de li negotii che correvano, et soleva dire
che
dove non si poteva provedere, bisognava dissimulare per non
far peggio, et quelli che 1 accusano di troppo facile et
mite,
dovrebbono considerare che in un principe ecclesiastico et
vicario di Christo, non propriamente signore, ma padre
spirit-
uale di tutto il genere humano, e piu laudabile inclinar a
questa
parte che a la sua contraria, oltre che per otto anni
continui
del suo pontificate nissuno gli attribui mai questo difetto,
perche non ci erano fuorusciti ne altri malfattori ne lo
stato
ecclesiastico, ma di poi per la mala qualita de tempi et per
la pessima natura d alcuni si fecero nascere li fuorusciti
et li
travagli che si videro, et se ben il Pontefice fece ogni
sforzo
suo et non perdon6 a spesa ne a fastidio per estinguerli,
non
puote pero conseguirlo mai, et cosi per minor male 1 ando
tolerando con tanto maggior charita verso la quiete publica
quanto che sapeva benissimo Torigine et il fomento di tutto
il male/
Two other chapters deal with " De la distruttione di
Monte
Marciano " and on the position in connexion with the
dis
turbances in Portugal ; in the latter case, however, Galli
says
nothing of his opposition at that time to Gregory XIII. (see
supra 359). With regard to the league against the Turks,
Galli remarks that the Pope, in spite of all disappointments
" mai perse la speranza." Galli s remarks on the
attitude
of Gregory XIII. towards Stephen Bathory are worthy of
being quoted in their entirety. He writes : " Dipoi nel
secondo interogno non hebbe parte alcuna ne la creatione del
Re Stefano, anzi gli fu contrario, perche non haveva
sicurezza
alcuna ch egli fusse cattolico, et dubitava de la dipendenza
per la Transilvania dal Turco, onde commando al nuntio suo
in Polonia, che era il vesc. di Mondovi, hora cardinale, che
favorisse piu presto Massimiliano imperatore, si come fece,
et per cio fu eletto il detto Massimiliano da tutto 1 ordine
ecclesiastico, del vesc. di Cuiavia in poi et da tutti gli
ordini
secolari catolici, et se Massimiliano era presto a entrar in
Polonia, conseguiva il regno senza alcuna difnculta, ma il
suo
procrastinare fu causa che Stefano anticipasse et si
fermasse
nel possesso, con tutto che fusse stato detto da la minore
et
peggior parte, ma assai importo che egli havesse per fautore
il
cancelliere persona di grande autorita et la principessa
Anna
APPENDIX. 609
sorella di Sigismondo Re di Polonia morto, la quale favori
vStefano con animo di maritarsi poi seco, come fece. E ben
vero che mostrandosi poi il Re Stefano nel principio del suo
regno inclinato a cattolici et divoto del Pontefice et de la
s. Sede, et sforzandosi ne le occorrenze publiche di dar
quanto
poteva buon saggio di se a li ministri apostolici, et nel
resto
governandosi con molta prudenza, et scoprendosi in lui molto
valore et esperienza, acquisto interamente la gratia del
Ponte
fice, il quale non resto poi di abbracciarlo et haverlo caro
et
far qualche disegno sopra di lui per qualche segnalato
beneficio
del christianesimo contra il Turco."
The end of the " Memorie " consists of his account
of the
death of Gregory XIII., his proceedings against Gebhard
Truchsess, and as an appendix, a chapter " Delle cose
d Avignone " and some other addenda.
29. THE NOTES OF ALESSANDRO MUSOTTI ON GREGORY XIII.
The Bolognese, Alessandro Musotti, who was interrogated
by the Duke of Sora, was assuredly better fitted than any to
give special information as to the life of Gregory XIII.,
since, even before his election, he had been in such
confidential
relations with Gregory XIII. that he could describe himself
as " servitore confidentissimo." This close
relationship,
which found expression immediately after the elevation of
Gregory XIII. in the appointment of Musotti as "
tesoriere
segreto " became embittered in 1573 (see *Avviso di
Roma of
September 12, 1573, Urb. 1043 p. 303, Vatican Library ;
cf. the *Relatione in the Corsini Library, supra p. 9). The
reasons for the disgrace of that time are not well known.
Later on Musotti once again recovered his former favour ;
he was quite unexpectedly given the important office of a
Major-domo (Maestro di casa) and on December 9th, 1579,
became Bishop of Imola. It was thought that he would also
receive the purple. In the meantime, however, Gregory XIII.
died, so that Musotti retired to his diocese where he
laboured
until his death (in 1605) in the spirit of the Catholic
reform. 1
The Notes of Musotti which are preserved in Cod. D. 7 of the
Boncompagni Archives, are as full as they are important. At
the beginning he says : " Questo che segue e quello che
io
MORONI, XXXIV, 103, XLI, 261. Musotti s brother, too,
Filippo,
was in close relations with the Pope. Cf. TORNE, 250 ;
MONTAIGNE, II, 48.
VOL. XIX. 39
6lO HISTORY OF THE POPES.
posso dire per verita della vita della santa memoria di Papa
Gregorio et per propria scienza et per vera relatione havuta
da altri."
Musotti first treats in great detail of the life of Gregory
XIII. before the time of his papacy, and of the beginning
of the pontificate, he then describes exactly his manner of
life, the foundation of the various colleges, his wide
charitable
activity, the buildings, the administration of the States of
the
Church, the finances (abbondanza) and the precautions
against
the plague, and then turns to the peace-making work of the
Pope. In this connexion he describes in special detail, his
intervention in the disturbances at Malta (supra p. 116).
The relations of Gregory with Poland and Portugal are
treated
more briefly. Musotti attributes the continuance of
brigandage
to the attitude of the Grand Duke of Tuscany : "
Conoscendo
il Pontefice, che erano fomentati da qualche prencipe che
haveva caro di travagliarlo, era il granduca di Toscana
Francesco, et volendoli levare, bisognava dare principio a
una
guerra, cosa da lui (come si e detto) abboritissima ; si
volto
al rimedio delle orationi et elemosine per placare in questa
maniera 1 ira giusta del Signore Dio per li peccati de popoli."
When he deals with the attitude of Gregory XIII. towards
Piccolomini, Musotti again alludes to the behaviour of the
Medici and brings out the Pope s love of peace. He then
touches briefly upon the end of the trial of Carranza, the
activity of Gregory as the champion of ecclesiastical
jurisdic
tion and liberties, the mission of Toledo to Louvain, and
the
reform of the calendar. Musotti also describes the attitude
of Gregory towards the Cardinals, and the appointment of
the Cardinals whom he preferred. In this connexion he
rightly brings out the inspired happiness of his choice, and
the absence of all nepotism. The following is of importance
:
" Non li piaceva nel sacro collegio della cardinali
numero di
frati e diceva ridendo, che per questo rispetto ancora la
Sede
Apostolica non li dispensava a mutare habiti, perche fossero
conosciuti fra li altri, et li pontefici non ne facessero
molti.
Non volse mai in cardinalato protettione di religione di
frati,
perche diceva, che bisognava lasciare il governo delli frati
alii suoi frati et fra frati, et pero levarne anco pochi
dalli
claustri per darli altri governi, etc." A number of
important
episodes are adduced to show the piety of Gregory XIII.
APPENDIX. 6ll
His remarks on his behaviour after the massacre of St.
Bartholomew have been quoted (supra p. 509). Particulars
are then given of the visit of the hereditary prince of
Cleves,
the reception of the envoys of Russia, the behaviour of
Gregory
at the death of his nephew (supra p. 37) and a detailed
description of the Japanese embassy. The death and funeral
of the Pope, and some remarks upon the part played by the
number 13 in his life, bring the notes to an end. 1
The Notes of Musotti, who does not conceal his sincere
veneration for Gregory XIII., bear the impress of absolute
credibility. They contain a large number of characteristic
details and expressions of the Pope. Considerations of space
only enable me to give here his section on the building
works
of Gregory XIII. :
" Et per piu imitare li santi pontefici, si diede a
fabricare
altre chiese et cappelle et a resarcire di quelle, che per
1 antichita ne havevano bisogno. Fece fare la honorata
cappella del Santissimo Sacramento in S. Giovan Laterno,
dotandola d alcuni capellani, che hanno la cura di quel
santo
servitio. Fece resarcire tutto il Battesimo di Constantino,
et
coprirlo di piombo, che ruinava a fatto ; fece accommodare
il portico di S. Maria Maggiore, che stava a malissime
termine ;
fece in gran parte la chiesa di S. Gregorio nella chiesa di
S.
Maria in Navicella, dove stano li preti riformati, et fu poi
chiamata S. Maria in Gregorio, ampliata dal cardinale Gio.
Donato de Cesis ; fece la chiesa de Capucini di Roma con la
piazza inanzi, et li aiuto molto a fare ancora la loro
chiesa et
monasterio, che hanno a Frascati, perche amava molto questa
religione, et ne haveva paterna cura. Mentre stava alia
villa, se li faceva le spese di tutto punto, et quando si
partiva,
se li lasciava, provisione grossissima per molti giorni ;
per
quelli di Roma haveva commandato, che per sempre li fosse
dato quanto pane et vino volessero delTistesso, che lui
magnava
et beveva, se bene loro modestissimi non ne pigliavano se
( non per li infermi. Fabrico a Monteporcio, luogo
deh"ill mo
card. Altemps, una chiesa sotto il titolo di S. Gregorio
et li diede entrata honesta, per mantenere un rettore per
beneficio di quelle anime, che per la distanza et incomodita
del luogo molte volte, anco le feste, stavano senza la messa
et
1 Hitherto all that has been published has been the point
concerning the
Japanese envoys, in Francesco Boncompagni-Ludovisi, a pp.
10-11.
6l2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
molti morivano senza li santissimi sacramenti. Fece in
S. Cosma et Damiano una cappella, facendo accommodare
tutta la chiesa, dove furono trovati li corpi di Papa Felice
Secondo, et di S. Marco et Marcelliano fratelli, et di
Tranquilio
loro padre, et di S. Abbondio et Abbondantio martiri, i
quali
dui furorio con licenza del Pontefice trasportati con
incredibile
solennita, pompa et decoro alia chiesa del lesu fabricata
daU ill mo Alessandro card. Farnese tanto nobilmente, come
si vede in piazza. Altieri, et ivi furono riposti et da
quelli padri
tenuti con grande honore, veneratione et devotione. Diede
non poco aiuto alia fabrica della chiesa della Madonna de
Monti, die nel suo tempo comincio a fare tante gratie et
miracoli in quel luoco, della quale ne era molto devoto, et
la
visitava spesso, come fu sempre tutto il tempo di vita sua
devotissimo della beata Vergine, et tutte le sue prosperita
le riconosceva in gran parte dalla intercessione di questa
santissima vergine e madre. Fece anco fare la chiesa delle
monache Capuccine a Monte Cavallo, et mentre stava la, se
li faceva la spesa, et di poi sempre continuava elemosina.
Diede molto aiuto alia fabrica delle convertite nella strada
del Corso et erano soccorse di ordinaria et straordinaiia
elemosina. Aiuto anche notabilmente la fabrica delli padri
Theatini di S. Silvestro a Monte Cavallo, a quali haveva
sempre portata particolare affettione, et quando era private
prelato, li dava ordinaria elemosina di un scudo ogni
venerdi,
quale volse si continuasse di dare anco in pontificate per
sua
particolare devotione, se bene li accrebbe altra provisione
maggiore. Fece sofnttare il portico di S. Pietro, che era
tutto
ruinato. Fabrico la cappella, anzi gran chiesa Gregoriana in
S. Pietro di spesa piu di centomilla scudi, dotandola di
certo
numero di capellani, che ogni giorno sono obligati celebrare
in
detta cappella, dedicandola in honore di quella sempre
gloriosa
imagine la santissima Madonna del Soccorso, della quale per
essere tanto celebre non si dira altro, perch e quanto si
dicesse,
si direbbe molto poco in lode di non mai abbastanza laudata
vergine e madre, come non si dira del maraviglioso edificio
della detta cappella ornata non di pietre et colonne, ma di
gioie et colossi con stucchi et mosaici et organo richissimi
et
nobilissimi a tale, che lingua non basta per laudare tanta
opera. Non tacendo pero, che per maggior dote della detta
cappella vi fece transportare un altra pretiosissima gioia
il
corpo di S. Gregorio Nazianzeno. . . .
APPENDIX. 613
Aiuto largamente diversi altri monasterii, chiese et monache
et in Roma et fuori di Roma et in particolare le monache del
Corpo di Chris to di Bologna celebre per tutto il mondo,
quello
di S. Matteo et altri pure in Bologna, soccorrendo anco di
bona
somma la fabrica della catedrale di S. Pietro di Bologna,
donandoli paramenti, croci et candelieri d argento
ornatissimi ;
mand6 alia santissima casa di Loreto paramenti et donativi,
compro alii padri della Trinita del Monte il terreno per
fabricar
la scala, et se fosse vissuto 1 haverebbe fatta.
Fabrico la Sapienza a j PP. lesuiti, fabrica veramente
stupenda et per la grandezza et magnificenza sua, ma molto
piu per la infinita utilita che porta a tutto il mondo,
perche
vi si leggono tutte le scienze da quei padri, con tanto
concorso
da tutte le parti del mondo continuato et augmentato
maggior-
mente doppo la morte del Pontefice, segno manifesto, che
il sig re Dio ha particolare cura di queste sante opere per
beneficio della chnstianitade. . . .
Non lascio cosa a fare questo S. Pontefice a beneficio del
stato ecclesiastico, non perdonando ne a spesa, ne a fatica
;
ridusse la fortezza di -Ancona forte principalissimo del
stato
ecclesiastico in cosi bella et inespugnabile forma,
provedendola
di molti pezzi artiglieria et altre monitioni con notabile
spesa.
Fece spianare tutte le strade della Marca sino alia s. Casa
di Loreto, facendo farvi diversi ponti, accio vi potessero
andare le carozze, come fanno, opera utile et necessaria et
d infinita commodita.
Fece ancora fare il ponte sopra la Paglia, dove spese piu
di 20 mila scudi, opera veramente necessariissima, d
infinita
commodita et sicurezza per li passeggeri, che erano
trattenuti
dalle pioggie, et molti ogn anno ne pericolavano con perdita
della vita e forse deH anima.
Et fece anco fare il ponte Santa Maria a Roma di tanto
ornamento et commodita alia citta, opera degna di tanto
prencipe, come non e meno degna, commoda et utile la fabrica
fatta delli granari alle Termi, dove si conservano li grani
dell abbondanza a beneficio grandissimo del popolo.
Diede anco principio alia bonificatione della valle di
Ravenna,
riducendola a tale stato, che facilmente si conduceva al
fine,
et vi spese piu di 40 mila scudi, opera che sarebbe molto
salubre alia citta per il miglioramento dell aere et utile a
tutta la provmcia per la gran quantita de grani che vi si
614 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
coglierebbono, oltre il bran beneficio delle tratte alia
rev.
Camera Apostolica.
Vedendo anco, che molti vasselli, che conducevano vitto-
vaglia da Napoli a Roma, per la difficulta di aboccare nel
Fiumicino si somergevano et molti erano presi da Turchi,
fece
fabricare una torre, dalla quale si scuoprono li vasselli
che
vengono, et se li porgono aiuti et li salvano, facendo
inoltre
con parere di valenti ingegnieri fare una palafittata in
mare
per fare un porto sicuro per detti vasselli, et vi spese piu
di
40 mila scudi, et se bene prevenuto dalla morte non puote
finire si utile et necessaria spesa, era pero in tale
termine, che
per tanto notabile beneficio a poveri marinari et commodo
alia citta di Roma, la quale era da lui peculiarmente amata,
et sempre faceva qualche cosa per maggior ornato et
commodita
di quella, come si vede anco per le nobili fontane fatte in
Piazza Navona, della Rotonda, del Popolo, la nobile strada
da S. Maria Maggiore a S. Giov. Laterano ; fece scollare
1 acque de monti sotto la Madonna de monti, che prima
causavano di gran ruine, et riducendo quelli luoghi
habitabili,
che prima erano inhabitabili e palludosi. Che diro delle
tante et cosl nobili fabriche fatte nel palazzo di S. Pietro
al Vaticano, di tanti nobili appartamenti aggiuntivi, della
vaga et ricca loggia, della Bologna, di quella de Venti,
della superba et richissima Galeria : non e lingua bastante
per esprimere queste magnificenze e grandezze bisogna che
I occhio le veda per maggiormente stupire. Fece 1 honorato
pavimento et incrostatura della Cappella Paolina et sala
del Re facendo finire di dipengere 1 una et 1 altra da
valent huomini et primi pittori di quel tempo, Giorgio
Vasaro
Aretino, Federico Zuchero Urbinate, Lorenzo Sabadini
Bolognese, et ne quattro angoli del pavimento della detta
Sala Regia vi sono quattro imprese veramente convenient!
a un tanto prencipe, 1 una del drago rinvolto con le
estremita
della coda in bocca, il moto a quo et ad quern, 1 altra un
tempio con un drago in cima, il moto vigilare, la terza e un
drago intiero, il moto che dice foelix praesagium, la quarta
u
un drago sopra un pie di stallo, il moto che dice non com-
movebitur. Potra ciascuno dalla vita di questo Pontefice
cavare la interpretation di questi moti et imprese et come
sono verificate compitamente con le sue attioni virtuose et
degne.
APPENDIX. 615
Ridusse nella honorata maniera che si trova la sala di
Constantino per mano di Tomaso Laureti Ciciliano valente
pittore ; insomma, se si volessero raccontare tutte le
honorate
fabriche, bisognarebbe scrivere un volume da se ; voglio
finirla con 1 ultima fabrica fatta a Monte Cavallo al giardino
del card le d Este, dove fabrico un superbissimo palazzo per
commodita delli pontefici suoi successor! ne tempi estivi,
et
bene sapeva che lui per la sua decrepita non haveva da
goderlo,
fu come lui disse prima, che lo principiasse.
Ma diceva ancora, che bisognava operare sempre et vivere,
come se ogni hora si havesse da morire, et come se si fosse
per
vivere sempre, et che il temere la morte era una perpetua
morte, la quale non si doveva temere se non per bene
vivere."
30. CONSIDERATION: SOPRA LA VITA DI GREGORIO XIII. DEL
VESCOVO DI CREMONA [CESARE SpEciANi]. 1
The " Considerationi " of Speciani is one of the
most impor
tant documents in Cod. D. 5 of the Boncompagni Archives,
and together with the notes of Musotti is one of the best
sources from which may be gathered direct impressions as to
the character and personality of the great Pope, such as
could
be formed only by one who was close by his side. Speciani
limits his notes to those matters concerning which he speaks
from his personal knowledge ; for everything else he refers
to
various other authorities. He several times expressly says
that he had questioned others who had themselves taken part
in the matter referred to.
After Speciani has brought out the great prudence of Gregory
XIII. ("in Spagna appresso grhuomini piu grandi et
insigni
di prudenza egli e chiamato il savio governatore per eccel-
lenza ") he goes on to speak of his natural character :
Egli era huomo di pochissime parole et talmente parco et
circospetto nel parlare che non diceva mai se non quello che
era necessario et con parole piu brevi et significanti che
poteva
in maniera che delle risposte sue da chi non era piu che
avertito
1 For C. Speciani, the former worthy agent of Charles
Borromeo in Rome,
secretary of the Congregation of Bishops, and afterwards
Bishop of Novara
and Cremona, where he ruled in accordance with the ideas of
the Catholic
reform, see, besides Moroni, VII, 147 ; XVIII, 182 ; XLVIII,
135 ; and
Steffens-Reinhardt, Nuniaturberichte aus der Schweiz.
Introd. to Vols. I and
II (passim), the Vita di Msg. Ces. Speciani, Bergamo 1786,
which is based upon
good authorities b\it has become very scarce. Speciani is
spoken of as nuncio
in Spain 1586-1589, and in Germany 1592-1597 ; he did not
attain to the
purple (see BENTIVOGU, Memorie 131 seg.). He died at Spoleto
in 1607,
6l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
non era inteso qualche volte la mente sua. The treatment of
his Caidinals. Era oltretanto acuto nell intendere come
tardo nel parlare, perche uno non haveva cosi piesto
cominciato
ad aprir la bocca, ch esso intendeva il fine dove caminava,
et gli faceva tali inten ogatorii ch el esponente, se non
era pin
che acuto et prattico, restava confuso, et di qui era che li
referendarii in segnatura et 1 istessi cardinali non 1
arrischia-
vono di proporre alcune cause delle quali et d ogni
circonstanza
essi non fossero bene informati per poter rispondere
resolutamente alii quesiti che il Papa soleva fare per il
fine
che si pretendeva. . . .
Se S. S tA fu in alcuna cosa un poco rimesso nel governo del
suo dominio temporale, veramente questo procedeva, perche
tutto era rivolto con li pensieri et con le forze sue nelle
cose
esterne che concernevano il bene commune delle provincie
et massime di quelle che erano infestate d heresie ovvero di
guerre, alii quali e noto a tutti i soccorsi ch egli diede.
. . .
Estim6 in tutto il pontificate assai per la sua integrity il
card. Contarello, huomo anche di gran valore et fedele. Si
volse del Carniglia in molte cose di riforma et d altri
sacerdoti,
con li quali conferiva cose che non soleva dire ad altri, et
si
domestic6 assai col card. Borromeo, ad istanza del quale
faceva molte cose et gli credeva portandogli anche un
rispetto
incredibile per non dire riverenza, et soffriva che il
cardinale
gli dicesse tutto quello che voleva sopra le cose publiche
et private di S. S 1 ^ medesima.
But Speciani is not silent as to the mistakes of Gregory
XIII., on that subject he says :
Essendosi detto molto delle virtu di questo buon pontefice,
sara, conveniente cosa dire dei suoi defetti, sebene non
erano
molti, perche ove e gran virtu, difficilmente ponno stare
difetti d importanza.
Egli fu un poco rustico nel trattare, di che alcuni principi
si lamentavano non complendo esso con certa creanza, che si
suole usare tra principi grandi, et so io che bisogno fare
qualche
scusa, la quale era facilmente accettata, sapendosi nel
resto la
bont et buona intentione del Papa. Era parimente sospettoso
alle volte, dubitandosi d esser ingannato da quelli che
trattavano seco, etiam che fossero persona da bene, et
questo
aweniva per esser egli stato lungamente giudice et provato
la malitia dei procuratori et altri negotiant!, che
ingannavano
APPENDIX. 617
il piu delle volte per ottenere quello che desideravano
dalli
giudici, se non lo ponno havere per via retta.
Se gl oppone ancora la troppa facilita di perdonare ai
tristi, il che credo che non si doveria attribuire a male
parte,
perch e le viscere del principe et massime ecclesiastico
devono
essere tenerissime, et per questo li s. canoni cosi
severamente
prohibiscono che li chierici non s intromettino in modo
alcuno
in queste materie come cose che repugnano alia mitezza che
conviene che sia nelle persone ecclesiastiche. ben vero che
queste materie non si doveriano referire al Papa, ma ad
altri
deputati da lui sopra la giustitia, la quale e necessaria
che si
faccia, chi vuole tener la republica quieta, altrimente
nascono
di quei disordini et tumulti che si viddero al tempo di
questo
pontefice in Roma, ove conviene che la giustitia sia
essecutiva
et piu diligente che altrove per reprimere li malfattori, li
quali
hanno sempre grandissima et prossima speranza del perdono,
se non dal presente pontefice almeno dal futuro per le
spesse
mutationi che si veggono, et da qua vennero le disgratie
grandi che furono in tutto lo stato ecclesiastico de
latrocinii
et fuorusciti, sebene alle volte questi casi pare che
venghino
piii dalla mala dispositione de tempi o delle persone che da
negligenza de superiori, poiche si vede, che anche ove la
giustizia e rigorosa, a certi tempi compaiono incursioni di
banditi che fanno mali incredibili, li quali forse anche
permette
il Signore pe giusta punitione de popoli, li quali per il
piu
sono poco amici della giustitia et di quelli che hanno cura
di
farla, cercando mezzi con diligenze iniqui di ricoprire li
malfattori et impedire che la giustitia non possa fare
espedita-
mente cio che conviene."
At the end of his account Speciani collects certain sayings
of Gregory XIII. I give two of these : " Che a quelli
che
parlavano molto non si dovevano fidare negotii grandi,
perche
per il piu vagliono poco " " Che il principe deve
esser secreto
nelle cose sue et haver ministri simili a lui in
questo."
31. THE FRENCH NUNCIO A. M. SALVIATI ON THE
MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. 1
Quando Gregorio venne al pontificate, essendo in essere
la lega del Papa, del Re di Spagna e de Venetian! contra il
;See supra, p. 329, 331, 494 : 547.
6l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Turco, applico intieramente il pensiero a procurare tutte
quelle cose che potessero essere opportune, accioche delta
lega durasse et prosperasse, et sebene la quantita del
denaro,
ch egli poteva spendere, non era a tanto negotio di piu con-
sideratione che tanto, nondimeno con tanta generosita d
animo
si risolse di non perdonare ad alcuna sorte di spesa, et
essendo
detta lega principalmente fondata nelle forze del Re
catholico
et de Venetiani et anco nelle resolution! che potevano
nascere
dalla corte di Francia con tutti gli ambasciatori di detti
principi, fece ogni offitio possible perche il negotio
passasse
intieramente bene.
Et perche a Venetia era nuntio Msgr. Giov. Ant. Facchinetti,
vesc. di Nicastro, il quale sin da principio haveva trattato
questo negotio, non gli pareva espediente di mandare nuovi
ministri, ma indrizzare a lui tutti gli ordini opportuni a
detto
fatto. Ma in Spagna mando Nicolo Ormanetto, vescovo di
Padua, persona molto reputata per essere sempre vissa con
molto esempio et attesta alia riforma della chiesa et anco
versata ne negotii, accioche egli con la sua prudenza
manten-
esse il zelo, col quale il Re di Spagna attendeva a detto
negotio,
et facesse che piu speditamente fossero dati et eseguiti gli
ordini che da quella M ta havevano a dependere ; et in
Francia
destino Ant. Maria Salviati vescovo che fu di S. Papulo, il
quale pareva molto a proposito per negotiare in quella
corte,
essendovi conosciuto per due viaggi che vi haveva fatto di
commissione di Pio V s. m. in quei medesimi giorni ; ne par
da tacere che ancorche questi tre nuntii fussero stati
adoperati
et intrinseci dell antecessore, non gli hebbe per
diffidenti,
come molte volte avviene, anzi gli accarezzo et si servi d
essi,
non havendo altro pensiero che del ben publico della
christianita
et esaltatione di s. chiesa. Et se bene communemente si
diceva che 1 Papa ricercava il Re di Francia d entrare in
detta lega et Y instruttioni n erano piene, nondimeno egli
conosceva benissimo, quanto il negotio fosse difficile per
non
dire impossible, et che le condition i ch havrebbono volute
i Francesi, non potevano essere accordate dal Cattolico, i
quali nello stringere il negotio havrebbono domandato lo
stato
di Milano per il secondogenito di Francia et cose simili, et
pero il pontefice, ch era savio, pensava di conseguire che
almeno i Francesi con qualche diversione non impedissero il
Cattolico necessitandolo ad impiegar le sue sforze in
difendere
APPENDIX. 6ig
i stati proprii et conseqnentemente a sminuirle della lega,
poiche all hora si trattava che le sforze Frances! andassero
a dar soccorso a ribelli del Cattolico nella Fiandra, i
quali
havevano ridotti quei paesi in gravissimi pericoli, et se
bene
si trattava il negotio sotto nome degli Ugunotti et che 1
Amiraglio et altri capi a Ugunotti vi calassino, nondimeno
si vedeva che quella non era impresa correspondente alle
forze
loro, et che si mirava che le forze del Re di Francia vi si
haves-
sino ad inviare. Et questo negotio a benefitio della lega
ancorche si trattasse vivamente dal pontefice, et chel
nuntio
Salviati non lasciasse che fare per obedire al suo principe
et
impedire che i Francesi cio non facessino, nondimeno se Dio
con la sua bont& non provedeva con nuovo accidente, le
cose
erano a mal termine, perche sebene i pareri de grandi di
Francia et de consiglieri. del Re di Francia erano diversi,
et
che mossi da diversi interessi alcuni persuadessero et altri
dissuadessero 1 impresa di Fiandra, nondimeno e cosa certa
che il Re Carlo gustava sommamente il raggionamente di tal
negotio, et che a quello era grandemente inclinato. Ma Dio
provedde che quando s era su la conclusione essendo
1 Amiraglio capo de Ugunotti in Parigi et uscendo una
mattina
dal palazzo regio per tornare a desinare, gli fu da una
fenestra
tirata un archibugiata che gli porto via alcuni diti della
man
destra et passo il braccio sinistro, et qesto fu a XXII d
Agosto
1572, la quale ferita ancorche fosse mortale, nondimeno
havendo di piu il detto Amiraglio usato parole molto
insolenti
et il medesimo fatto i suoi seguaci, fu persuaso il Re d
assi-
curarsi da casi suoi con farli morire, di che havutone
consigli
con alcuni pochi la sera del 23. dopo cena la matina de 24
di
buon hora comando le guardie et fu ammazzato T Amiraglio
con molti capi principali di quella setta, il che roppe il
negotio
di Fiandra, et se bene molti hanno voluto et forse scritto
che
tale uccisione succedesse per negotio havuto di lunga mano,
nondimeno il pontefice et prima et dopo il fatto seppe
chiara-
mente che la deliberatione nacque all hora, anzi che
1 archibugiata fu tirata all Amiraglio senza saputa del Re
et per opera di quelli ch erano di maggior autorita. nella
corte,
i quali vedendo quanto detto Amiraglio con i ragionamenti
delle cose di Fiandre et di altre simili imprese andasse
pigliando
1 animo del Re, dubitorno che egli non fusse per potere
acquistare tanto di credito et di autorita presso di lui,
che
62O HISTORY OF THE POPES.
fosse per essere il primo della corte con pregiuditio della
loro
grandezza, et pero se ne vollono assicurare, come fecero.
[Copy Cod. DO. Boncompagni Archives, Rome. 1 ]
32. CHARLES BORROMEO AND THE PLAGUE AT MILAN IN 1576.
The courage and the heroic sacrifice on behalf of the
Milanese
shown by Charles Borromeo during the terrible plague of
1576 are described in detail by his biographers, Bascape
(lib. 4, p. 80-180), Giussano (lib. 4, p. 248-316) and Sylvain
(II. 130-175). Cf. also Lossen in Hist. Tascenbuch 5, Folge
IV (1874) 247-270, and Corradi in Rendiconti del R. Inst.
Lombardo di scienze e lettere, 2 e Serie XV (1888). See also
Gemelli, A proposito di alcune accuse contro S. Carlo
Borromeo. Ricerche epidemiologiche, in La Scuola Catt.,
4 e Serie XVIII (1910) 165-224. Further literature ibid.
170 seq. in Arch. stor. Lomb. IV (1887) 124 seq., and in
Sticker, Abhandl. aus der Seuchengeschichte und
Seuchenlehre,
I, i : Die Pest, Giessen 1908, 108 seqq., 423 seq.
33. UNPUBLISHED WRITINGS ON THE WAR AGAINST THE TURKS.
Of the many documents which have reference to Gregory
XIII. in connexion with the Turkish question, few have been
published : most of them are still preserved in manuscript.
Several works bearing on this question are preserved in the
Boncompagni Archives in Rome, in Cod. D. 5, n. 20. I may
make mention of : I. The original report of Onorato Gaetani
and Giacomo Boncompagni, Duke of Sora (undated) on the
" fortezza di Ancona " and its restoration, which
was thought
to be necessary on account of the danger from the Turks.
There then follows, together with the work of "
Scipione di
Castro," plans for the formation of the harbour. 2.
" Avver-
timenti per la fortificatione di Civitavecchia delli
inconvenienti
1 From the notes of Salviati we also get the following point
: " Per con-
servatione della Sede Ap. et estirpatione dell" heresie
del regno di Francis
hebbe Gregorio per bene che i Cappucini vi s introducessoro,
accioch6 essendo
essi Italian! et vcnendosi puo dir da Roma et edificando con
I esempio della
vita, pi toglicsse grnn commodita agli heretici di subornare
i populi, i quali
sotto pretesto di zelo dell honor di Dio et con anteporre
alctini mancamenti
degli ecclesiastic! seminano dogmi falsi et sovertino quelli
che non sanno pu
che tanto." (Cf. supra, p. 548;.
* Very rare is the monograph of Domenico Mora : "
Parere del capitano
Domenico Mora di Bologna sopra 1 ordine di guerreggiare la
potenza del Turco
et quello che in cio egli giudica necessario di fare per
superarlo. Al ilhistmo
et eccelmo Sig. Caste-llano di S. Angiolo il S. Giacomo
Boncompygni." In
Bologna per Alessandro Benucci, 1572. For the work of Fr.
Gondola, see the
account of the publisher, Voinovich in Archiv f. osterr.
Gesch. II C. 638 seq.
Cf. POMKTTI, Per la storia d. Marina Ital. Home 1898, 75 A.
8.
APPENDIX. 621
seguiti, o. D. (technical plans, how Civitavecchia may be
well
fortified, and how certain mistakes therein should be
avoided) ;
3. An anonymous opinion on the war against the Turks,
o. D. ; 4. " Discorso come si potrebbe combatte 1
armata
nemica nel porto di Modone (with drawings), o.J. Cod. F. 39
of the Boncompagni Archives further contains a "
Discorso
a Gregorio XIII. perch e i Veneziani col Re cattolico si
opponghino alia potenza Ottomana."
The Papal Secret Archives contain, in Arm. 18, caps. 6,
n. 3, the memorial addressed to the Pope by a " cav.
Marco
Samuel d Antivari " on the war against the Turks, o.D.
;
further, in Arm. n, t. 91, p. 96 seq., a " Discorso
sopra la
guerra difensiva d ltalia per mare et terra, da Pietro
Rossi,
I 575>" dedicated to Gregory XIII.
Undated, but written previously to this " discorso
" is the
" Orazione di Ferrante Caraffa a Gregorio XIII per
Fespeditione
della Crociata " in Cod. XIII. F. 54 of the National
Library,
Naples, and in Cod. D. 8 of the Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
It is a plan for the following up of the victory near
Lepanto
which was presented to the Pope almost immediately after
his election. 1
In the Royal Library, Stockholm, I found : " *Relatione
d un amba^ciatore di S. S ta intorno alle cobe
Turchesche,"
Rome 1574, December i. The author, who was living at
Ragusa by the Pope s command, relates what he had learned
there, so that they might take precautions in Rome in time.
There is a description of the military power of the Sultan.
" Padre santo, e necessario che si la Italia non vuol
perir et
succombere alia possanza di tanto inimico, non aspetti ch il
Turcho come un fulgore le venghi sopra, perche la rovina
sara
irreparabile, ma e bene che i suoi principi le prevedevano
senza ingannarsi." The example of the Greeks ought to
strike fear. A league which would command more than
300 ships could do a great deal against the Turks ; the
Pope,
Venice and Spain should take part in it. The want of good
faith of the Turks, who constantly violate treaties of
peace,
and Venice with her conclusion of peace will gradually fall
into ruin. But even if Venice should be unwilling, the hope
of a league need not be abandoned. Italy can supply 100
1 A *poem to Gregory XIII. on the war against the Turks,
7192, p. 246,
Vatican Library.
622 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
galleys and Spain 200. The whole world, and especially the
Italians, fix their hopes upon the Pope.
34. REPORTS OF THE PONTIFICAL VISITORS OF THE DIOCESES
OF ITALY. 1
The Papal Secret Archives contain in the section " S.
Congregazione del Concilio " a number of reports,
hitherto
unnoticed by anyone, from the pontifical visitors of the
dioceses of Italy, which contain very valuable matter for
the
ecclesiastical history of Italy. The full use of this
material
must be left to local research. The following list which has
been drawn up with the courteous assistance of A. Mercati
must serve as sufficient proof of the zeal and care and per
sistence with which Gregory XIII. sought to enforce the
reform
decrees ot Trent by means of the visitation of dioceses :
1573 : Bologna (A. Marchesini visited the city and delegated
Giulio de Canis for the mountain districts, and Annibale
Malvezzi for the plains), 3 vols. ; Faenza (Marchesini) ;
Ravenna (G. Raggazoni, Bishop of Famagosta) ; Ragusa
(Sormani, Bishop of Montefeltro) ; Farfa (G. B. Maremonti) ;
Camerino (Salvatore Pacini, Maremonti) ; Jesi (S. Pacini,
Bishop of Chiusi) ; Orvieto (All Binarini, Bishop of Rieti)
;*
Bagnorea (Alf. Binarini, by means of Lor. de Grassis, O.
Pr.) ;
Assisi (P. Camaiani, Bishop of Ascoli) ; 3 Bertinoro (G.
Ragaz-
zoni, who also visited Ravenna and Cervia).
1574 : Ronciglione, Capranica and Sutri (Binarini) ;
Bracciano (Binarini, by means of Luca Ant. Pucci) ;
Toscanella (Binarini) ; Gubbio (Ragazzoni, who also visited
Urbino) ; Castro and Canino (Binarini) ; Bondeno and
Carpi (Maremonti) ; Tivoli (Binarini), who was also to visit
Aquila; 4 Cagli (Ragazzoni).
1575 : Pescia (G. B. Castelli, Bishop of Rimini), 2 vols. ;
Malta (Pietro Dusina) ; Modena (A. Marchesani, Bishop of
Citta di Castello, who was also to visit Reggio) ; Mantua
(A. Peruzzi, Bishop of Cesarea and his delegate 5 ), 2 vols.
;
1 See supra, pp. 74, 75, 76, 80.
1 Other *acta in the episcopal archives, Orvieto.
1 For the visitation of P. Camaiani at Foligno, cf. also
JACOBILLI, *Croniche
di I- oligno, ms. in the possession of Faloci Pulignani at
Foligno.
* For the visitation of Binarini at Ferrara
of June 16, July 3, August 11, December 8 and 22, 1574,
State Archives,
*C/. the *Prief to the Duke of Mantua
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
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