24 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and as a conscientious jurist sometimes resisted the acts of
harshness into which Pius V. was led by his ardent zeal. 1
The good name which the Cardinal of S. Sisto enjoyed in
experienced in every kind of office seemed to have been
almost
created for the supreme dignity. He had already been
numbered among the " papabili " at the conclave of
1565. 2
When, in the summer of 1566, Boncompagni fell sick with a
fever, it was said in Rome
Pope. 3 The Spanish ambassador, in a report of October I2th,
1568, to Philip II. recommended him as the best fitted of
all
the Cardinals to govern the Church. 4 In like manner the
ambassador of Venice
portrait of him : Boncompagni has a very deep knowledge of
canon law ; although he is a man of few words, he is never
theless extremely affable ; all men are of opinion that in
the
event of a vacancy in the Papal throne he would have every
hope of the tiara, since he has no enemies. The Spanish
ambassador, however, does not attempt to conceal the shadow
that lay upon Boncompagni in that, before he was a priest,
he had a son ; the whole subsequent life of Boncompagni,
however, was always exemplary. " I believe," the
ambassador
concludes, " that he would be a very good Pope, and
that your
1 See the report of Cusano in HERRE, 235 ; cf. also the
"letter
of Arco, of February 4, 1570, State Archives, Vienna
di Roma of May 7, 1569, and the *report of 1574 (Corsini
Library)
in App. n. 9.
* See the *Florentine reports, of December 18 and 19, 1565,
State Archives, Florence Spain
*" tutti dicevano se ne va a farsi Papa." Notes of
Venanzio
da Camerino, Boncompagni Archives.
3 *" Non pu6 morire se non Papa " (Memorie di Mgr.
Venantio
da Camerino loc. cit.). Cf. also the ""letter of
Caligari to Com-
mendone of July 27, 1566, Lett, di Princ., 23, Papal Secret
Archives.
* See Corresp. dipl., II., 486 seq. Cf. also the cypher
*report
of Cusano on Boncompagni as " papabile," December
26, 1568,
State Archives, Vienna
HIS BENEVOLENT DISPOSITION. 25
Majesty might support him." 1 A few years later, on
March
2ist, 1572, Zuniga sent the King of Spain a highly
favourable
account of the good qualities of Boncompagni ; he was one
of the best members of the Sacred College, and had always
borne himself well in the affairs of Philip II. 2
On account of the special characteristics of Boncompagni
there was a danger lest, as the result of his disposition, 3
which
was essentially kind and benevolent, he might as Pope lean
towards a relaxation of the strict severity of his
predecessors.
Although it was known that he, who had grown up in a period
of somewhat worldly tendencies, had only recently been won
over to the austere ecclesiastical ideas of the circle of
Borromeo,
it was thought that he could not altogether forget his own
youth. It was soon said in the curia that Gregory XIII.
would
increase his court and spend more than Pius V., 4 and that
Bernardino Carniglia, who was the soul of the reform com
mission, would be dismissed. 5 Views of this kind filled men
of worldly sentiments with sweet anticipations of a weak
government. 6 In such circles men deluded themselves with
1 See Corresp. dip]., III., 149 seq. ; cf. Colecc. de docum.
ined.,
XXIX., 473 ; P. Tiepolo in ALBERI, II., 4, 185.
2 See Corresp. dipl., IV., 713.
8 Cf. P. TIEPOLO, 212. See also the "report of B. Pia
of May
17, 1572, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
4 *" La famiglia del
de 1 altro et le spese ancora in tutte le altre cose saranno
piu
larghe." Arco, May 24, 1572. State Archives, Vienna
also the letter of Zuniga of May 17, 1572, in HERRE, 243.
5 See the characteristic *letter of B. Pia of May 16, 1572,
on
the " riformatori " as being " turba
hippocritissima et malvag-
gia," Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
of May 17, 1572, State Archives, Vienna
GIUSSANO-OLTROCCHI, 1.2, c.40, n. ; SANTORI, Diario
Consist,,
XXIV., 112, and Autobiografia, XII., 362 (on the death of
Car
niglia, 1576). Cf. the *Avviso di Roma of September 22,
1576,
Urb. 1044, p. 150, Vatican Library.
6 See the Florentine report in TORNE ,
109, n. 2 ; cf. also the
letter of Zuniga of May 30, 1572, in SERRANO, Liga, I. , 191.
26 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the hope that the new pontificate would be more like that oi
Paul III. than that of the saintly Pius. 1
But it was very soon made clear that Gregory XIII. was
resolved in all essentials to continue the severe methods of
Pius V. From the very first this was shown by the appoint
ment to the Dataria of Matteo Contarelli, whose adherence
to the reform party was acknowledged by everyone. This
was immediately followed on May i4th by the appointment of
Ludovico JBianchetti as maestro di camera. 2 The dreaded
Bernardino Carniglia too was not sent off to Milan
had expected, 3 but was confirmed in his office. 4 On May
3oth,
at his first consistory, the Pope made public his resolute
determination to carry on the reform work of his
predecessor.
In proof of the seriousness of his purpose he had read and
then
confirmed the bull of Pius V. concerning the alienation of
ecclesiastical property, which was directed against
nepotism,
and he expressly declared that he did not intend to show
favour to any of his family to the injury of the Holy See. 5
1 See the "report of Cusano of June 10, 1572, State
Archives,
3 See Mucantius, Diarium, in THEINER, Annales, I. , 14. Of
Contarelli Musotti says in his * notes : " Persona di
molta integrita
e di molta pratica nella professione delle espedizioni et del
datariato, massimamente nelle materie gratiose ; fu suo
[Boncompagni] sustituto, mentre era abbreviatore pure de
maiori e di poi lui stesso fu per molti anni abbreviatore
pure de
maiori, essercito questo officio tutto il pontificate con
molta
diligenza et assiduita et merit6 di esser promosso al
cardinalato
dal detto Pontefice nell ultima promotione."
Boncompagni
Archives, Rome
Corsini Library, Rome
in FORCELLA, V., 69.
3 See the *letter of B. Pia of May 17, 1572, Gonzaga Archives,
4 *Avviso di Roma of May 24, 1572, State Archives, Vienna
Carniglia died in 1576 ; see FORCELLA, XIII., 355. For
Carniglia
see : BORATYNSKI, Caligarii Epist., 41.
5 See the *report of Babbi to Cosimo I.
of May 30, 1572, State
Archives, Florence
Medici of the same date in TORNE, 136, n.T. Cf. MAFFEI, I. , 19 seq.
THE POPE AND THE REFORM PARTY. 27
At the same time Gregory XIII. announced that he had revoked
certain existing concessions, that he had made the enclosure
of the convents of nuns more strict, and that he had
entrusted
the reorganization of the Penitentiaria to four Cardinals
who
were known to be the most austere : Borromeo, Burali,
Aldobrandini and Paleotto. Cusano, the agent of Maximilian
II., reported to Vienna
had taken Pius V. as his model. 1 Paolo Tiepolo, the ambas
sador of Venice
whether the strong tendency of Gregory XIII. towards the
policy of his predecessor was the result of his own wishes
or
the result of the pressure brought to bear by the reform
party,
among whom he makes special mention of the name of the
Jesuit and court preacher, Francisco de Toledo. 2 An anony
mous report written two years earlier also mentions Toledo
whose outspoken language was supported by Monsignori
1 * Report of May 31, 1572. The appointment of the four
Cardinals, writes Cusano, *" fa star tutta Roma in
spavento
perch e li sopra nominati cardinal! sono li piu rigorosi et
sofistici
nelle riforme che siano nel collegio." State Archives, Vienna
Cf. the letter of Masius 485.
2 P. TIEPOLO, 213. For Toledo
see HURTER, I. , 90 seq. The
sermons of Toledo
XI., 55) attained a high repute (see MONTAIGNE, II., 31) and
are widely circulated in manuscript : *Prediche di Toledo
nel
Palazzo Apostolico (beginning with Advent Sunday 1573, down
to 1584). Varia polit., 32, p. 105 sec/. Papal Secret
Archives.
Secret, of January 31, 1580, ibid. Urb. 559-562 ; *Fr.
Toleti
Contiones (Latin and Italian), 1573-1574 ; Vat. 7420 : *Fr.
Members of other Orders also preached before the Pope.
Accord
ing to the ""information of Odescalchi of December
TO, 1580,
the procurator of the Franciscan friars at that time
preached a
sermon that was not acceptable, on which account he lost his
office. The Master of the Sacred Palace
revise the sermons that were to be delivered in the Vatican
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
28 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Carniglia and Frumento, and the Datary, Contarelli. 1 The
influence of these men, who rightly clung to the traditions
of Pius V., was beyond doubt, but the man whose influence at
the commencement of the pontificate rendered impossible
any change of method was Charles Borromeo ; to him must
be given the credit for the fact that Gregory XIII. made up
his mind to follow in the way traced out by Pius V. 2
The relations between Boncornpagni and Charles Borromeo
were very intimate ; it was principally to the Archbishop of
State of Pius IV
learned and disinterested Bolognese prelate, and had finally
secured his elevation to the cardinalate. 3 It is no wonder
then that his words weighed heavily in the balance 4 ; even
though he sometimes made himself troublesome to the
Pope by his incessant importunities, which were always
concerned with problems of the greatest complexity, yet the
pontiff always retained the most sincere gratitude and
venera
tion for this man who surpassed all others in his sanctity.
Cesare Speciani expressly states that he did many things at
the suggestion of Borromeo, for whom he felt an almost
incredible esteem, not to say reverence, and whom he allowed
to say what he liked, with regard to both public and private
matters. 5 It can be shown that the frequent consultations
1 See this "report of 1574 (Corsini Library, Rome
RANKE (Papste, I. 8 , 278
seq.), who wrongly writes Cornilia,
follows this exactly ; TORNE
(p. 122 seq.) rightly expresses him
self more cautiously.
2 Cf. P. TIEPOLO, 213.
8 See the "Consideration! of C. Speciani, Boncompagni
Archives,
4 See, as well as the letter of Capilupi in IIS T TRA, 34
seq., the
"report of Cusano of October 4, 1572, according to
which Borromeo
reproved the Pope for his expeditions into the country
(State
Archives, Vienna
as he had himself given up all such innocent recreations ;
see
Vol. XV. of this work, p. 121.
6 See the "passage in App. n. 30 Boncompagni Archives,
TOLOMEO GALLI. 2Q
on the subject of the reform of the court, which were held
at
the house of Cardinal Santori, 1 as well as the confirmation
of
Carniglia in his office, 2 and the appointment of Tolomeo
Galli
as Secretary of State, were done by the advice of Borromeo.
3
Tolomeo Galli, who was a man of lowly origin, had been
born at Cernobbio near Como
served Cardinal Gian Angelo de Medici as his secretary, and
after the latter s elevation to the Papal throne, had been
rapidly promoted. His labours at the secretariate of state
were rewarded with the purple in March 1565. When, in the
autumn of that year, Borromeo returned to his archdiocese
of Milan
part in the hands of Galli. 5 After his involuntary
retirement
during the reign of Pius V. he now came back to the
direction
of the secretariate of state which was entrusted to him by
the new Pope. " The times of Pius IV. have come
back,"
he wrote to Cosimo
I.
lasting longer, since Gregory XIII., notwithstanding his
seventy years, is in very good health." 6
Cardinal Galli had all the more reason to rejoice at his new
appointment, in that now he no longer had, as had been the
case in the days of Pius IV., a Cardinal nephew over him,
and
1 Of this reform of the court it was said in an *Avviso di
Roma
of August 30, 1572 : " S aspetta habbia d essere
strettissima
tutto per opera dell ill. Borromeo il quale si va dicendo
non sia
per ritornare a Milano per esser molto grato et accetto a
S.B De
et in conseguenza poco amato dal popolo di quella
citta." State
Archives, Vienna
2 See the *Avviso di Roma of May 24, 1572, State Archives,
8 Besides Borromeo, according to *Musotti (loc. cit.} Mark
Sittich also worked that Galli might receive " il
carico delli
negotii di stato con li principi."
4 Cf. LITTA, fasc. 3 ; TORNE ,
Gallic, 55 seq., and REINHARDT-
STEFFENS, p. cccxlvi. seq., where further literature is
given.
The last will of Galli in 1596 in the Periodico d. soc. di
sort,
patr. di Como, XVII. (1906), 41 seq.
6 See Vols. XV. no, and XVI. 395, of this work.
3O HISTORY OF THE POPES.
also because his lucrative financial position, 1 as far as
anyone
could foretell, was not likely to be disputed by anyone.
Although the ambassadors, during the first, weeks of the
new pontificate, hoped that the gratitude of Gregory XIII.
would mean great influence for Cardinal Mark Sittich, on
account of the important services which he had rendered in
the conclave, the latter, by his own fault, at once
forfeited
all hopes of obtaining a position of authority. 2
How, it may be asked, was it faring with the Pope s nephews
?
On June 2nd, 1572, Gregory XIII., in accordance with the
urgent request of many Cardinals, conferred the purple on
his brother s son, Filippo Boncompagni, who was thirty-three
years of age, and then entrusted to him the administration
of the States of the Church, with the exception of military
and financial matters. 3
But Galli had nothing to tear from the Cardinal of S. Sisto,
as Filippo Boncompagni was called from his titular church.
The good-natured Cardinal nephew, who was both insignificant
and inexperienced, was all the more bound to remain a mere
1 Cf. P. TIEPOLO, 218. The Cardinal made the most generous
use of his wealth, particularly in the case of his native
city, which
in 1861 erected a monument to him in the cathedral. Galli.
had two magnificent palaces on the lake of Como
four towers near Gravedona, and in 1568 he built the Villa d
Este
near Cernobbio. He also built a la.rge villa at Frascati ;
see
* See the Florentine reports in TORNE ,
117 ; cj. in App. n. 9
the ""report of 1574, Corsini Library, Rome
3 See the ""report of Zibramonti of June 2, 1572,
Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua ; CIACONIUS,
IV., 45 ; MAFFKI, I., 23 ; TORNE ,
113 seq. Musotti relates in his ""recollections
that the pressure
of the Cardinals had become so great that Gregory XIII. re
marked : " Cogitis nos, cogitis nos et loro tutti :
libenter cogimur,
libenter cogimur." Boncompagni Archives, Rome
Albergati s ""Discorso al card. S. Sisto del modo
col quale si possa
governare lodevole e con honore come cardinale e nipote del
Papa " was copied many times ; copies in the
Barberiniana, LI.,
78, and LVL, n, as well as in the Urbinate, 1230, Vatican
Library.
CARDINAL FILIPPO BONCOMPAGNI. 31
shadow because the Pope had associated with him in the
management of the affairs of the Papal States a prelate as
colleague (Consulta), who was to report directly to the
Holy Father. Instructions were given to this man, not by
the Cardinal nephew, but by the Pope himself ; Galli
directed
the correspondence with the authorities in the Papal States . 1
For his maintenance Cardinal Filippo Boncompagni at first
received only what was absolutely necessary ; 2 in 1574 he
was
still looked upon as the poorest Cardinal in the Sacred
College. 3
It was only jater on that he found himself in better circum
stances. 4 H is brother Cristoforo, who was at first entirely
ignored, was only appointed Archbishop of Ravenna in
October, 1578, and in March, 1579, had to go thither to
comply
with his duty of residence. 5 The concession of the Peni-
tentiaria to Filippo Boncompagni, which was asked for from
Gregory XIII., was refused by the Pope, because he had
chosen
for that important office an older man, namely Aldobrandini.
6
The principal duty of the Cardinal nephew was concerned
with the ceremonial representation of the Holy See, which,
in the views then prevailing, could only be entrusted to a
near
relative of the Pope. 7 How much tradition demanded repre-
1 See in App. n. 9 the *report of 1574, Corsini, Library,
TOKNE, T22. According to *Musotti (loc. ctt.} Guastavillani
also
belonged to the Consulta (cf. P. TIEPOLO, 216). Facchinetti
too was a member. The conduct of F. Boncompagni was not
irreproachable; see *Avviso di Roma of June n, 1586. Urb.
1054, p. 213, Vatican Library.
2 See in App. n. 7 the *letter of Delfino of December 13,
1572, State Archives, Vienna
3 See in App. n. 9 the *report of 1574, Corsini Library,
4 See TIEPOLO, 219 ; CIACONIUS, IV., 45.
5 See the *report of Odescalchi of March 7, 1 579, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua
6 See the *Vita di Gregorio XIII. in Cod. Barb. 4749, Vatican
Library.
7 Cf. TORNE , 120.
32 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sentation of this kind was seen in 1574, on the occasion of
the
journey of King Henry III. from Poland
to France
same day, July 5th, on which the Cardinal of S. Sisto was
sent to Venice
Gregory XIII. quite unexpectedly conferred the purple on
his sister s son, Filippo Guastavillani, who was thirty-four
years old, so that he might not be, as he said, without a
Cardi
nal nephew. 1 The Pope had not informed anyone of his in
tention, 2 not even Galli ; the influence of the Cardinal
Secre
tary of State, however, was in no way affected by this ap
pointment of Guastavillani. This is clear from the fact that
the correspondence with the Cardinal legate, Filippo Bon-
compagni, was left in the hands of Cardinal Galli. 3 Guasta
villani was much loved in the curia on account of his
pleasant
and distinguished manner, but his abilities seemed to Paolo
Tiepolo to be very limited. 4
1 Acta consist, in TORNE ,
121, n.i. *Diarium of Mucantias,
Papal Secret Archives. Cf. SAN TORI, Diario concist., XXIV.,
243. CIACONIUS (IV., 46), wrongly puts June 5. See also the
*report of Cusano of July 10, 1575, who adds : "11
detto card.
Guastavillano e in aspettatione di esser di maggior valor del
card. Boncompagni et se bene per adesso fara le faccende che
1 altro faceva che sono per la sopraintendenza delle cose di
governi del Vienna
* See in App. n. 10 the *report of Odescalchi of July 9,
1574,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
3 TORNE , 121.
4 See P. TIEPOLO, 219 ; who reports that in 1578
Guastavillani
had only 5,000 scudi as revenue ; when Cardinal Cornaro died
(1584), Guastavillani was given the office of Camerlengo,
and
administered it well ; see CIACONIUS, IV., 46. A letter of
Gabriele
Salvage of July 10, 1574 (Atli d. soc. Lig., XIII., 879) and
also
the ""report of 1574 (Corsini Library, App. n. 9)
pass a very
favourable judgment upon Guastavillani ; the latter^
however,
had not at that time had any opportunity of showing his
talents.
The eulogy of Guastavillani in the " Oratio in funere
Phil. Guas
tavillani card 1 Cam .
habita in templo S. Apost. vii. Cal.
1587 " (Cod. D. 8, Boncompagni Archives, Rome
exaggerated.
GIACOMO BONCOMPAGNI. 33
The Venetian ambassador had a much higher opinion of
Giacomo Boncompagni. Gregory XIII. could not conceal 1
his love for this son of his, who had been born in 1548, ten
years before he had entered the priesthood, 2 but he never
for
got in his regard the exigencies of his own great position.
3
In May 1572 Giacomo Boncompagni was castellan of the
Castle of St. Angelo, 4 and
in April 1573 commandant of the
Papal troops, in the place of Marcantonio Colonna. 5 The
ambition of Giacomo was in no way satisfied with this. He
aimed at obtaining a principality or the purple, as had been
the case with Farnese. 6 The difficulty was that Gregory
XIII.
was not a Paul III. Even though he allowed the city of Rome
to make Giacomo an honorary citizen, 7 and the Republic of
1 See besides the Florentine reports in TORNE ,
118, n.i., the
*Avviso di Roma of July 4, 1573 (" Castellano suo
occhio drito "),
State Archives, Vienna
2 According to CIAPPI (3) Ugo Boncompagni became a priest
in 1558 ; cf. FANTUZZI, IV., 282. The year of Giacomo s birth
was 1548 ; see P. TIEPOLO, 219.
3 See in App. 14 n. the *report of Scozia of January 17,
1579,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
the Colecc. de docum. wed., CIL, 348, and MONTAIGNE, I. , 226.
4 See RODOCANACHI, St. Ange, 175.
5 Cf. the *Avviso di Roma of April 23, 1573, State Archives,
6 As early as August 16, 1572, Cusano states : *" II
castellano
tiene molto solicitato il Papa che li compra un stato per il
dubbio
ch ha non viva molto " and on September 27, 1572 :
*" Ho
inteso ch el castellano s e messo al forte col Papa et che
vuol
essere per ogni modo cardinale." To obtain this he
wished to
prove by means of a legal process that he was not the son,
but
the lawful nephew of Gregory XIII. State Archives, Vienna
7 Cf. besides RODOCANACHI, Capitole, 115, the *Avviso di
Roma of September 26, 1573, Urb. 1043, p. 309, Vatican
Library,
and that of November 3, 1573, State Archives, Vienna
diploma, which was lavishly drawn up with a gold seal, is in
the
private library of the Prince of Piombino in Rome
8 See the report of Tiepolo of March 3, 1574, in RANKE,
Papste,
I. 8 , 274, n. 2.
VOL. XIX. 3
34 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
refused to lend himself to his two great ambitions.
On the contrary, it seemed to him that he had gone too far
in the favours that he had already bestowed upon this
natural
son of his ; to this view were added the remonstrances of
the
strict reform party. Giacomo had to leave Rome
only during the year of jubilee that, under the pretext of
superintending the fortifications of Ancona
thither. He vainly hoped to have permanent provision made
for his future. In order to touch the heart of his father,
he
withdrew entirely from the world for a time, and spread the
news in Rome
In spite of this Gregory let the year of jubilee pass by
before
he decided to make any permanent provision for Giacomo.
In February 1576, he gave him for a wife the wealthy Costanza
Sforza di Santa Fiora, at the suggestion of Cardinal Medici
;
the marriage was celebrated with great pomp, and many
favours were bestowed upon the young husband. 2 When
in August of the same year Giacomo liberated a servant of
his
from prison on his own authority, Gregory rebuked him very
severely ; he wished to deprive him of all his offices, and
only
1 See P. TIEPOLO, 219 seq.
2 For the marriage of and the gifts made to Giacomo, who was
first legitimatized (*" 1 altra mattina il Papa
Iegittim6 il s.
Giacomo Boncompagni e le fece donatione di tutto il
patrimonio
che ha S.S^ in Bologna Rome
I 7 J 576, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
of February i, 4 and 25, and March 10, 1576, Urb. 1044, p.
32,
33. 4> 58, 69, Vatican Library ; P. TIEPOLO, 220 seq.
; MUTINELLI,
1., 112 seq. ; *reports of Hortensi lyriacensis to Duke
William
V., dated Rome , February 4
and n, 1576, State Archives, Munich
and in App. n. 12 the *reports of Strozzi of March 3 and 4,
1576. The bridal couple held further splendid festivities at
document by Hans Jacob Schwartz, a servant in the Swiss
Guard
at Bologna
this man is therefore a bastard." *Diary of Werner
Schodoler
the younger, who became communal secretary at Bremgarten
(died 1587), State Archives, Bremgarten (Aargau).
GIACOMO BONCOMPAGNI. 35
the intercession of Cardinals Sforza, Medici, Granvelle and
Orsini, as well as the Spanish ambassador, were able to
deter
him from his intention. Instead, Giacomo was banished to
the fortress of Perugia
matter of the payment of his revenues.
The ambassador of Venice
express his wonder that Giacomo Boncompagni should receive
so little in comparison with the relatives of other Popes.
He gives as the reason that Gregory XIII. wished at all
costs
to avoid giving the impression that he thought more of his
own family than of the splendour of the Church. Giovanni
Corraro, too, estimated the revenues of Giacomo in 1581 as
oeing so small that he often complained that the Pope had
taken no steps to see that after his death he could maintain
himself in accordance with his rank. According to the same
ambassador, Giacomo received from his offices as "
homme
d armes " to Philip II., general of the Church,
castellan of
the Castle of St. Angelo, and commandant of the Papal
troops,
14,000 scudi annually, of which he would lose 8000 at the
death of the Pope.
Apart from this, in 1578 he had only a revenue of 7000
scudi, and 9000 in 1581. 2 This came to him from the mar-
quisate of Vignola which Gregory XIII. had bought for him
in 1577 for 70,000 scudi. 3 When Giacomo fell seriously ill
in
the spring of 1578, his paternal love for him was shown very
1 Cf. *Avviso di Roma of August n, 1576, Urb. 1044, p. 139,
Vatican Library, the letter of Tiepolo mentioned by RANKE,
Papste, I. 8 , 274, and especially the "reports of
Pompeo Strozzi,
dated Rome, August 9, 1576, (" il Papa duro nel
perdonar al
s. Giacomo "), August 25 (his banishment to the citadel
of Perugia),
and September 10 (lawsuit against Giacomo), Gonzaga Archives
Mantua. Cf. also the *report of Hortensi Tyriacensis to Duke
William V., dated Rome, August n and 18, 1576, State
Archives,
Munich ; MAFKEI, I., 223.
2 See A. TIEPOLO, 266, and CORRARO, 280.
3 See the *Avvisi di Roma of June 3, 12 and 19, 1577, Urb.
1045, pp. 504, sogb, 526, Vatican Library.
36 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
strongly ; l the Pope allowed him to acquire larger
possessions,
though these, like Vignola, were not within the Papal States
;
they were the duchy of Sora and the countship of Arpino. 2
When Giacomo at length found himself in an assured position,
Palestrina became his musical director. 3 Later on he took
great interest in scientific and literary matters. Not only
did the historian Sigonio have relations with him, but also
Torquato Tasso, who was presented by him to the Pope.
Gregory XIII. gave his approval to expenditure of this kind,
but in spite of his generosity, 4 he never allowed Giacomo
to
interfere in any way in affairs of state. 5 Thus the
dangerous
seeds of nepotism, when once again it sought to raise its
head,
were crushed. The same thing was also shown by the attitude
of Gregory XIII. when his brother, who was two years younger
than himself, and lived at Bologna, tried in 1577, on the
occasion of a pilgrima.ge to Loreto, and through the inter
cession of his son, Cardinal Filippo, to obtain permission
to
come to Rome. With the assurance that his request would
be acceded to, he had got as far as Civitacastellana, when a
messenger from the Pope appeared, who ordered him to go
back home. Filled with a strong desire to see his brother
once
1 See *Avvisi di Roma of April 16, 19, 26 and 30, and May 10
1578, Urb. 1046, p. H5-ii6b, 120, 130, 134, 148, Vatican
Library
2 Cf. the *Avvisi di Roma of March 19 and April 4, 1580
March 2, 1582, and February 4, 1584. Urb. 1048, p. 60, 73 ;
1050, p. 73; 1052, p. 42b, Vatican Library.
3 Cf. Civilta Cattolica, 1918, II., 516.
4 See the Relazione di N. Da Ponte, 14. Cf. *Avviso di Roma
of September 8, 1584. The Pope paid Giacomo s debts, besides
the 30,000 scudi which he had lent him for the acquisition
of
Sora, Urb. 1052, p. 60, Vatican Library.
Cf. A. TIEPOLO, 259 seq. CORRARO, 279 seq. ; Zufiiga in the
N. Colecc. de docum. ined., II., 186, 238 ; Venetian reports
in
RANKE, Piipste, I. 8 , 274, n. 3 ; *report of Serguidi for
1581,
State Archives, Florence, Medic. 3605. Giacomo was also in
volved in the lawsuits by which the two Cardinal nephews suc
cessively prejudiced their reputation ; see App. n. 9, the
*report
of 1574, Corsini Library, Rome, and GROTTANELLI, Fra Geremia
da Udine, Florence, 1893, p. 66 *eq.
THE POPE S RELATIVES. 37
more before he died, the old man renewed his request through
Giacomo Boncompagni, but without success. 1 The payment
of 100 scudi a month which he received from his brother was
so small, and the gift so miserably scanty, that he
complained
that the pontificate of Gregory had done him more harm than
good, since it obliged him to a greater expenditure than was
covered by the money which he received from the Pope. 2
On the occasion of the unexpected death of the only son of
Giacomo, which took place in September 1582, and by which
the continued existence of the family was endangered,
Gregory
displayed a complete calm and self-possession. This was all
the more remarkable as his grandson was specially dear to
him. 3
Besides his keeping his nephews from any undue influence, 4
the simple manner of life of Gregory XIII., his strict
modera
tion and severity, his faithful fulfilment of his duties,
his in
satiable love of work, his sincere piety, his very active
charity
for his neighbour, show that it was not only in words, but
also in acts, that he set himself seriously to the imitation
of
his predecessor. Minute details of the manner of life of the
Pope are to be had from the pens of his majordomo, Ales-
sandro Musotti, and of Cardinal Galli, his Secretary of
1 See *Avvisi di Roma of October 2, 19, and 23, 1577, Urb.
1045, p. 618, 634, 635, Vatican Library, and the *notes of
Musotti
(Boncompagni Archives, Rome), who criticizes this "
troppa
austerita," and adds : "II medesimo avenne al Sig.
Girolamo
suo ngliuolo fratello dell ill. Card. S. Sisto." The
reserve shown
by Gregory towards his brother is so surprising that
attempts
have been made to explain it by supposing earlier quarrels
be
tween them (P. TIEPOLO, 221) ; to refute this idea Musotti
says
that Gregory wished in 1582 to visit his brother at Bologna,
and
only gave up the idea on account of the expense of such a
journey.
But there was also a political side to this decision ; cf.
Chapter
VII., infra. See also MAFFEI, I., 314 seq.
2 P. TIEPOLO, 221.
3 See the *Considerationi of Ces. Speciani and the *Memorie
of Cardinal Galli, Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
4 Cf, the judgment of MONTAIGNE, L, 226.
38 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
State, 1 which are further confirmed and amplified by other
reports. 2
Gregory XIII. was one of those men whose chief happiness
was to be found in ceaseless work. He appreciated very fully
the value of time ; man, he was wont to say, possesses
nothing
more valuable, and every one ought to act the more con
scientiously in its use the higher his position. 3
It was in accordance with this principle that the Pope regu
lated his life. His time for rest was limited to seven
hours.
As had been his previous custom, he rose before dawn both in
summer and winter. His first act was the recitation of the
canonical hours. He then heard a mass or else he said mass,
which was the case several times in the week, 4 as for
example
on all Sundays and feast days, and during seasons of
fasting.
He never said mass without first going to confession.
The rest of the morning was given up entirely to audiences,
which Gregory XIII. granted so freely that as early as 1573
they had to be limited. 5 Even then, however, they were
given
very readily. 6 If sometimes they were very numerous the
hour of dinner was put off. Before this the Pope said none
1 See in App. n. 28, 29 the context of this source of
information
hitherto entirely unknown, found by me in the Boncompagni
Archives, Rome.
2 Cf. P. TIEPOLO, 212 seq. ; CIAPPI, 68 seq. ; MONTAIGNE,
I.,
226 seq., and the *notes of Venantius da Camerino, Taverna
and Speciani in the Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
3 See in App. n. 29 the *notes of Musotti, Boncompagni
Archives, Rome.
4 According to the " Epistola ex Romana Urbe in
Germaniam
missa " (Ingolstadt, 1577) a t least four times a week.
6 How generous Gregory XIII. was in giving audience is
repeatedly brought out by the ambassadors ; see the *letter
of
Aless. de Medici of May 24, 1572, and of Francesco Gerini of
May 30 and June 18, 1572, State Archives, Florence. *A. Zibra-
monti informs us on January 3, 1573, of the limitation of
private
audiences, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; this limitation,
however,
continued to be interpreted very generously ; see the "
Epistola "
of 1577 cited in previous note.
6 Cf. MONTAIGNE, I., 226.
TEMPERANCE OF THE POPE. 39
and vespers ; dinner lasted at the utmost for half an hour ;
x
it was begun in silence, while one of the chaplains read a
spiritual book. In fine weather the Pope, who took great
pleasure in fresh air, took his meal in an open loggia.
The strict temperance observed by Gregory XIII. at table,
even before he was Pope, was remarked by his contemporaries
;
even in the hottest weather he only drank three small
glasses
of wine and water at dinner and two in the evening. He was
also contented with a very ordinary quality. 2 No one could
ever see that he had any preference for any particular dish
;
he ate anything that was put before him, and apparently
attached no importance to any ; anything satisfied him, but
he insisted that not more than two scudi should be spent
each day for the two meals. 3
It was no wonder that the Pope, after so frugal a meal, was
able to return at once to business, and that even in the
great
est heat, he was able to do without a short period of rest.
4
After dinner Gregory first had read to him the petitions
that
had been presented. Every Wednesday and Saturday after
noon he received the secretary of briefs, while the
secretary
of the Dataria had to present himself every day. Then the
Cardinal nephew appeared, who detailed the arrangements
made by the " Consulta " for the Papal States.
After him
1 Cf. in App. 28 n. the *Memorie of card. Galli and CIAPPI,
71.
Musotti and Speciani allow only a quarter of an hour.
2 For the temperance of Gregory XIII., as well as the
evidence
in App. nn. 28, 29, cf. especially the *notes of his
intimate
friend Venanzio da Camerino, who tells us of the moderation
in drinking of the Pope even in the hottest seasons, and
says :
" et inacquava li raspati piccolissimi et diceva a noi
che bevessimo
il greco di Somma et gli lassassimo stare il suo raspato, di
che era
benessimo obedito da noi." Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
3 *" Fu sempre parco et sobrio nel vivere im maniera
che
cardinale et pontence visse sempre come prima, contentandosi
d una vivanda o due, ne si spendeva mai per la sua tavola
pill
di due scudi d oro al giorno." Notes of Taverna in the
Boncom
pagni Archives, Rome. See the bills of fare in CIAPPI, 70
seq.
4 See besides *Musotti in App. n. 30 the notes of Speciani
p. 38. Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
40 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cardinal Galli, the Secretary of State for more important
matters, would be announced. The governor and the treas
urer were also received almost every day. After these ordin
ary audiences those of the Cardinals followed, and those of
the ambassadors and other members of the court. Then the
Pope would withdraw in order to recite compline, matins
and the rosary in his chapel, after which at the hour of
supper
he examined other important papers.
Such was the custom of Gregory XIII. during the winter.
During the summer he employed the hours before supper in
walking in the loggia or in the garden. Supper was even more
simple than dinner. It consisted of a salad, roast bird and
a
baked pear. After this there might be an audience, but only
in exceptional cases, as the Pope employed the later part of
the evening in going over papers, especially petitions, on
which he at once noted the replies. If these contained any
complaints of his officials, they were at once referred for
the
necessary information. At first Alessandro Musotti was
charged with dealing with the petitions, and afterwards the
maestro di camera, Ludovico Bianchetti. 1 Both of these
were Bolognese. 2 Gregory limited his personal servants to
what was strictly necessary, as he was the sworn enemy of
all
pomp. 3 Naturally he had no use for court buffoons, such as
even Julius III. had employed. 4
1 For Musotti see App. n. 29 ; for Bianchetti, ibid. n. 9,
the
*report of 1574, Corsini Library, Rome. Cf. P. TIEPOLO, 222.
* Gregory called many other Bolognese to Rome ; see a later
*note on the Roman court in the Liechtenstein Archives,
Vienna.
Even in 1621 the Romans were complaining of the pride and
ambition of the Bolognese summoned thither by Gregory XIII.
;
see *Discorso dei cardinal! papali nella sedevacante di
Paolo
V. in Cod. C. 20 of the Boncompagni Archives, Rome. Gregory
XIII. was very pleased to speak in the Bolognese dialect ;
see
the "report of B. Pia of May 17, 1572, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua ;
cf. also MONTAIGNE, I., 224.
8 See the *Memorie of Galli (Boncompagni Archives, Rome)
in App. n. 28 ; cf. ibid. n. 16 the praises of Mucantius in
1580,
Papal Secret Archives.
4 See the *Kotes of Speciani (Boncompagni Archives, Rome).
THE POPE S DAILY LIFE. 41
Gregory adhered strictly to his daily routine ; a change
was only made on the days when the Pope went out, or had
to fulfil some special duty of his office, as when he had to
be
present at the functions prescribed by the ceremonial, at
consistories, at the sessions of the Segnatura di Grazia,
the
Inquisition, or other congregations. He also applied himself
with unfailing zeal to the fulfilment of this part of his
office,
and with the greatest conscientiousness. Galli bears witness
that the Pope, during the thirteen years of his pontificate,
was only once absent from the religious functions. 1 He also
attended with great regularity at the sermons of the Jesuit
Francisco di Toledo, whom he had appointed court preacher. 2
Public business was not given up even if the Pope was not
well,
a thing, however, which he always tried to conceal as much
as
possible. 3
Such heavy work could not long have been possible even to
a man of stronger constitution. For this reason Gregory al
ways tried to renew his strength by keeping on the move.
During his hours of work he preferred to stand rather than
sit. 4 Above all he took care to move about in the fresh air
either in Rome itself, or in its glorious surroundings. 5
1 See the *Memorie of Galli (Boncompagni Archives, Rome) in
App. n. 28 ; cf. ibid. n. 16, the information given in
Mucantius,
*Diarium, 1580-1581, Papal Secret Archives.
2 So we are informed by Guido Ferreri in his *Vita di
Gregorio
XIII., Papal Secret Archives. App. n. 25.
3 Gregory XIII. did not rely much upon doctors, but trusted
a great deal in his strong constitution and his regular
manner of
life ; cf. *Musotti in App. n. 29, Boncompagni Archives,
Rome.
4 See ibid.
5 Cf. besides *Musotti, loc. cit. the *Memorie of Cardinal
Galli
Boncompagni Archives, Rome ; CORRARO, 274 seq. ; the *Avvis,
di Roma (Vatican Library), and in many instances the reports
of
the Florentine ambassador (State Archives, Florence, Medic.
3291) ; also the *Diarium of Alaleone (Papal Secret
Archives)
passim. *" Non haveva altra ricreatione ch el studiare
et vedere
1 aria aperta, della quale si compiaceva assai percio
passeggiava
spesso in Belvedere et andava diverse volte all anno alia
villa
Tusculana," says Tavera. Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
42 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
As soon as the spring was at hand, and the amusements of
the carnival were beginning in Rome, 1 and again in the
autumn,
Gregory XIII., generally accompanied by his Secretary of
State, Galli, by Cardinal Boncompagni and Giacomo Bon-
compagni, set out for the villa of Cardinal Mark Sittich in
the
neighbourhood of Frascati, near which during the years 1573-
1575 he caused to be built by Martino Lunghi the celebrated
villa of Mondragone. 2 Even on the occasion of the visit he
paid there in September 1572, the Pope fell in love with
this
place ; the charming view over Rome and the Campagna
as far as the sea, and the splendid air, filled him with
enthus
iasm. From 1576 to the end of his pontificate Gregory XIII.
at first in the autumn and then also in the spring and
summer,
as often as public affairs permitted it, went to stay in
this
1 Gregory XIII. would have liked to suppress these
amusements
(see the *report of Mendoza of January 20, 1574, State
Archives,
Vienna), a statement borne out by his strict views. The
Popes
of the Renaissance had had their share in the carnival amuse
ments. See Vols. IV., V., and VIII. of this work.
2 See the *report of Odescalchi dated Rome, May 2, 1579,
Gonzciga Archives, Mantua. Sometimes Sforza and
Guastavillani
also accompanied the Pope ; other Cardinals, like Farnese
and
Savelli, were also summoned to Mondragone ; see *Avviso di
Roma of May 21, 1575, Urb. 1044, p. 443, Vatican Library.
In 1578 Morone was in the company of the Pope (*Avviso di
Roma of May 31, 578, Urb. 1046, p. 176, Vatican Library).
An *Avviso di Roma of October 24, 1573 (" S.B ne ha
dato principio
a far fare una bella villa la a Frascati non molto lontano
dalla
villa del Card. d Altemps, la quale chiama Mondragone et si
dice che sara bellissima et sontuosissima." State
Archives,
Vienna), attributes the building to Gregory XIII., which,
how
ever, according to the well documented researches of GROSSI-
GONDI (Le ville Tusculane : la villa dei Quintili e la villa
di
Mondragone, Rome, 1901, 17 seq., 45 seq.) is wrong. An
*Avviso
di Roma of November 27, 1574, states that on Monday the
Pope rode to Frascati with Cardinal Galli, where he owns the
superb building of Cardinal Mark Sittich, " che scoprira
tutta
Roma, si chiamera Mondragone." He came back on Tuesday.
Urb. 1044, p. 300. Vatican Library.
THE VILLA AT MONDRAGONE. 43
charming villa surrounded by oaks, cypresses and olives,
generally for eight or ten days, and sometimes for a
fortnight. 1
Every morning, either on foot, or in a litter, and often on
horseback, for he was a good horseman, he visited the
churches
in the neighbourhood, and there heard a mass. The rest of
the day was given up entirely, as in Rome, to audiences and
other business. 2 Many went thither to seek audience, even
in holiday time, since the Pope was then more easily
accessible.
On two occasions Gregory XIII. transacted important business
with Charles Borromeo at Mondragone. It was there that
Possevino made his report to the head of the Church on his
mission to Moscow. 3 It was also at Mondragone that on
March i8th, 1581, the Swiss, Sebastian Werro, conferred
with Gregory XIII. concerning the expulsion of the Bishop
of Lausanne and the reform of the calendar. Werro met the
Pope very early in the morning as he was going to the church
of the Capuchins. " The Pope was dressed," he
relates, " in
a long white cloth mantle, with the rochet or cotta, and
above
this a red pontifical mantellina down to his waist ; he had
white shoes, a large hat, and in his hand, so that he might
walk into the church, a stick with a small head carved in
bone
on the top." 4 The bull on the reform of the calendar
is dated
from Mondragone. It was in this much loved villa that the
Pope, in April 1584, received the joyful tidings of the
victory
cf Bavaria over Gebhard Truchsess. 5
As Frascati could not provide accommodation in its inns
for such numerous visitors, the Pope arranged for lodging
and board to be provided for all in his own house, according
to their rank. 6 His stays at the villa, which was called
1 See GROSSI-GONDI, loo. cit. 54.
2 Seethe *Memorie of Card. Galli, Boncompagni Archives,
Rome.
3 See GROSSI-GONDI, 58 seq.
4 See the German *itinerary of S. Werro in Cod. E. 139, of
the
Oekonomischen Gesellschaft zu Freiburg (Switzerland). Cf.
WYMANN in Zeitschrift fur Schweizer Kirchengeschichte, 1916,
p. 122.
5 See GROSSI-GONDI, loc. cit. 57 seq., 63 seq.
6 See in App. n. 29, the *Notes of Musotti, Boncompagni
Archives, Rome.
44 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Mondragone from the Pope s armorial bearings (Mons Draconis)
,
as well as his frequent walks in the invigorating air of the
plateau, and in the beautiful neighbourhood (for very often
the Pope went for three or four miles on foot), had such a
beneficial effect upon his health, that Gregory, even after
quite a short stay, always returned to Rome quite
rejuvenated. 1
The hot months from July to October were passed by the
Pope, during the first three years of his pontificate, in
the
palace of S. Marco. It was not for the sake of his own con
venience, he told the Venetian ambassador, Paolo Tiepolo,
but for the sake of the members of his court, who could not
bear the unhealthy air of the Vatican, that he availed
himself
of the hospitality of the Republic of Venice. When the Pope
was in residence in the large palace of Paul II., he rode
every
morning to some church, and he received the ambassadors
and held consistories as in the Vatican. 2 In the autumn of
1578 he stayed for sixteen days at Caprarola, Bagnaia and
Capodimonte, near the lake of Bolsena, where Cardinal
Farnese entertained him in regal splendour. 3 Cardinal
Luigi d Este, the nephew and heir of Cardinal Ippolito, had
1 See CORRARO, 274, and the *Notes of Speciani, Boncompagni
Archives, Rome.
2 Cf. the *report of Arco of June 7, 1572, State Archives,
Vienna ; *Avviso di Roma of July 4, 1573, Urb. 1043, p. 259,
Vatican Library ; the *Diarium of Mucantius, Papal Secret
Archives ; Diario Concist. di G. Santori, XXIV., 138 seq. ;
DENGEL, Palazzo di Venezia, 107 ; in 1574 Gregory XIII.
stayed
for a whole month in the palace of Paul II. near the
Aracoeli ;
see *Avviso di Roma of August 14, 1574, Urb. 1044, p. 226,
Vatican Library.
8 See besides the reports in MUTINELLI, I., 121 seq. and T.
FRANGIPANE, Memorie del card. A. Farnese, Rome, 1876,
119 seq., the *Avvisi di Roma of September 20 and 27, 1578,
and FAB. ARDITO, Viaggio di P. Gregorio XIII. alia Madonna
della Quercia, in ORBAAN, Documenti, 365 seqq. In the summer
of 1579 the Pope went again to Bagnaia, which belonged to
Car
dinal Gambara ; see the *report of Odescalchi of June 27,
1579,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
VISITS TO CARDINALS. 45
prepared no less splendid a welcome for the Pope five years
before at the Villa d Este near Tivoli. On that occasion two
tricks of acoustics which were very much admired had been
put into operation ; while the " fontana della
girandola " at
regular intervals produced loud reports like those of a gun,
sweet melodies were to be heard from the water organ of
Apollo and Orpheus, which was driven by hydraulic power. 1
In August 1579 Gregory XIII. stayed for three days at the
Villa Medici on the Pincio. 2 In the latter years of his
pontifi
cate, during the summer, he stayed more and more often at
the villa of Cardinal d Este on the Quirinal ; 3 consistories
were held there as well. He finally decided to build a
palace
for himsell there, but as its completion was long delayed he
once more went to S. Marco for the summer months between
1582 and 1584.*
During the winter Gregory but rarely went about. 5 He
generally visited Civitavecchia once, in order to assure
himself
personally of the condition of the prisoners. Following 6
1 See SENNI, La villa d Este in Tivoli, Rome, 1902, 70 seq.
2 See *Avviso di Roma of August 29, 1579, Urb. 1047, p. 297,
Vatican Library.
3 He had passed a few days there for the first time at the
end
of 1573. *Avviso di Roma of December 12, 1573, Urb. 1043,
p. 344, Vatican Library.
4 See DENGEL, Palazzo di Venezia, 108. An *Avviso di Roma
of May 31, 1578, states that to Giacomo Boncompagni, who
" per salute sua et comodita dei negotiati lo aveva
pregato di
portarsi a S. Marco," the Pope replied that it was
still too soon
for that ; he wished to pass June at Mondragone, July and
August
at the Vatican, September and October at the Quirinal. Urb.
1046, p. 178, Vatican Library.
6 In December, 1576, he visited the Magliana, which at that
time belonged to Cardinal Medici, and there saw " pesci
e salir
falconi." (See the *report of P. Stroz/i of December i,
1576,
Gonzaga Arcliives, Mantua) ; he had prohibited any sort of
public welcome. See *Avviso di Roma of December 14, 1576,
Urb. 1044, p. 179, Vatican Library.
6 See in App. n. 28 the *Memorie of Cardinal Galli,
Boiicorn-
pagni Archives, Rome.
46 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the example of Pius V. every three months he undertook the
pilgrimage to the seven churches of Rome, displaying the
greatest piety. 1 As he also often visited the churches of
the city on horseback, strangers could easily have a sight
of
him. Michel de Montaigne, who was in Rome at the end of
1580, often saw the Pope in the streets of the city. He
describes him as a fine old man of middle height, upright in
his bearing and with a sad countenance, and with a long
white
beard, and he marvelled that this old man of seventy-eight
should be able to mount a white charger, caparisoned with
a large red cloth, without any help from a groom. 2
1 See the *Memorie of Cardinal Galli, loc. cit. ; Mucantius,
*Diarium, passim (the piety shown by Gregory XIII. is
specially
mentioned on October TQ, 1576), Papal Secret Archives. Cf.
the *letter of Odescalchi of April 6, 1574 : " il Papa
hiera and6
alle 7 chiese con molta devotione (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua),
and the *Avvisi di Roma (Vatican Library) passim. See also
MONTAIGNE, II., 26 seq. For the strict fasts of Gregory
XIII.
cf. the *Notes of Venanzio da Camerino and Cardinal Medici,
Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
2 See MONTAIGNE, I., 224-230. Cardinal Galli describes his
appearance thus : " Fu di complessione temperantissima
non
peccante in alcun humore, grande honestamente et di buona
quadrat ura di corpo, di faccia venerabile et piena di
maesta,
naso grande, occhi cerulei et sanissimo per ordinario."
(Memorie,
Boncompagni Archives, Rome). Cf. the Relazione di N. da
Ponte, 13 and [Paolo Emilio SantoriJ, *Annales ("
statura sub-
limis, albens facies, mediocres oculi, non exiguus nasus,
barba
promissa, corpus musculosum atque robustum, augustus vener-
andusque aspectus ") Cod. K. 6 of the Vallicella
Library, Rome.
Baglione mentions (pp. 31, 50, 53) portraits of Gregory
XIII.
by Francesco Trabaldese, Scipione Gaetano and Antonio de
Monti. The Prince of Piombino has in his palace in Rome,
besides other interesting relics of Gregory XIII., several
perfect
portraits in oil, of the time of the Pope (one with a
facsimile of
the signature of Gregory is reproduced in FR. BONCOMPAGNI-
LUDOVISI, Le prime due ambasciate dei Giapponesi in Roma,
Rome, 1904) ; there is also a portrait of the Pope s brother
in a
white fur coat, and another of Giacomo Boncompagni and the
PORTRAITS OF GREGORY XIII. 47
In Rome as well as during his times of holiday Gregory was
unwearied in his care of the poor and the sick ; he had a
wives of both. The original portrait of the mother of
Gregory
XIII. is in the possession of the Prince of Fiano. There is
also
a good early portrait of Gregory XIII. in the College of St.
Michael
at Freiburg in Switzerland. In the Palazzo Pubblico at
Bologna
there is a large bronze statue of Gregory by Alessandro
Menganti
(born in 1531 ; see CORRADO RICCI in Bollet. d Arte, 1919,
107 seq.)
cast in 1579 and placed there in 1580. The inscription
belonging
to this, printed in FANTUZZI, IV., 286, was unfortunately at
the
time of the annexation of Bologna removed from its former
position, and placed in the interior of the palace, where it
certainly
does not belong. The bronze statue erected to him by the
city
of Ascoli in 1576, the work of the brothers Girolamo and
Lodovico
Lombardi, was destroyed in 1798 ; see G. C. CANTALAMESSA,
Notizie storiche sopra di una statua in bronzo erettasi
dalla
citta di Ascoli al S. P. Gregorio XIII., Rome, 1845, and P.
CAPPONI,
Memorie storiche d. Chiesa Ascolana, Ascoli-Piceno, 1898,
147.
A bronze bust of Gregory XIII., also by A. Menganti, is in
the
Museo Civico at Bologna ; this is certainly a study for the
bronze
statue (see SOBOTKA in Jahrbuch der press. Kunstsamml.,
XXXIII. ,
258 seq.}. For the very beautiful bronze bust of Gregory
XIII.
acquired from the Corsi collection in Florence for the
Berlin
Museum, and the work of Bastiano Torrigiani, named " il
Bologna " (who worked in Rome in the years 1573-1596),
see
BODE, Ital. Plastik, Berlin, 1902, 181 ; the same, Kgl.
Museum
zu Berlin. Beschreibung der Bildwerke der christl. Epochen
II ;
Die italienischen Bronzen, by F. GOLDSCHMIDT, I., Berlin,
1914,
p. 2 and plate 5 ; SOBOTKA, loc. cit. where there is a
special notice
of the unsuccessful statue of Gregory XIII., by Pietro Paolo
Olivieri, now in S. Maria in Aracoeli. The bronze bust of
Gregory
XIII., preserved at the Propaganda in Rome, is reproduced in
BAUMGARTEN, Kathol. Kirche, III., 65. A large marble statue
of Gregory is in the principal hall of the Cancelleria in
Rome ; it
bears the following inscription : " Gregorius XIII.
P.M. novam
sacros fastos inveniendi rationem induxit 1582." A
reproduction
of the medal by the Milanese G. A. Rossi, with a
characteristic
portrait of Gregory XIII. in MUNTZ, III., 342. Among the
numerous wood engravings of the Pope, special mention may
be made of one bearing the signature " Vitus fee. 1576
"; a copy
is in the collection of prints in the old picture gallery at
Munich,
48 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
hospital built for the latter at Frascati. 1 Very sparing in
his own case, 2 he gave open-handedly to others. 3 He often
gave alms in secret, and always very readily. 4 This
generosity
he had inherited from his father. While he was still a
bishop,
during his stay at Trent, he had displayed great charitable
activity. 5 After his elevation to the chair of St. Peter
his
generosity knew no bounds. The beautiful words on one of
his coins, " God is love," 8 were always before
his eyes. Cesare
Speciani was of opinion that since Gregory the Great no Pope
had done so much for the poor and needy of every kind. 7
Great and small, widows and orphans, and above all marriage
able girls, as well as ecclesiastics, both secular and
regular,
scholars, converted Jews, pious institutions, especially
educational establishments and monti di pieta, were lavishly
n. 126,757 ; idem n. 43,776 a wood engraving of Gregory
XIII.
by an unknown Italian with the inscription "
Boncompagnio
Greg. XIII. P.O.M." A facsimile of the engraving by
Pieter de Jode (cf. HOOGEWERFF, Nederl. schilders 218) in
DROYSEN, Gegenreformation, 253. The best portrait, engraved
on copper, of Gregory XIII., was made by Cherubino Albert i,
see THIEME, I., 192 ; the best copy is in the "
Ritratti a stampa "
in the Corsini Palace, Rome. Of the engravings in the
Imperial Fideicommissbibliothek. at Vienna, depicting
Gregory
XIII., mention may be made of n. 61 among the busts, by F.
Hulsius (van Hiilsen) and the n. 66 by Marius Kartarus.
1 See the *Notes of Speciani, Boncompagni Archives, Rome,
and in App. n. 16 the *Avviso di Roma of September 21, 1580,
Vatican Library.
2 See the report in BELTRAMI, Roma, 28.
8 See besides Cocquelines in MAFFEI, II., 438 seq., the
*notes of
Musotti (cf. App. n. 29) and *that of Cardinal Medici,
Boncom
pagni Archives, Rome, as well as (in App. n. 14) the *report
of
Scozia, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. also CIAPPI, 73.
4 See the *Vita Gregori XIII. by Guido Ferreri, Papal Secret
Archives. Cf. App. n. 24.
5 See the *notes of Venanzio da Camerino, Boncompagni
Archives, Rome.
See SERAFINI, Monete, II. (1912), 30.
7 See his "notes in Boncompagni Archives, Rome. Cf.
also
CIAPPI, 32 seq., 36 seq., and MONTAIGNE, I., 224-5.
WORKS OF CHARITY. 49
helped by him. 1 He personally satisfied himself as to the
condition of the sick poor in the first year of his reign by
visiting the principal hospitals of Rome, and afterwards
caused them to be regularly visited by others. 2 When in
1580 the plague broke out at Avignon, the Pope sent every
kind of help there. 3 To new bishops, when they went to pay
him homage, he recommended nothing so insistently as the
exercise of works of fraternal charity, which God rewards
in this world as well as in the life to come. 4 Like his pre
decessor he devoted large sums to the relief of Christians
who
had been taken prisoners. 5 He took a quite special interest
in the orientals, especially the persecuted Cypriots, and in
the Catholics who had been exiled for their faith from
England,
1 In the *account books of the private treasury, formerly in
the
State Archives, Rome, and now in the Papal Secret Archives,
there is frequent mention of expenses for charitable
purposes ;
especially frequent is the mention of "neofiti, poveri
vergognose,"
and of poor marriageable girls in need of dowries. Cf. the
*notes
of Speciani and of P. Giovan. Bruno : *" Alcune cose
degne
d essere notate della f.m. di Gregorio XIII.,"
Boncompagni
Archives, Rome. T AM ILIA (II S. Monte di Pieta in Roma,
1900,
75) speaks of Gregory XIII. as the greatest benefactor of
the
Monte di Pieta. For the hospice for the poor see Vol. XX. of
this work.
2 See the *notes of Cardinal Galli, Boncompagni Archives,
Rome.
8 Cf. FORNERY, Hist, du comte Venaissin et d Avignon, II.,
228.
4 See the *notes of C. Speciani, Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
5 This happened especially in 1575 ; see *notes of Cardinal
Galli, loc. cit. In the *account books (formerly in the
State
Archives, Rome, now in the Papal Secret Archives) 100 scudi
may often be seen for a prisoner. According to the *Avviso
di
Roma of January 23, 1585, the Pope gave to the archconfra-
ternity " del Gonf alone " 3,000 scudi for the
liberation of Christian
slaves, and promised for the same purpose to allow 6,000
scudi
from the annual revenues (Urb. 1053, p. 41, Vatican
Library).
How much Gregory XIII. interested himself at Venice for the
liberation of Christians who had fallen into the hands of
the
Turks, cf. *Nunziatura di Venezia, XIII., XIV., passim,
Papal
Secret Archives. See also BOTERO, Relazione, III., 156.
VOL. XIX. 4
5O HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Scotland and Ireland. 1 The precept of love which our
Saviour has so strongly urged upon us," thus begins a
letter
from Gregory XIII. to the Doge, recommending an unhappy
man who had been rescued from captivity among the Turks
and had returned to Venice, " implies that we must
share in
the fortunes of every Catholic, whom we know to be weighed
down by misfortune." 2 The treasurer of the Apostolic
Camera states that Gregory, up to 1581, had expended more
than a million and a half scudi on charity. 3 It was no ex-
1 See the *notes of Taverna, and "those of the Bishop
of Ber
gamo, Cornaro, and *those of Cardinal Galli, Boncompagni
Archives, Rome. Cf. also Corpo dipl. Portug., X., 473. On
October 22, 1573, Gregory XIII. sent Morone *" 500
scudi d oro
per sustentimento d alcuni catholici Inglesi." Vatic.
6697 ; ibid.
March 18, 1574, an account for *" 100 scudi d oro al
arcivescovo
Armachano," Vatican Library.
2 *" Lex caritatis quam nobis Dominus tantopere
commendavit,
facit ut catholicorum omnium vicem doleamus, quos in aliqua
calamitate versari intelligimus." Brief to the Doge for
the year
1578. Original in State Archives, Venice.
3 *" Et diede tanto che disse Bernardo Olgiato,
depositore
della Camera Apost. tre anni prima che il Papa morisse che
sin a
quell hora haveva S.S fA speso per elemosine in collegi [cf.
infra
Chapter V.], et maritar zitelle et sovenir poveri
massimamente
forastieri cacciati dalle case loro da Turchi overo da
heretici piu
d un millione et 500,000 scudi [in this matter A. Tiepolo
must
be corrected (265), although he refers to Olgiati ; a further
proof
that the Venetians are not always to be relied upon in the
matter
of figures] altre alle pene delli tribunali che solito
applicava a
diversi usi pii de quali il depositario non teneva conto
alcuno "
(*Notes of C. Speciani, Boncompagni Archives, Rome).
Cardinal
Galli says in his *notes that often 100,000 scudi were given
" per
elemosine " in a single year (PRIULI, p. 306, therefore
exaggerates
when he puts more than 200,000 scudi. RANKE, Papste, I.,
278,
must also be corrected). The same information is given by an
*Avviso di Roma of April i, 1581, Urb. 1049, p. 150 ; ibid.
365,
an *Avviso of September 30, 1581 ; from the beginning of his
illness Gregory XIII. gave 40,000 scudi for " luoghi
pii," and
2,000 for S. Sisto, Vatican Library.
THE POPE S CHARACTER. 51
aggeration when Orazio Scozia at the beginning of 1579
expressed the opinion that Gregory possessed all the
qualities
of a good Pope, and that all his attention was devoted to
the
duties of his high office ; with unwearied labour, sustained
by
the natural calm and moderation of his character, by his
knowledge of canon law, and his intimate acquaintance with
the business of the curia, he was able to decide and
regulate
all questions easily, well and quickly. Scozia brings out
how
the Pope s character, which was essentially kindly, enabled
him to sum up both persons and events very easily, and that
this was all the more easy for him as he was personally
acquainted with all the members of the curia. 1 Even his
rebukes were couched in guarded terms. 2 If, nevertheless,
he
was generally looked upon as a severe man, this was the
result
both of his naturally serious disposition, which was far
removed from anything in the nature of levity, his great
habit
of silence, 3 his strict impartiality even towards his
friends,
when the latter did anything to deserve reproof, 4 and his
1 See in App. n. 14 the "report of 1579, Gonzaga
Archives,
Mantua. For his knowledge of Canon Law, with which Gregroy
XIII. often surprised the Cardinals, see the *Memorie of
Cardinal
Galli in the Boncompagni Archives, Rome. Cardinal Medici
remarks in his *recollections upon the calm of Gregory XIII.
:
" Non si vedeva in lui mai alteratione alcuna, tanto
nelle cose
prospere come nelle avverse " ; he never got angry with
his
servants : " li teneva in tenore senza male
parole." *Speciani
too says that he was never angry, and even his annoyance
lasted
a very short time (loc. cit.}. The same may be seen from the
Relazione di N. da Ponte, 13.
2 See the * notes of Speciani, Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
8 This trait, which he displayed even as Cardinal, was
described
as specially characteristic of him. Cf. P. TIEPOLO, 214 ; A.
TIEPOLO, 259 ; PRIULI, 303 ; SERRANO, Liga, II., 364 ;
*report
of Aless. de Medici of July 4, 1572, State Archives,
Florence,
and the instructive *notes of Speciani in App. n. 30, where
are
also given certain characteristic expressions made use of by
Gregory XIII. on the subject of silence. Boncompagni
Archives,
Rome.
4 See the *notes of Speciani, loc. cit.
52 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
reluctance to grant favours when he was not altogether per
suaded of the justice of any request. 1 To this must be
added
his dry manner, which betrayed the lawyer. At his audiences
he always adhered strictly to the facts, because he thought
that a Pope ought before everything else to learn to hold
his
peace ; he brushed aside impossible requests very abruptly,
and granted favours, when they seemed to be called for, with
a similar abruptness. 2 The Pope s replies, says Michel de
Montaigne, are short and decisive, it is quite useless to
argue
with him. 3 It would, however, be quite wrong to describe
Gregory XIII. as a stubborn man or one who was attached to
his own opinions. That was very far from being the case ;
on the contrary, as is the case with all men of a versatile
disposition, just as he was easily influenced by first
impressions,
he was equally easily appeased, and once he had thought a
matter over carefully, gave his definite decision. 4
Corraro, the Venetian ambassador, in his report of 1581,
remarks very aptly that Gregory often seemed to be more
severe than he really was, because he did not allow himself
to be influenced by anyone, whether the Cardinals or his
nephews ; the only exception was Galli, whose knowledge
and eloquence was all-powerful with the Pope. 5 Paolo
Tiepolo had passed a similar judgment in 1576. 6
On the other hand, Antonio Tiepolo in 1578 was of the
opinion that neither Galli nor Morone, who was almost
equally
influential, dared to oppose the Pope or to urge a change of
policy upon a man who adhered with iron inflexibility to
what
he considered 10 be right. 7 There can be no doubt that
1 See CORRARO, 279.
* Cf. A. TIEPOLO, 260, 268, and the "notes of Musotti,
Boncom-
pagni Archives Rome. See SERRANO, Liga II., 171.
* See MONTAIGNE, I., 226.
4 See SERRANO, Liga, II., 171.
6 See CORRARO, 280.
6 See P. TIEPOLO, 216-7.
7 See A. TIEPOLO, 268. TORNE (p. 131) has missed the con-
radiction, which is very properly brought out by
FREIDENSBURG
Hist. Zeitschrift, CII., 129).
THE INFLUENCE OF GALLI. 53
Antonio Tiepolo understood better than his colleagues, who
judged rather by external appearances, the relations between
the Pope and his Secretary of State.
At first sight the Cardinal of Como, as Galli was generally
called, might have seemed to be all-powerful. He was in
charge of all important affairs relating to foreign policy,
and
at the same time discharged the duties of confidential
secretary
to His Holiness ; l he therefore enjoyed a quite exceptional
position, so that he may be described as the first Cardinal
Secretary of State in the modern sense of the word. 2 He
devoted himself to business with great assiduity and much
tenacity and prudence. 3 In order to strengthen his own
position he removed the secretaries who had served Gregory
XIII. during his cardinalate, and replaced them by his own
adherents. 4 So as to become the principal adviser of the
1 In defence of the union of these two offices, held to be
" incom
patible," Giov. Carga (1574) wrote his " Inf
ormatione del segretario
et segretaria di N.S., in LAEMMER, Monum. Vatic., Freiburgi
Brisg, 1861, 457-468.
2 See RICHARD, La secretairerie d Etat apostolique : Rev.
d hist. eccles., XL, 257.
8 See P. TIEPOLO, 216. To the description of Hiibner (SiXTE
V.,
vol. I., 135 seq.), who passes a judgment both partial and
false
upon both Galli and Gregory XIII., HANSEN has rightly taken
exception in Nuntiaturberichten, I., xxix seq. Cf.
REINHARDT-
STEFFENS, p. cccxliv seq. Possevino, in his *Sommario (see
App. n. 27), makes it a matter of special praise of Gregory
XIII.
that he made use of the services of Galli during the whole
of his
13 years " non dando a carne et sangue questo
offitio," and he
continues : " Et qui potranno dirsi altre cose del valore
et pratica
et giuditio del card, di Como gi provato nel pontificate di
Pio, IV.
in cose importantissime e nel concilio di Trento, di guerre
" ;
Boncompagni Archives, Rome. Cf. also the *report of 1574
(Corsini Library, Rome, in App. n. 9).
4 As the " ruoli " of Gregory XIII. are missing,
the organization
of the secretarate of State can only be partially
reconstructed.
The names of the first six secretaries, from Barb. 5714, in
TORNE,
125. Cesare Glorierio (segret. d. brevi apost.) mentioned here,
lost his office in 1584. For this severe act on the part of
Gregory
54 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Pope, he had associated himself closely at the commencement
of the pontificate with those persons to whom at that time
Gregory had specially given his confidence. These were not,
as has already been said, the Pope s nephews, but, in
addition
to Carniglia, the court preacher, Francisco di Toledo, the
celebrated Spanish canonist, Martino Azpilcueta, the trusted
maestro di camera, Bianchetti, and the favourite disciple of
Philip Neri, Francesco Maria Tarugi, certain powerful
Cardinals
like Farnese, Pacheco, Sirleto, Sforza, and above all the
taciturn Morone, who was looked upon as the most brilliant
and distinguished diplomatist in the curia. 1
see in App. n. 24, the *Avviso di Roma of November 14, 1584,
Vatican Library, and BELTRAMI, Roma, 48. Cf. BONAMICUS, De
Claris pontif. epist. script., Rome, 1753, 255, 313. For
Ant.
Boccapaduli (segret. dei Brevi famigliari) see RENAZZI, II.,
232 seq.
Boccapaduli was the last prefect of the Papal Capella who
was
not a musician ; see HABERL, Musikkatalog der papst.
Kapellen-
archivs, Leipzig, j888, 8, 12, 25. G. B. Canobio and Aurelio
Savignano came from Bologna. See Barb. 5741, Vatican Library
;
ibid. *Barb. 5742, for the division of the work among the
secre
taries. For Galli s secretary, Petrus Angelus Joanninus, see
FORCELLA, VIII., 223 ; ibid. 359, the epitaph of Canobio.
The
secretary of cyphers under Gregory XIII. was Cristoforo
Toretino ;
see MEISTER, Geheimschrift, 51. For the briefs of Gregory
XIII.
cf. WIRZ in Quellen zur Schweiz. Gesch., vol. XXL, xxvi ;
for his
Registers see Studien und Mitteilungen atis dem
BenediktineYorden ,
I., 200.
1 See A. TIEPOLO, 268 seq. ; see the report of Zuniga in the
N. Colecc. de docum. ine"d., II., 119, 238 ; TORNE,
123, n. i, 126,
250, the *report of 1574 (Corsini Library) in App. n. 24.
With
regard to Azpilcueta see I. Kicii Erytraei Pinacotheca, I.,
i seq.
The influence of Tarugi is brought out by Aless. de Medici
in his
report of October 16, 1573, State Archives, Florence. For
the
opinion of Morone cf. also the ""report of C.
Capilupi of January 30,
1573, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and Zuniga in the Colecc. de
docum. ine d., CII., 124. For the opinion of Sirleto see the
""letter
of Odescalchi of April 24, 1574. For that of Sforza the
"letter
of P. Strozzi of April 7, 1576, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. N.
Da
Ponte (Relazione, 16) also names as having great influence
with
Gregory XIII. Cardinals M. A. Colonna and Lorraine.
INDEPENDENCE OF THE POPE. 55
Gregory XIII., who at first had not had sufficient
experience
of affairs of state, was wise to take the advice of
experienced
men ; even so, however, it was not very easy for them to
influence him, as Gregory set much store upon his own inde
pendence, 1 and was extraordinarily suspicious. 2 Before he
was Pope he had never formed any particular ties of
friendship
with anyone, and now that he had been raised to the throne
of St. Peter, his attitude of reserve towards others was
increased. A man who has to govern, he loved to say, must
be careful not to be close friends with anyone, so that it
may
not be thought that he is ruled by anyone. 3 Pie informed
nobody of his plans, and adhered firmly to the decisions
which
he had arrived at after mature reflection. His curt and
decided manner made it very difficult to contradict him.
Galli took all this into account and accommodated himself
to the wishes of his master, who, as time went on, took part
in all diplomatic business as much as possible. 4 In spite
of
the intrigues of those who were jealous of him, 5 Galli
managed
to retain the favour of his master during the whole thirteen
years of his pontificate. In this he was especially helped
by two qualities of the Pope : Gregory was of a very
grateful
disposition, and did not forget for a moment the services
which
Galli had rendered him ; on the other hand he shrank from
1 See in App. n. 9 the *report of 1574 (Corsini Library,
Rome).
On account of the absolutism of Gregory XII J. not a few of
the
Cardinals were in disagreement with him, as appears from the
*report of Serguidi in 1581 (State Archives, Florence, Mecl.
3605,
p. 108).
2 Cf. in App. n. 30 the *notes of Speciani, Boncompagni
Archives, Rome. Cf. also GROTTANELLI, A. Piccolomini, 59.
8 See the *notes of Speciani, loc. cit.
4 See in App. n. 9 the "report of 1574, Corsini
Library, Rome.
Cf. also TORNE, 128 seq. The testimony of Galli contradicts
the
assertion of P. TIEPOLO (p. 215) that the Pope occupied
himself
as little as possible with affairs of state. Fr. Gerini
"reports
on June 27, 1572, {hat the Pope was principally occupied
with
affairs of state. State Archives, Florence.
6 Cf. P. TIEPOLO, 218 ; see also Colecc. de docum. ined.,
CII.,
124.
56 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
any change in the personnel of his government, for fear of
being thought to be vacillating. 1 Thus he remained firmly
attached till his death to his two principal assistants,
whom he
had appointed immediately after his election, the Secretary
of State, Galli, and the Datary, Contarelli. They were held
in high esteem by him, and were rewarded by him in a cor
responding degree ; 2 but those who, like Paolo Tiepolo and
Corraro, attributed to them an absolute authority, were very
much mistaken.
The great independence with which Gregory XIII. loved
to rule was shown above all in his choice of Cardinals. He
was
accustomed to prepare his list without consulting anyone. 3
He acted upon this principle throughout his reign. In the
case of his last nomination, which he brought forward in
December 1583, it is said that it was made entirely un
expectedly ; nobody had had any previous information,
neither Galli, nor Farnese, nor the nephews ; contrary to
custom, the opinions of the Cardinals who were sick was
never
asked for. 4 That Galli was by no means all-powerful is
shown
in other ways as well. When, in the spring of 1580, the Pope
proposed to send a peace legate to Portugal, Galli tried to
arrange that this should not be done absolutely, out of con
sideration for Spain. Gregory XIII. replied that it would be
shameful to do nothing, and thus give rise to the suspicion
that he did not concern himself in the question of the Portu
guese succession. The Pope paid so little attention to the
1 See in App. n. 9 the "report of 1574, Corsini
Library, Rome.
1 See the "Memorie of Galli, p. 70 ; cf. also in App.
n. 30 the
"notes of Speciani, Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
* See the "report of Odescalchi, dated Rome, May 16,
1579,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; cf. more fully, infra, Chapter V.
4 *" La promotione e stata talmente repentina che si
dice per
cosa ferma che ne il S. Giacomo rie il card, di Como ne gli
altri
doi nipoti 1 hanno saputa et non si e mandate a casa dei
cardinal!
infermi che erano Savello, Altemps et Este a pigliare prout
erat
de more antiquamente et modernamente et Farnese non ha
anco Sdputo prima cosa alcuna." Letter of Odescalchi of
Decem
ber 12, 1583, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
THE POPE AND CARDINAL GALLI. 57
views of Galli as to hurry forward the mission of the legate
with all his power. 1
In spite of the great confidence which Gregory XIII. had
in his Secretary of State and his Datary in dealing with
ordinary business, he nevertheless went into every detail
himself. He himself read all the reports of the nuncios, and
on their return they were personally interviewed by him and
made to give an account of what they had done. Cardinal
Galli himself bears witness to this. 2 If the Pope kept the
supreme control in his own hands this was partly due to the
fact that the Secretary of State, for all his diligence, did
not
always prove himself equal to his task. Galli s grasp of a
situation was not always as complete, nor his insight as
keen,
as those of his master, 3 who familiarized himself so
quickly
with the details of public business that the ambassador of
Venice, as early as 1573, spoke in terms of the highest
admira
tion of him in this respect. 4 At times Galli also showed
himself to be lacking in the necessary foresight.
Gregory XIII. was distinguished for his remarkable practical
common sense, and for his exceptional genius for
organization
in ecclesiastical affairs no less than for his breadth of
view.
This was especially apparent in his establishment of the con
gregations and nunciatures.
1 See PHILPPSON, Granvella, 165.
a See the *memorie of Galli, Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
8 This was clearly shown in the negotiations over the
affairs of
Switzerland (see REINHARDT-STEFFENS, p. cccxlvii), and even
more clearly in his memorial on Germany. In his *notes
Speciani
rightly brings out the clear insight of Gregory XIII.
(Boncom
pagni Archives, Rome). That Galli s letter to Philip II.,
given
by TORNE (p. 134) with its expressions of veneration, does
not
prove " que le cardinal s est livre" a Espagne
" is rightly insisted
upon by FRIEDENBURG in Hist. Zeitschrift, CI1., 129. An
*Avviso
di Roma of July 23, 1575, informs us that Galli, weighed
down
by the pressure of business, wished to retire ; and that Guasta-
villani will be appointed his successor. Urb. 1044, p. 497,
Vatican
Library.
4 See the Relazione di N. da Ponte, 13.
58 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
From very early times the consistory, or meeting of the
Cardinals who were in Rome, under the presidency of the
Pope, had served, not only for the carrying out of
particular
and solemn acts, but also for the full discussion of and
carrying
into effect of the various important matters of every kind
with which the head of the Church was called upon to deal. 1
The consistorial records bear witness to the zeal with which
Gregory XIII. devoted himself to this task, and it is clear
from these records that during his pontificate consistories
were held much more frequently than under Pius V. 2 At the
same time, in view of the new and difficult questions which
the period of reform and Catholic restoration brought with
it,
the consistory was shown to be too large and too unwieldly
a machinery for the ordinary administration of the Church.
The world had become larger by reason of the Portuguese
and Spanish voyages of discovery, while the general develop
ment of a postal system had reduced distances and brought
the nations closer together. Communication between the
dioceses and their centre in Rome became easier and more
frequent. The questions addressed to the curia became more
and more numerous, and the pressure of business grew more
and more heavy. The struggle for existence against the
attacks of the religious innovators to which the Church was
exposed in the various countries called for the greatest
vigil
ance on the part of the Holy See. All this necessitated a
development of the machinery of government. An attempt
was made to cope with the multiplicity and complexity of the
work by the formation of special congregations of Cardinals,
evolved out of the consistory, at which difficult and
special
questions could be discussed by Cardinals and prelates who
were experienced in such matters, and then decided with the
co-operation and final judgment of the Pope. At first these
1 Cf. Vol. I. of this work, 262, and the literature there
cited.
1 With the exception of the summer months there was a con
sistory every week. Cf. in App. n. 9 the *report of 1574,
Corsini Library, Rome. See also KARTTUNEN, Gregoire XIII.,
p. 68, and the Diario of Santori in Studi e doc.,
XXIII.-XXIV.
CARDINALITIAL CONGREGATIONS. 59
congregations, which were formed as the various question
arose, lacked stability and definite form. With Paul III.,
however, whose reign inaugurated a new epoch, there came
the beginning of cardinalitial congregations on a permanent
and well-organized basis. The first was the Congregation of
the Inquisition, established by him in 1542. l This was
followed
by the formation of the Congregation of the Council under
Pius IV., and of the Congregation of the Index, as well as
that which was to deal with the business of the bishops
under
Pius V. In addition to these special provisional congrega
tions were established by Pius V. as often as any important
question called for special consideration, such as the
reconcilia
tion of heretics, the conversion of the infidels, the case
of the
Archbishop of Toledo, and the war against the Turks. 2
The greater number of these congregations were continued
under Gregory XIII., and were considerably increased, as had
already been intended in the time of Pius V. 3 A report of
January, 1573, tells of the many congregations in which the
Cardinals were busily employed, 4 and a report of February,
1574, enumerates fifteen such congregations in all. Besides
the permanent Congregations of the Inquisition, the Council
and the Index, mention is made of special congregations,
provisionally established, for the case of the Archbishop of
Toledo, the league against the Turks, the management of
German affairs, reform in general, the reform of Canon Law,
the reform of ceremonial, political business, the jubilee, the
new edition of the Holy Scriptures, finance, the streets,
and
the water supply of Rome, and finally, one for the affairs
of the States of the Church. 5
This report makes no mention of the Congregation of Bishops,
nor of the so-called " Greek " congregation,
established by
1 See Vol. XII. of this work, p. 504.
2 See Vols. XVI., p. n ; XVII., cap. v. and vii. ; XVIII.,
cap. ix., of this work.
3 See in App. n. 37 the *memorial addressed to Gregory
XIII.,
Papal Secret Archives.
4 *Report of Gerini of January 9, 1573, State Archives,
Florence.
6 See in App. n. 9 the *report of 1574, Corsini Library,
Rome.
For the Congregation of Ceremonial see MAFFEI, I., 44 seq.
60 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Gregory XIII. in 1573, which was first engaged upon the
reform of the Basilian monasteries in Italy, and afterwards
with the propagation of the faith in the East. 1
A Venetian report of 1578 also makes mention of a special
congregation for France. 2 We also hear of other congrega
tions, showing how Gregory XIII. relied upon this manner
of dealing with new problems as they arose. We hear of con
gregations for the settlement of disputes about
jurisdiction,
for the politico-religious controversies with Philip II.,
for the
disorders of Malta, the reform of Church music, and for the
affairs of Portugal and Poland. 3 There is also mention ol a
congregation to deal with the inundations of the Tiber. 4
The greater number of these congregations met once a week,
and if necessary in the presence of the Pope. Their duty was
to examine, as minutely as possible, the question submitted
to them, and to prepare the whole matter for decision. This
latter duty was in every case reserved to the Pope, in such
a
way that the supreme right of inquiry and decision was com
pletely in his hands. In this way the discharge of business
was greatly facilitated and simplified. Moreover, this way
of
dealing with business guaranteed a more careful examination
of every aspect of a question than would have been possible
in the consistory. The due attendance of the Cardinals, too,
1 This congregation owed its beginnings to the initiative of
Cardinal Santori, who speaks of it in his Autobiografia,
XII., 135,
and in his Diario concist., XXIV., 135. According to the former
document, besides Santori, Savelli, Sirleto, A. Carafa, and
Cardinal
Filippo Boncompagni belonged to it. Coquelines mentions
other
names in MAFFEI, I., v., who sees in it the beginnings of
the
Congreg. de propaganda fide.
2 See A. TIEPOLO, 248.
3 See infra Chapter VI. The congregation for Poland is
mentioned in MAFFEI, I., 230. A * judgment of this
congregation
in the year 1581 in BORGHESE, III., 67, Papal Secret
Archives,
For the congregation on jurisdiction cf. Lettres de Paul de
Foix.
551 seq. For Malta see MAFFEI, II., 263. Cf. Mel. d archeol,
XXXI., 92. For the reform of church music see MOLITOR, 1.,
56.
4 See SANTORI, Diario concist., XXIV., 260 (April 27, 1575).
THE NUNCIATURES. 6l
was better assured, and at the same time the members of the
supreme senate of the Church, while they were still inexper
ienced, had a splendid opportunity of being initiated into
the
management of public affairs. 1 In conjunction with this new
system a plan was also formed for the regulation of audiences,
definite days being assigned for the reception of the court
officials, the ambassadors, the prelates and the Cardinals.
2
It would appear that this setting aside of a fixed day in
the
week was first done in the case of the ambassadors and
envoys.
The organizing power of Gregory XIII. was shown in a
specially brilliant way by his development of the diplomatic
representation of the Holy See, a matter in which an im
provement had long been needed and expected. 8 Gregory
dealt with this question with marvellous skill. He had
always
realized the great importance of the nunciatures for
obtaining
detailed information of the conditions existing among the
various nations, as well as for opening the way to prompt
intervention in the development of the course of affairs.
At the beginning of the pontificate of Gregory there were
nine permanent nunciatures : four in Italy : (Venice, Turin,
Florence and Naples), and one each at the Imperial court,
and the courts of the Kings of Spain, Portugal, France and
Poland. During the first years of the pontificate this
arrange
ment remained practically unchanged, even with regard to its
personnel. The first important change was made in 1573,
although the appointments made by Pius V. were not greatly
affected by this. Vincenzo Laureo went from Turin to Poland
1 See in App. n. 37 the * memorial addressed to Gregory
XIII..
Papal Secret Archives.
2 See ibid.
3 Cf. the *report of the nuncio in Venice, the Archbishop of
Rossano, of July n, 1575: " Nel tempo della f.m. di Pio
V.
si usava che tutte le cose rognose et dispiacevoli alii
principi si
rapport assero dalli ministri di N.S., tutte le cose dolci
et place voli
erano concesse alii ambasciatori in Roma et li ministri di
S.S t6(
erano li ultimi a saperli." A change is very desirable.
Nunziat,
di Venezia, XIV., Papal Secret Archives.
62 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and Giovanni Battista Castagna from Madrid to Venice. 1 A
great change in the diplomatic personnel, however, was made
for the first time in the years, 1577-1578, and again in
1580-
1581, and finally in 1583, in which year the system borrowed
from Venice became usual, namely, that of limiting the
appointment of the nuncios at the various courts to a fixed
number of years, and even so, not for long. 2
It was of exceptional importance that the character of the
nunciatures should have been thus modified at the moment
of the spread of the movement towards reform and Catholic
restoration. The nuncios hitherto had been for the most part
envoys charged with business of an international character,
but now their principal activities were directed to
spiritual
matters. The defence of Christendom against the Turks,
the Papal revenue and the position of the States of the
Church
were no longer the first consideration, but rather the
interests
of religion, the reform of the clergy, the carrying out of
the
decrees of the Council, and the defence of the Church
against
the attacks of the Protestants. This change comes out
clearly
in the case of Germany.
Now, as before, the representatives of the Holy See in the
Empire were called upon to act as intermediaries between
the Pope, the Emperor and the other Catholic princes, but
now their duty of seeing to the carrying out of the decrees
of the Council obliged them to take a personal part in
eccles
iastical life, much more than had been the case before, by
visiting the dioceses, by consecrations, absolutions, matri
monial dispensations, and the exercise of judicial powers. 8
To enable them to do this their faculties were greatly
extended, 4
and at the same time their number was increased, since the
nuncio at the Imperial court, who had never had a fixed
residence at the centre of the Empire, could no longer by
himself superintend that vast territory.
1 See BIAUDET, Nontiatures, 27 seq., 58.
2 See ibid., 60 ; cf. MAFFEI, II., 194.
1 Hist. Polit. Blatter, CXIX., 526 seq.
4 See the detailed description by MERGENTHEIM, I., 250
seq. See also Chapters on Germany in Vol. XX. of this work.
THE GERMAN NUNCIATURES. 63
As early as 1573 the mission of three representatives of the
Holy See to Germany took place, for the Pope had begun to
devote special attention to the religious condition of that
country. While Feliciano Ninguarda was sent as Papal
commissary to support the reforming activity of the Arch
bishop of Salzburg, Gaspar Gropper, who had gone in July to
Cologne on private business, received diplomatic powers,
which were afterwards added to, so that at length he found
himself accredited to the dioceses of Treves, Cologne,
Mayence,
Augsburg, Bamberg, Wurzburg, Spires, Worms, Minister,
Minden, the whole of Westphalia, and the territories of the
Duke of Jiilich-Cleves. 1 His district in some places
touched
the new nunciature of South Germany, established in 1573
in the interests of Catholic reform, and which was destined
to become permanent. The first to hold this nunciature was
Count Bartolomeo Portia, who had been sent as ordinary
nuncio for the territories of the Archduke Ferdinand in the
Tyrol, Charles of Styria, Duke Albert of Bavaria and the
Archbishop of Salzburg. From March 1577 to March 1578
he was nuncio extraordinary at Cologne, and later on
received
the nunciature at the Imperial court. His successor in the
nunciature of South Germany was Feliciano Ninguarda, who
had in the meantime been appointed Bishop of Scala, and who
did excellent work, especially in Bavaria. His office,
however,
when he returned to Italy in 1583, was not again filled. 2
In
the meantime a special permanent nunciature for the terri
tories of the Archduke Charles of Styria had been formed in
1580 ; this was the first held by Germanico Malaspina, and
afterwards by Giovanni Caligari. 3
The mission of Giovanni Francesco Bonhomini as apostolic
visitor in Switzerland led in 1579 to the establishment of a
permanent nunciature there as well. 4 The Low Countries
1 See HANSEN, Nuntiaturberichte, I., 724.
2 See ibid., 723 seq., 728 seq. ; SCHELLHASS, III., xxxvii
seq.
3 See HANSEN, L, 730.
4 See REINHARDT-STEFFENS, p. cccxciv, seq.
64 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
temporarily had a special nuncio when, in 1577, Sega was
sent to the viceroy, Don John of Austria. 1
This increase of the nunciatures was of the greatest im
portance for the progress of the Catholic restoration, since
the Holy See was enabled by their means not only to bring
direct influence to bear upon the various governments, but
also upon the bishops and lower clergy. 2 On the other hand
the Pope provided himself, in the nuncios, with trustworthy
informants concerning the various nations, a matter in which
Gregory XIII. was quite indefatigable ; he often asked
religious to give him information as to the needs of the
Church. 3
It was also the interests of the Catholic restoration which
led him in 1584 to establish a permanent nunciature at
Cologne.
In all this the nuncio at the Imperial court remained as
before
the special representative of the Pope for the whole German
Empire ; the new nuncios, however, were not his
subordinates,
but only his colleagues. 4
The pontificate of Gregory XIII. was no less important
for the external development of the nunciatures than for
their internal organization. During this pontificate the
titles
which had hitherto been used in an arbitrary way began to
have a special character of their own. The title of legate
had
hitherto been given to an envoy extraordinary of the Holy
See
who was a Cardinal ; the nuncios were the other envoys who
were not members of the Sacred College ; these formed the
true
diplomatic body. In the time of Gregory it was ordered that
the nuncios should be bishops or archbishops, and that they
should receive a regular and fixed salary. 5 Another happy
innovation of the Boncompagni Pope was the alteration of
the hitherto existing system whereby the diplomatists repre-
1 See HANSEN, II., xxxvii seq. ; MAERE in Rev. d hist.
ecclts.,
VII., 570 seq. ; cf. ibid. XII., 558-9.
2 See HANSEN, I., xxix.
8 See the "notes of Speciani in the Boncompagni
Archives,
Rome.
4 See HANSEN, I., 721 seq.
8 See BIAUDET, 33 seq., 75 seq., 83 seq.; KARTTUNEN,
Gregoire
XIII., p. 76-77-
THE NUNCIOS. 65
sen ting the Holy See lived in hired lodgings. The nuncio at
Cologne, Portico, was the first to build a proper residence
for
himself and his suite. 1
In the time of Gregory XIII., who in his choice of nuncios
had frequently shown a preference for jurists, we get the
begin
nings of a regular diplomatic service, which, as far as its
general features was concerned, continued for centuries.
The lowest or preparatory grade was to be found in the
office
of abbreviator or secretary, either at the Curia or with one
of
the nuncios themselves. The next grade was found in ap
pointment as referendary, first secretary or auditor, and
the
third as protonotary apostolic, referendary of the two
" segna-
ture," or as member of the Rota. Those who held this
rank
might be given the smaller nunciatures of Florence, Naples,
Turin, Graz or Lucerne, which formed stepping stones to the
greater ones, and the good administration of which gave a
right to high office at the Curia, and sometimes to the
purple
itself. 2 Two of the nuncios of Gregory XIII., Castagna and
Facchinetti, attained to the Papal throne as Urban VII. and
Innocent IX.
There was indeed need of cultured and capable representa
tives, as well as of many congregations, if the important
pro
gramme of government which the Pope announced at his
first consistory, on May 30th, 1572, was to be properly
carried
into effect. This programme dealt with five principal points
;
the strengthening and consolidation of the league against
the
Turks, the fight against heresy by means of the Inquisition,
the enforcement of the decrees of the Council of Trent and
the
continuation of the internal reform of the Church begun by
Pius V., the opening of friendly relations with the Catholic
princes, and finally a strict supervision of the States of
the
Church, involving the appointment of capable and dis
interested officials, the cutting down of useless
expenditure
with its consequent increased taxation, the improvement in
the administration of justice, and the promotion of peace
and
economic prosperity. 3
1 See BIAUDET, 89. 2 Ibid. 49 seq. 8 MAFFEI, I., 20 seq.
VOL. xix. 5
CHAPTER II.
REFORMING ACTIVITY IN THE CHURCH. CHARLES BORROMEO.
THE first measures which Gregory XIII. had taken by the
advice of Borromeo, his rejection of any exaggerated
nepotism,
his simple manner of life and his sincere piety, had already
shown that it was his fixed intention to continue in the
path
of reform traced out by his great predecessor, whom he had
sincerely admired. 1 Before everything else he saw to it
that
the prescriptions of Pius V. with regard to the observance
of the decrees of the Council were strictly carried out. 2
For
this purpose there was a special commission, composed of the
strictest representatives of the reform, Cardinals Charles
Borromeo, Gabriele Paleotto, Giovanni Aldobrandini and
Paolo Burali. 3 It was only in exceptional cases and by
silence
1 See the ""Consideration! of Speciani,
Boncompagni Archives,
Rome. Musotti also *reports (ibid.) the great veneration for
Pius V. on the part of Gregory XIII.
2 *" V. Sig ria sa quanto preme a la S tA di N.S re 1
osservanza
del concilio di Trento," wrote Galli on November i,
1572, to the
Bishop of Nicastro, the nuncio at Venice, in ordering him to
take proceedings in the city and diocese of Padua against
those
who held " benefici incompatibili." Nunziat. di
Venezia, XIII.
Papal Secret Archives. Ibid, a *letter from Galli to the
Patriarch
of Venice, May 26, 1572, on the carrying out of the
Tridentine
decrees with regard to chapels in private houses.
8 See MAFFEI, I., 21. For those who subsequently took part
in this see in App. n. 9 the *report of 1574, Corsini
Library,
Rome. Later on the commission met at the house of Cardinal
Savelli : *" II luogo di mons. Carniglia, dico di
riformatore,
sara soppresso volendo il papa che il tutto si passi nella
congre-
gatione ordinaria che si fa in casa di Savello "
(Avviso di Roma
of October 8, 1575, Urb. 1044, p. 675b, Vatican Library). It
was for this reform commission that were drawn up the reform
66
THE DUTY OF RESIDENCE. 67
that the Pope tolerated any departure from the reform
decrees of Trent, but he never did so expressly. 1 The
Dataria was specially ordered to observe the decrees
strictly, 2
while their observance was repeatedly enjoined upon the
nuncios. 3 A special ordinance of November 5th, 1574, was
directed against all those who promised or accepted any gift
in order to obtain concessions from the Holy See. 4
Among the first cares of the Pope at the beginning of his
pontificate 5 was the enforcement of the duty of residence,
especially in the case of the bishops. Not even the
Cardinals
who possessed sees, so Gregory ordered at the consistory of
September igth, 1572, were to be excepted from this ; 6 the
decree giving effect to this order was read at the consistory
of October I7th ; on that occasion the Pope remarked that
the College of Cardinals might take an example from its
dean,
Morone, who had already gone to his see of Velletri. 7
Although
proposals which DOLLINGER (Beit., III., 237 seq.) published
from
the Ambrosian Library, Milan (cod. G.22). They are not dated
but they do not belong as DRUSSEL thinks (Gott. Gel. Anz.,
1884,
II., 604 s.), to the year 1574, but to a later date, since
at the earliest
the treatise of Navarro cited by DOLLINGER, p. 242, was
published
according to N. ANTONIUS in 1576 (Bibl. Hisp. nova, II., 97)
and moreover Cardinal Borromeo is mentioned on p. 239 as
being
still alive ; hence the treatise was written between 1576
and
1584-
1 L. Taverna brings this out in his *notes, Boncompagni
Archives, Rome. See ibid, the *Considerationi of Speciani.
2 See the *Memorie of Cardinal Galli, Boncompagni Archives,
Rome. Odescalchi often complains in his *reports how
difficult
the Dataria showed itself ; see especially his *letter of
November
28, 1573, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
8 See MAFFEI, II., 470.
4 See Bull. Rom., VIII., 105.
5 Cf. the *report of Gerini of June 18, 1572, and *that of
Aless.
de Medici of July 4, 1572, State Archives, Florence.
6 See Acta consist. Consistorial Archives of the Vatican.
7 See SANTORI, Diario consist., XXIV., 115; cf. Mucantius,
*Diarium Papal Secret Archives. See also the *audiences of
Santori for October 15, 1572, ibid. arm. 52, t.i7-
68 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
this new order caused regret and dismay among some of the
Cardinals, Gregory nevertheless firmly insisted upon its
being
carried out. Anyone who could not or would not personally
fulfil his duty of residence must resign his see ;
exceptions
would only be allowed in important cases. 1
The man who most rejoiced in this new order was Charles
Borromeo, who resigned his offices of Grand Penitentiary and
Archpriest of St. Mary Major s in order once again to devote
himself entirely to his archbishopric of Milan, but the Pope
still kept him for another three months in Rome, in order to
profit by his advice in his measures of reform. 2
When Borromeo returned to Milan, and on November I2th,
1572, again offered his resignation, Gregory XIII. gave his
consent. 3 Borromeo s successor as Grand Penitentiary was
the celebrated Cardinal Hosius. 4 Borromeo, however, by
means of Bernardino Carniglia and Cesare Speciani, with whom
he remained in constant correspondence, was still able from
Milan to give expression in Rome to his wishes and counsels
for the welfare of the whole Church. 5
If Gregory XIII. gradually deprived of their sees those
Cardinals who did not go into residence, this was quite in
keeping with his determination that the many bishops in the
1 See SANTORI, Diario consist., XXIV., 119, 125. MAFFEI,
I., 22, 142. Cardinal Truchsess *wrote on January 3, 1573,
to the Imperial chancellor Wober : "in the meantime the
Holy
Father is very glad to see me hasten to go into residence,
make my
visitation, and carry out the work of reform and the
synods."
State Archives, Vienna, Hofkorresp, 7.
1 See the *report of Cusano of September 20, 1572, State
Archives, Vienna. Cf. the brief in SALA, I., 258 ; BASCAP,
1. 3, c. i, p. 57 ; SYLVAIN, II., 61 seq. For the generosity
of Bor
romeo see Cusano, "report from Rome of October 6, 1572,
loc. cit.
8 See SYLVAIN, II., 63 seq.
* See EICHHORN, II., 466 seq. After the death of Hosius
Cardinal F. Boncompagni received the office of Grand Peniten
tiary " che per dignita e, si puo dire, il supremo
della corte et
rende 5,000 scudi 1 anno," says the *Avviso di Roma of
August
8, 1579, Urb. 1047, p. 263, Vatican Library.
6 See BASCAP&, 1. 3, c. i, p. 57.
THE DUTY OF RESIDENCE. 69
Curia should be obliged to return to their own dioceses. 1
Gregory also viewed with dislike the endless delay of those
bishops who wished to be consecrated in Rome. 2 In the year
of jubilee, 1575, measures were taken to facilitate the
speedy
return of the bishops to their own dioceses. 3 All the
nuncios
received orders to insist upon the obligation of residence.
4
How strictly this duty was enforced may be seen from the
fact
that the Bishop of Castellammare, although that city is
quite
close to Naples, was given the choice between residing
there,
or resigning his office of grand chaplain at Naples. 5 In
the
same way Gregory was by no means satisfied that the
Patriarch
of Aquileia and his co-adjutor, Giustiniani, should have
their
residence in Venice. 6 The Pope, wrote Cardinal Galli on
January 4th, 1578, wishes that all bishops, canons and
parish
priests should observe their duty of residence. 7 Just a
year
earlier Gregory XIII. had ordered all Spanish priests living
in
Rome who had the cure of souls in their own country, to go
1 *" Questi prelati partono verso le loro chiese et
hieri parti
Mons. di Pa via et Mons. di Martorano, bench e questi non ha
vescovato," says Capilupi on February 28, 1573, Gonzaga
Archives,
Mantua. The Pope desires, *reports Odescalchi on December
12,
I 573> " che tutti vescovi facciano la residenza
" ; idem. cf.
SANTORI, Diario consist., XXIV., 213, 228 seq., see also
Mucantius
*Diarium (Papal Secret Archives) for the consistory of
February
26, I574-
2 See *Avviso di Roma of December 12, 1573, Urb. 1043,
p. 345, Vatican Library.
3 See the *report of Cusano of January i, 1575, State
Archives,
Vienna.
4 In the *Nunziat. di Venezia, XIII., there is a letter from
Ragaz-
zoni to the Bishop of Famagosta, dated October 17, 1577 i n
this he exhorts him to the observance of residence, Papal
Secret
Archives. Cf. ibid, the *letter to the nuncio at Venice for
1575-
1576.
5 See MAFFEI, I., 87. Cf. MUTINELLI, I., 112.
6 See MAFFEI, I., 254. Cf. Nunziat di Venezia, XIII. (for
the year 1576), Papal Secret Archives.
7 *" Card, di Como a Mons. di Capua, nuntio di S.S, tdl
" January
4, 1578, State Archives, Venice.
70 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
home at once. 1 When, in the second half of Gregory s ponti
ficate, many bishops were still to be found in Rome, the
Pope
did not fail warmly to urge the duty of residence. This
occurred at the beginning of 1579, 2 m the autumn of 1580, 3
at the beginning and end of 1581,* and once again in August,
1582. 5 In like manner the nuncios were warned to give close
attention to this matter, which was so important for the
life
of the Church. 6
Following the example of Pius V., Gregory XIII. set great
store on the choice of good bishops. At the very beginning
of his pontificate he reminded the Emperor and the King of
France to use their right of nomination only to present
suitable
candidates, to urge those who had not yet been recognized
by the Holy See to seek for the Papal approbation, or else
to
remove them, and to require all of them to make the
Tridentine
profession of faith. 7 In order to obtain exact information
before making appointments to ecclesiastical offices the
Pope
caused the bishops of Spain and Germany to send him a list
of the most deserving and distinguished priests, so that he
1 See *Avviso di Roma, June 12, 1577, Urb. 1045, p. 508,
Vatican Library.
8 See *Avviso di Roma, April 4, 1579, Urb. 1047, p. 122,
Vatican
Library.
* See the ""report of Sporeno to the Archduke
Ferdinand,
dated Rome, September 16, 1580, Viceregal Archives,
Innsbruck.
4 See *Acta consist. January 24, and December 4, 1581, Papal
Secret Archives.
6 See *Avviso di Roma, August 4, 1582, Urb. 1050, p. 278,
Vatican Library.
6 See the *instructions for the Archbishop of Cosenza, the
envoy to Naples, dated January 6, 1580, *to the Bishop of
Mondovi, nuncio in Savoy, dated September 24, 1580, *to the
Archbishop of Rossano, who went to Naples on February 27,
1582, and to Mgr. de la Corbara, the nuncio in Tuscany,
dated
February 2, 1582, Barb. 5744, p. 73 seq., 91 seq., 221 seq.,
225
seq., Vatican Library. Concerning the nuncio in Venice see
*Nunziat di Venezia, XIII. (1575), and XXII., 425, 446
(November
25 and December 16, 1581), Papal Secret Archives.
7 See MAFFEI, I., 23.
CARE IN CONFERRING BENEFICES. 71
might be able to reward the worthy and remove the unworthy.
The Datary, Contarelli, marvelled, when any suggestion was
made, at the knowledge which the Pope displayed of everyone
s
merits. If it were a case of appointment, in virtue of a
royal
prerogative of nomination, to a bishopric or abbacy, Gregory
at once took steps with all prudence to obtain full
particulars
through his nuncios. In the case of benefices, appointment
to which belonged to the Holy See, he first took into con
sideration those who had rendered loyal service to the
Church. 1
One of his maxims was that benefices should as far as
possible
be conferred on the needy. 2
What care was exercised in conferring benefices is clear
from the many entries in the consistorial records. 3 In the
discussion of such matters the Pope wished and ordered that
the Cardinals should openly express their views without
respect of persons. 4 Scrupulous care was shown to reward
none but men beyond reproach. A theologian who was in
other respects one of the most distinguished, but who had
fallen under suspicion because he had written something
erroneous concerning the veneration of the saints, was made
to renew his profession of faith according to the Council of
Trent, before he was allowed to take possession of his
abbey. 5
In the case of bishops he insisted in the most searching
way upon the proper discharge of their duties. For this
purpose a list of fifty- two questions was drawn up, by
answering
which they had to give an account of the way in which they
had complied with the reform decrees of the Council of
Trent. 6
1 See in MAFFEI, II., 453 seq., the assertion of Coquelines,
based
upon contemporary notes.
2 Cf. HIRN, II., 389.
3 See the opinion of Tacchi Venturi, editor of the Diario
consist,
of Santori, which runs from 1573 to 1576, I., 175. Cf. also
Mel
d archeol., 1913, 249 and *Acta consist., July n, 1580,
Barb.
2883, Vatican Library.
4 Cf. SANTORI, Diario consist., XXIV., 237.
6 See *Acta consist., July n, 1580, loc. cit.
6 See *" Capita rerum quarum rationem S. D. N.
Gregorius
Papa XIII. nunc ab episcopis petit/ At the end is added ;
72 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Especially did Gregory XIII. insist upon the proper
discharge
of their pastoral duties by means of capable vicars,
confessors
and preachers. The bishops must have with them a visitor
general, who was both conscientious and zealous for reform.
The bishops were strongly urged to pay attention to the
proper
education of the clergy, and to set up a Tridentine
seminary,
where one did not already exist. They were also ordered to
devote much care to the giving of religious instruction in
every parish, and if possible to erect a confraternity of
the
Blessed Sacrament in each. No less care was to be exercised
in seeing that lay masters as well as physicians conformed
to the decrees of the Church. The bishops must everywhere
keep on good terms with the civil authorities. As for visi
tations a mixture of prudence, love and patience was
suggested. l
Gregory rightly attached great importance to canonical
visitations ; one of the principal causes of the decadence
of
the Church during the Renaissance period had been the fact
that the regular visitation of the dioceses by their pastors
had fallen into disuse. The Council of Trent had, therefore,
in the strongest terms, urged the bishops every year to make
a
visitation of the whole of their dioceses, or the greater
part
of them, either in person, or if they were prevented from
doing
that, by means of their representatives. Such visitations,
which were of the greatest importance for the maintenance of
the purity of the faith, as well as for the growth of moral
and
religious life, and which, following the example of Giberti,
had been carried out ever since the time of Clement VII. by
a number of excellent bishops, 2 had not become altogether
" Pro episcopis Germaniae addenda erunt aliqua
praecipue de
ratione custodiendi gregem suum ab infectione morbidi gregi
et de ratione curandi morbidum." Arm. 18, n. 3050,
Papal
Secret Archives.
1 To supplement the very short account of MAFFEI, I., 23,
use
may be made of the " Avvertimenti per li rev. Vescovi
" in Inf.
polit., XXIV., 347 seq., Library, Berlin. The renewal of the
ponstitution of Pius V. concerning physicians (see Vol. XX.
of
this work, Cap. II. seq.) in Bull. Rom., VIII., 371.
*- C/. previous volumes of the present work.
VISITATIONS. 73
general even after the Council of Trent. Pius V. had himself
made a visitation in Rome, and by sending apostolic visitors
had made a beginning in the States of the Church as well. 1
In this matter also Gregory XIII. followed in the footsteps
of his saintly predecessor. In Rome the monasteries and
churches were repeatedly visited, 2 and a congregation of
Cardinals was also set up to decide upon difficult questions
arising out of canonical visitations. 3
At the beginning of 1573 seven distinguished bishops were
appointed as apostolic visitors for the dioceses in the
States
of the Church. 4 They \\ere given minute instructions to
guide them in bringing about an organized renewal of
religious
life. 5 They were expressly ordered to bring it home to the
peoples visited that they had the best intentions in their
regard, and that they would be treated with charity and
gentle
ness. The visitors were placed under the special obligation
of first obtaining full information ; without paying too
much
attention to trifles, they were to devote themselves above
all
1 Cf. Vol. XVII. of this work, p. 179 seqq.
2 See the *Memorie of Cardinal Galli, Boncompagni Archives,
Rome. For the visitation of the Anima, see SCHMIDLIN, 308.
3 See the report of Zuniga in the N. Colecc. de docum.
ined.,
I., 147. MAFFEI, I., 61, cf. II., 471. Speciani remarks in
his
*Considerationi concerning the " Congregazione di
Visita apos-
tolica " : *" II Papa vi so mostro tanto zelante
che poche volte
volse permettere che si alterasse quello che li visitatori
havevano
prudentemente fatto," Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
4 *" Questi visitatori [cf. MAFFEI, L, 88] che vanno
visitare le
chiese dello satato ecclcs 00 partono tuttavia et il
Marchesini
viene verso Bologna " reports C. Capilupi from Rome on
April
T 8, 1573, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. The acta of the
visitation,
for the most part still unpublished (cf. App. n. 35) often
contain
interesting artistic and historical descriptions, e.g.,
concerning
S. Maria della Consolazione at Todi ; see SACCONI. Relax,
d. Ufficio regionale d. Marche e Umbria, Perugia, 1903, 199.
5 See the *Awertimenti in Inf. polit., XII., 376-390,
Library,
Berlin. Cf. EHSES in Nuntiaturberichte, I., xliii. ; *"
Praecipua
capita ex formula visitandi pro visitatoribus apost."
Barb.
4, p, 361 seq., Vatican Library,
74 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to important and essential matters, and above all to enhance
the authority of the bishop and the good repute of the
clergy,
to employ fines in money for none but religious objects, and
prudently to defend ecclesiastical liberties against the
secular
power. Minute and detailed prescriptions were drawn up
for the visitation of bishops, cathedral chapters, parishes,
convents of women, and confraternities. The visitors were
also ordered to address severe admonitions to the laity. It
was insisted that in the whole process the apostolic visitor
was to obtain a clear idea whether the reform decrees of the
Council of Trent were being carried out, and where this was
not the case, prudently but vigorously to make whatever
changes were necessary.
How carefully the visitors carried out their task is clear
from
the fact that Ascanio Marchesini, who was appointed to visit
the diocese of Bologna, 1 limited himself to the city
itself, while
for the rest he appointed two delegates, one for the plains,
and one for the mountainous part of the territory. 2
Subsequently these apostolic visitations were extended to
the rest of Italy. 3 The Papal Secret Archives contain a
long
series of volumes which, in a remarkable way attest the un
wearied zeal of Gregory XIII. in promoting the reforms of
Trent by means of apostolic visitations. The reports of
these
visitors are of the greatest interest, because they deal in
great
detail with the economic and moral state of the dioceses,
and
give us a vivid picture of religious conditions, and of the
zeal
and methods by which it was sought to carry out the work of
reform in accordance with the spirit of the Council. For
1573,
in addition to the diocese of Bologna, we have records of
Faenza, Ravenna, Ragusa, Farfa, Camerino, Jesi, Orvieto,
Bagnorea, Assisi, Bertinoro, Ronciglione, Capranica and
1 The *brief for Marchesini appointing him as " Apost.
Seclis
delegatus " to carry on the " visitatio status
ecclesiastic! " inter
rupted by the death of Pius V., is dated April 2, 1573,
Episcopal
Archives, Faenza.
1 Cf. App. n. 34.
* See the report of Zufiiga in N. Colecc. de docura. ined.*
I.,
147 seq.
VISITATIONS. 75
Sutri. .for 1574 we have records of the work of the
apostolic
visitors in Bracciano, Toscanella, Gubbio, Todi, Imola,
Pesaro,
Montefeltro, Castro and Canino, Bondeno and Carpi, Tivoli
and Cagli. 1
Borromeo, who at the end of 1574 had been called to Rome
to give advice concerning the festivities of the year of
jubilee,
had, in the course of his interviews with the Pope, warmly
recommended the sending of apostolic visitors. 2 A strange
bishop, he insisted, would more easily detect errors in the
administration of a diocese ; in his character of Papal
repre
sentative he could interfere in matters which would not come
under the ordinary authority of the bishop, or which could
not
be carried through without involving odium of the pastors
who lived there permanently. 3 A beginning of such visita
tions, so Borromeo desired, could be made at Milan ; for the
dioceses dependent on Milan he offered his own services.
Gregory XIII. accepted this offer. In a brief of April,
1575,
besides Borromeo, the following bishops were appointed as
visitors : Nicole Sfrondato of Cremona, Gian-Battista
Castelli
of Rimini, Francesco Bossi of Perugia, Alfonso Binarini of
Camerino, Girolamo Ragazzoni of Famagosta and Cyprus, and
Antimo Marchesani of Citta di Castello. 4
Briefs were at once sent to the viceroy of Milan, the Doge
of
Venice, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and the Republic of
Lucca,
with the request to give all possible support to the
visitors. 5
Having been presented by Borromeo, Ragazzoni began his
work in Milan in May, I575- 6 In the meantime Borromeo
1 Cf. App. n. 34. For the visitation of Faenza see the
excellent
monograph by LANZONI in Bollett. Dioces. di Paenza, V.,
1918, n. i.
Cf. also LANZONI, S. Pier Damiano a Faenza, Faenza, 1898.
2 See BASCAPE, 1. 3, c. 4, p. yoa.
8 Ibid., c. 5, p. 75 seq.
4 Archives of Briefs, Rome ; ibid, special *authority for
the
visitation of religious given to Borromeo in June, and to
Ragazzoni
in July, 1575.
6 Ibid.
See BASCAPE, 1. 3, c. 4, p. 7ob. Cf. the *acta of the
visitation
in the Papal Secret Archives, App. n. 34.
76 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
devoted himself to the dioceses of Cremona and Brescia,
where
a minute inquiry into every kind of question occupied him
until
the beginning of December. 1 During the year of the plague,
1576, there was naturally no question of going on with the
visitation, but it was recommenced later on. During 1580
and 1581 Borromeo went everywhere making inquiries and
correcting faults, through the whole great district of
Brescia,
where, owing to the penetration of Protestantism, very diffi
cult conditions prevailed ; his unwearied zeal, however, had
its effect. 2 During this visitation, at Castiglione delle
Stiviere,
he gave his first communion to the youthful Luigi Gonzaga.
At the same time as Borromeo a number of other apostolic
visitors were doing their work. For 1575 we have detailed
records for Pescia, Modena and Reggio, Mantua and the
monasteries in the city of Florence and the island of Malta.
For 1576 we have them for Grosseto, Siena, Massa, Pienza,
Montalcino, Milan, Tortona, Volterra and Pavia ; for 1578
for Ferentino, Crema, Piacenza, Dalmatia and Istria ; for
1580
for Benevento, Borgo S. Donnino and Chioggia ; for 1581 for
Bagnara, Alatri, Anagni, and the monastery of St. Francesco
della Vigna at Venice ; for 1582 for Mondovi and Brugnato ;
for 1583 for Viterbo, Montepulciano, Borgo S. Sepolcro and
Cortona ; for 1584 for Treviso, Feltre, Belluno, Todi,
Casale
and Sarzana ; for 1585 for Noli, in the territory of Genoa.
3
1 See BASCAPE, 1. 3, c. 4, p. 70 seq. SALA, Docum, II., 195,
n. 92 seqq. Borromeo to Castelli, June 30, 1575, ibid. 408,
n. 13,
cf. 405, n.i. For the plan of publishing the acta of the
visitation
of Bergamo, cf. Riv. stor., 1909, 232.
2 P. GUERRINI in 5. Carlo Borromeo, 348 seqq. In the periodical
Brixia Sacra, I. (1910), 1-3, A. Besutti treats of the
visitation
at Asola, ibid. 4-6, Guerrini of the visitation at Brescia.
Further,
ibid. 4-5, special accounts of the visitations at Chiari (L.
Rivetti)
Sal6 (L. Bettoni), Orzinuovi (P. Perini), Val Camonica (A.
Sina),
Valle Trompia (O. Piotti). See also BASCAPE 1. 6, c. i, p.
142,
cf. 130 ; SYLVAIN, II., 312 ; GRADONICUS, 374.
* As well as the very general remarks in MAFFEI, II., 141,
349
seq. 391, 470 seq., see the *acta of the visitation in the
Papal
Secret Archives (cf. App. n. 34) and the detailed *evidence.
VISITATION IN VENICE. 77
The visitation met with great difficulties in the city of
the
lagoons. Borromeo had for a long time past warned the Pope
of the necessity of introducing reforms there . x Gregory
XIII.,
who realized the jealousy of the Venetians towards any
foreigner, 2 decided to associate with the nuncio Bolognetti
two Venetian bishops, Agostino Valiero of Verona and
Federico
Cornaro of Padua, who were in other respects acceptable to
the
Signoria. At once, however, there arose in Venice a violent
agitation against the claims of the Pope, which were
declared
in the Archives of Briefs, Rome. Further appointments were
made in *April, 1578 : Giovanni Francesco Bonhomini of
Vercelli
for the dioceses of Como and Novara ; *October, 1578,
Castelli
of Rimini for Parma, Piacenza and Borgo S. Donnino ;
*February,
1580, Pietro de Lunel of Gaeta for Benevento ; *May, 1581,
Francesco Bossi of Novara for Bobbio (a *brief giving him
authority as early as February and June, 1580) ; *September,
1582, Leandro Rotelli of Sarsina for Pistoia, Arezzo,
Cortona,
Montepulciano and S. Sepolcro ; *April, 1583, Vincenzo de
Cultellis of Catania for Viterbo and Toscanella ; *August,
1583,
Bossi of Novara for Lodi ; *April, 1584, Rotelli of Sarsina
for
Saluzzo ; *July, 1584, Cesare de Nores of Parenzo for
Montefeltro
(Belluno, Concordia and Treviso ; cf. MAFFEI, II., 391). For
the
visitation by Bossi at Genoa, 1582, cf. M. Rosi, La riforma
in
Atti della Soc. Ligure di Storia pair., XXIV. (1894), 19
seqq.,
21 ; for the same Bossi, MAZUCHELLI, II. (1851), 3. For the
visitation at Arezzo, 1583, see MAZZATINTI, VI., 187. The
dis
tricts on the border of Savoy were visited by Bishop de
Croce
of Martorano, nuncio in Savoy, in 1575 ; see MAFFEI, I.,
182.
The " Acta Visitationis ecclesiarum Pedemontii
auctoritate
Gregorii XIII. factae 1584 " in Ms. Colbert, 2470,
Bibliotheque
Nationale, Paris. At the visitation of Vercelli in 1585, on
the
testimony of the vicar-general of that place, the Barnabites
rendered great service. See his letter to the General of the
Barnabites, in the Barnabite Archives, Rome, M. b. 66.
1 See SYLVAIN, II., 253 seq.
z The ambassador of Venice, had worked as early as 1575, but
naturally to no purpose, against the visitation of Borromeo
in
north Italy. See the report of Luigi Rogna, Rome, May 7,
1575,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
78 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to be something quite new and unheard of. None but the
Patriarch of Venice, who was quite capable of carrying out
whatever the Pope had the right to demand, must set foot
in the monasteries of the Republic. The real reason for the
opposition of the Venetians was that same cesaro-papistical
spirit which had also made the visitation so difficult in
Tus
cany. 1 The civil authorities insisted upon their right of
superintendence over the property of the monasteries, the
hospitals and other pious institutions, and they absolutely
refused to give the visitors any information as to the
revenues
of these establishments.
Although the Doge made use of very violent expressions,
and even openly threatened to pass over to the Greek rite, 2
the Pope remained inflexible. The nuncio Bolognetti, who
had made several weak concessions over the question of the
visitation of the monasteries, 3 was replaced in the spring
of
1581 by Lorenzo Campeggio. The question of the visitations,
it was insisted in his instructions, was nearer to the heart
of
the Pope than any other interest. Campeggio at once sought
to get upon friendly terms with the Bishop of Verona,
Agostino
Valiero, and determined at first only to submit to the
visitation
the priests and religious, leaving on one side for the
moment
the convents of enclosed nuns, and as far as possible to pro
ceed at first with great circumspection. 4 As the result of
the
1 See MAFFEI, II., 349 ; THEINER, Annales, II., 148 seq. ;
REUMONT, Toskana, I., 305. How tenaciously the Pope held to
the visitations from the first is described by Aless. de
Medici
in his *report of October 19, 1573, State Archives,
Florence.
The ""instructions for Mons. Capranica, destined
as nuncio to
Florence, November 5, 1579, insist upon the fact that the
churches
must be safeguarded against all interference on the part of
the
government. Barb. 5744, p. 64 seq., Vatican Library.
2 Cf. the *report of Bolognetti of February 20, 1580,
Nunziat.
di Venezia, XXII. (and in XXI. several scattered references
to
the same), Papal Secret Archives.
8 See Avvisi Caetani, 113.
4 See the "instructions for Campeggio, April 17, 1581,
Barb.
5744, p 144 seq. Vatican Library.
VISITATIONS. 79
efforts of Campeggio, it was at last found possible to hit
upon
a middle course which satisfied both the Pope and the
Republic;
Agostino Valiero was appointed visitor ; he was not to inter
fere, either with lay confraternities or with the internal
affairs of convents of women. After this the visitation pro
ceeded without further hindrance, and produced such good
results that in the end the very men who had at first
opposed
it, could not but give it their approval. 1
Outside Italy the Pope sought to bring the advantage of a
visitation first of all to the Catholics of Germany. 2 His
attempt to have this done in the dioceses of Metz, Toul and
Verdun, which were in the occupation of France, were frus
trated by political considerations. 3 On the other hand, the
distinguished Bishop of Vercelli, Giovanni Francesco Bon-
homini, the disciple and intimate friend of Borromeo, who in
1578 had been appointed to visit the diocese of Como, was,
on the occasion of his appointment as nuncio in Switzerland,
also given the office of visitor for that district. 4 Very
import
ant too was the work done by the Papal nuncios in the visita
tion of Poland and Spain. 5 The distinguished Filiciano
1 See MAFFEI, II., 174 seq. ; *" Tractatus visitationum
sive
declarationes R. D. Annibalis Rochi I. U. D. Veron. ad breve
Gregorii XIII. (dated April 25, 1583) ad ill. et rev.
August.
Valerium episc. Veron. super visitandis civitatibus et
dioeces.
Patavina et Vicentina, Verona, 1590, LE BRET, Venedig, III.,
i, 435 seq. ; ROMANIN, VI., 360 seq. ; for the visitation of
the
patriarchate of Aquileia by the Bishop of Parenzo, we have
the *information given by Sporeno, July 14, 1584, Viceregal
Archives, Innsbruck. Battistella treats fully of the
visitation
of Aquileia in Mem. stor. Forogiuliesi, III. and IV.
(1907-1908).
2 See Vol. XX. of this work.
3 See the notes of the Bishop of Bergamo, Boncompagni
Archives, Rome. Cf. MAFFEI, II., 392. The *briefs of
February
1582, for the nuncio Castelli with reference to Verdun, and
of
March, 1582, for Nicol6 Mascadi, with reference to Metz,
Toul
and Verdun, in the Archives of Briefs, Rome.
4 See Vol. XX. of this work.
5 See MAFFEI, I., 181 seq., II., 350, 471 seq. For Spain see
CARINI, Ormaneto, 10 ; for Poland, see Vol. XX. of this
work.
80 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Ninguarda, on the strength of the experience which he had
acquired during his long years of work in Germany, wrote a
manual on the manner of obtaining exact information as to
the state of the various dioceses. 1
The apostolic visitations ordered by Gregory XIII. bore
plentiful fruits, while once again there gradually pervaded
the clergy a sincerely ecclesiastical spirit which
manifested
itself in their piety, their devotion to their duties, and
their
self-sacrifice in the care of souls. 2 It is to the credit
of the
Pope that so many of the bishops threw themselves ardently
into his plans. Thus it is related of Gian Battista
Sighicelli,
Bishop of Faenza, that he died in 1575, because he had worn
himself out in his visitations. 3 At Taranto the archbishop
himself, Lelio Brancacci, carried out the visitation in
1576,
and the co-adjutor bishop Pietro Orsini at Spoleto in 1580.
4
At Bologna too Cardinal Paleotto gave a shining example of
pastoral zeal, and himself visited the mountainous and most
remote parts of his diocese. 5
In like manner Mario Carafa 6 and Cardinal Paolo Burali
devoted themselves to reform in Naples ; 7 Cornelio Mussi at
1 " Manuale visitatorum omnibus qui in eo munere
funguntur
commodum," Rome, 1589. See ECHARD, 314. To the same
subject belongs the anonymous *" Tractatus de
visitatione "
in Barb. 864, p. 421 seq., Vatican Library.
* Cf. the *notes of G. Raggazoni, Boncompagni Archives,
Rome ; see also ibid, the *Considerationi of Speciani.
8 See also the *letter from the chapter of Faenza to Gregory
XIII., dated " Faventiae, 1575, III., Id. lul.",
Cod. L-III.-66,
Chigi Library, Rome.
4 See the information taken from the Papal Secret Archives
in App. n. 34.
6 See the "letter from Paleotto to Morone, Bologna 178,
p. 95,
Papal Secret Archives. For the reforming activity of
Paleotto
at Bologna see also the statements of his biographers, A.
Bruni
and A. Ledesma (cf. MERKLE in Rom. Quartalschrift, XI.,
336),
and the Atti di Romagna, 3 ser. III., 531, and BATISTELLA,
S.
Officio, 13, 165.
6 Cf. UGHELLI, I., 158.
7 Cf. his biographers G. A. Cagiani (Rome, 1649), G. B.
Bagatta
(Venice, 1698), and G. Bonaglia (Rome, 1742).
VISITATIONS. 8l
Bitonto , l Gian Battista Soriano at Bisceglia ; 2 the
Theatines,
Marcello Majorano and Salvatore Caracciolo at Cotrone,,
Acerra and Conza ; 3 Alessandro Sauli at Aleria in Corsica;
4
Gaspare Silingardi at Ripatransone ; 5 Pietro Camaiani at
Ascoli ; 6 Antonio Altoviti at Florence ; 7 Giovanni
Francesco
Bonhomini at Como and Vercelli ; 8 Eustochio Locatelli at
Reggio ; 9 Romolo Archinti at Novara ; 10 Domenico Bolani
at Brescia ; n Mariano Savelli at Gubbio ; l2 Agostino
Valiero
1 Cf. UGHELLI, VII., 689 seq. ; *" Cornell! Mussi
ecclesiastics
disciplina cleri et populi Botuntini," in Cod,
Gentilotti, n, 95,
of the Communal Library, Trent. *Acta of the visitation of
1572 in the capitular archives at Bitonto.
2 Cf. UGHELLI, VII., 948.
3 The biography of these two Theatines in the Theatine
Archives,
Rome. " Storia di dieci vescovi Teatini " Mss. by
Luigi Parini,
4 Cf. the biographies by Gabutius (Milan, 1748), Bianchi
(Bologna, 1878), Dubois (Paris, 1904), Moltedo (Naples,
1904),
as well as the articles by Ciceri, Maiocchi and Premoli in
the
Riv. di scienze storiche, I. -II., 1905. Cf. also S.
Alessandro Sauli,
Note e documente, Milan, 1905.
5 RICCI, Le ambasciate Estensi di G. Silingardi, I., Pavia,
1907,
6 seq., 8 seq.
Cf. UGHELLI, I., 472 ; P. CAPPONI, Mem. stor. d. chiesa
Ascolana, Ascoli-Piceno, 1898, 144 seq., 147.
7 C/. UGHELLI, III., 188.
8 Cf. COLOMBO, 23 seq., 42 seq. " F. Bonhomini Decreta
generalia in vistatione Comensi " printed in 1579 at
Vercelli.
Bonhomini desired in this visitation that the statue of
Pliny
should be removed from the cathedral at Como as being a
pagan
adornment not suitable for a church ; this suggestion,
however,
met with vigorous opposition- in Rome, and was criticized as
being unjustified ; this opposition was successful ; see
MEYER,
Oberital. Friihrenaissance, II., Berlin, 1900, 194. For the
way
in which P. Giovio defended the statue cf. Period, per la
Soc r
stor. d. dioc. di Como, VIII., 194, IX., 64,
9 Cf. G. SACCANI, I vescovi di Reggio Emilia, R.-E., 1902,
124 seq.
10 Cf. UGHELLI, IV., 724 seq.
11 Ibid., 562.
12 U. PESCI, I vescovi di Gubbio, Perugia, 1919, p. H9-
VOL. xix. 6
82 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
at Verona. 1 The Bishop of Verona and many other bishops
also distinguished themselves as fathers of the poor. At
Bergamo Girolamo Ragazzoni stripped himself of all his
property, even of the furniture of his palace, when he had
nothing else to give. 2 Carlo Antonio Pocci, Archbishop of
Pisa, founded a special institution which was particularly
devoted to bashful poor persons who were sick, for whose
benefit he left a sum in order that they might gratuitously
have physicians, surgeons and medicine. 3 The many pro
vincial and diocesan synods which were held at that time
served to consolidate and deepen the effect of what had been
attained by the visitations. 4 The Archbishops of Ravenna,
Giulio della Rovere and Cristoforo Boncompagni, 5 and the
glorious chief pastor of Milan, Charles Borromeo, displayed
special zeal in this matter.
The activities of this truly great man increased during the
last ten years of his life in such a way as to include more
and
more the whole of the Catholic Church. His labours, so to
speak, developed into an essential supplement and expansion
of the Council of Trent, which was always to Borromeo the
centre of all his efforts ; thanks to him it became doubly
fruitful. This applies above all to his legislative
activity.
In the very nature of things, in the matter of
ecclesiastical
discipline the Council had only been able to lay down the
1 Cf. HURTER, Noraencl., 1., 239 seq. The *Acta of the "
Visi-
tatio dioc. sub. Aug. Valeric episc. 1565-73 " in the
Episcopal
Archives, Verona, Visit., III. How much Valiero favoured the
priests " della scola " of Giberti is shown by his
*letter to Sirleto,
dated Verona, 1571, March 18, Ry 387, p. 305, Vatican
Library.
2 See UGHELLI, IV., 507. 8 Ibid. 490.
4 A table of the diocesan synods held under Gregory XIII.,
in MARCELLO, Memorial, cronol., Nalpes, 1713. Cf. also
SCADUTO,
250 seq., and MAZZATINTI, XVI., 55. The "
Constitutiones
Synodales A* 1579 " published by Marcantonio Colonna as
Arch
bishop of Salerno, in Cod. A, 8 of the Boncompagni Archives,
Rome. An *" Oratio ed Laudibus et utilitate conciliorum
" by
Franc. Ubaldi in Barb. XXIX., 254, Vatican Library.
6 For his reforming activity see App. n. 35.
PROVINCIAL SYNOD OF MILAtf, 83
principles and the fundamental lines for the complete
renewal
of the Church. Borromeo set himself to give effect to this
by
means of his provincial and diocesan synods. No bishop of
modern times has held so many synods as he. The ordinance
of the Council of Trent that every three years the
archbishop
should call together his suffragan bishops to a provincial
synod naturally could not be literally observed even by him
;
the first assembly of the Milanese bishops in 1565 was
followed
by a second in 1569, and a third in 1573. Thenceforward,
however, for the last three synods the prescribed interval
of
three years was observed. The annual diocesan synods
demanded by the Council of Trent conformed to this rule for
the years 1578-1584, during which years seven such
assemblies
were actually held, the remaining four diocesan synods
occurring in the years 1564, 1568, 1572 and 1574. 1
As a result of the legislative work of these synods the
Cardinal of Milan became, to use the expression of Bishop
Valiero of Verona, " the teacher of bishops." 2
What had been
indicated on broad lines in the Tridentine laws was
developed
down to *.Iie smallest detail in the ordinances of Borromeo,
but vvith so great a grasp of what was necessary and
practicable
as to arouse general admiration. Copies of the first of
these
provincial synods were asked for by bishops from ah* parts ;
in a short time it had been spread throughout Christendom. 3
1 SALA, Biografia, 28 seq., FRANZ SPROTTE, di synodale
Tatigkeit
des heil. Karl. Borromaus (Programm), Oppeln, 1885.
2 LOSSEN in Hist. Taschenbuch 5, Folge IV. (1874), 256.
3 Harum volumina undique postulata et toto pene christiano
orbe brevi tempore disseminata magno ubique usui fuerimt ad
concilia per ecclesias celebranda, optimasque leges,
clericis popu-
lisque eorum imitatione scribendas, quibas christiani mores
religiosaque vita restitueretur. Omnes enim, quicunque
ecclesi-
asticae disciplinae studiosi erant, eas cupide legebant, et
ex eo
quasi fonte Episcopi suarum constitutionum scriptionem
guber-
nationisque rationem deducebant (BASCAPE, 1. 2, c. i, p. 25
seq.,
1. 7, c. 42, p. 227). Concerning the decrees of the IVth
provincial
council BASCAPE (1. 3, c. 5, p. 75b) is of the opinion that
the
" bonorum episcoporum studia in perpetuum
iuvabunt." C/.
Acta eccl. Mediol., 1599, dedication.
84 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Borromeo himself sent copies to his friends i 1 the Bishop
of
Alba at once asked for twenty-five copies for himself ; 2
and
when in 1582 Borromeo published a collection of his
enactments
under the title ".Acts of the Church of Milan " a
hundred
copies were immediately ordered in Lyons, and the Cardinal
of Toledo obtained ten, one of which found a place in the
library
of the King of Spain. 3 Amplified by further enactments and
by the successive pastoral letters of Borromeo, these "
Acts of
the church of Milan " went through many editions ; 4
they
contain ordinances for the sanctification of festivals and
the
1 Borromeo to Cardinal Santori on September 10, 1566, in
SALA, Docum., II., 221 seq, Borromeo wrote on September 20,
1580, to Bascape, who was going to Spain as his
representative :
" Delle Concilii provincial! ed istruzioni, ve ne mander6
colla
prima occasione quindeci o venti di tutti, perch e potiate
distribuirli
in cotesti parti." (SALA, Biografia, Dissert., VIII.,
c. 2, par. 3,
p. 261). A " lettera bellissima " of the
Archbishop of Urbino
to Borromeo (1580), containing the praises of the provincial
:synod, which had been sent to him, and which he compared to
a
:strong fortress, is mentioned in SALA, Docum., II., 203, n.
235.
* Borromeo to the Bishop of Alba on May 29, 1567, ibid. 258,
:n. 1 1 6.
8 Letter of Galesini to Borromeo on December 2, 1582, ibid.
211,
. 339, cf. 525.
4 Editions : i, Milan, 1582, by Charles Borromeo himself,
edited by Pietro Galesini (SALA, Docum., II., 525), after
the
:giving up of the idea of a Roman edition which was to have
been
edited by C. Bascape (Scuola Catt., 1910, I., 850) ; 2.
Milan, 1599,
at the instance of Federico Borromeo, and edited by the
Oblate,
Giampaolo Clerici (ibid. 851) ; 3. Brescia, 1603 (together
with
this were published certain kindred matters) ; 4. Paris,
1643
(incomplete, and edited by Olier, the founder of the
Sulpicians ;
cf. A. DEGERT in Bulletin de litterature eccles. 4th ser.
IV., Toulouse,
1912, 193 seq.} ; 5. Lyons, 1683 (at the hands of the
Oratorian,
Poisson, ibid. 207) ; 6. Bergamo, 1738 ; 7. Padua, 1754 ; 8.
Milan, 1843 seqq. ; 9. " Acta Ecclesiae Mediolanensis
ab eius
initiis usque ad nostram aetatem opera et studio A. RATTI
[now
Pope Pius XL], vol. II. seq., Milan, 1890 seqq. Cf. SALA,
Biografia
Dissert, not. XIL, p. 449 seq. ; HURTER, Nomencl. III., 3rd
ed.,
358.
THE " ACTS OF THE CHURCH OF MILAN." 8$
observance of fasts, on indulgences and pious foundations,,
on the manner of preaching and administering the sacraments
*
on the revenues and endowment of churches ; on the ecclesi-^
astical tribunals, the episcopal chancery and
ecclesiastical!
statistics, in a word, on everything that appertains to the
regulation of ecclesiastical life. 1 Francis of Sales wrote
in
1603 that these Acts of the Church of Milan are
indispensable
to a bishop. 2 Pope Paul V. said in the bull of canonization
of Borromeo that they are in constant use among pastors of
souls, and that they afford full and copious instruction for
the government of the Church. 3 At the preparation of the
Council of the Vatican in 1870 a consultor was charged with
nothing but the study of the decrees of Borromeo. 4 The
enactments of provincial and diocesan synods of later times
are very often a repetition of the Milan decrees. 5 With the
exception of the time immediately following the Council of
Trent, on the whole very few diocesan synods were held ;
a substitute for them and an excuse for their not being held
may be found in the fact that in every case the ordinances
of Borromeo already contained the fullest instructions for
all matters pertaining to ecclesiastical discipline. A
successor
of the great archbishop of Milan, Federico Visconti, in
1689,
1 Cf. a general review of the contents in SALA, loc. cit.
450 seq.
For the reforms of Charles Borromeo in pulpit oratory see
BAR-
BIERI in Arch. stor. Lomb., ann. 38, vol. 15 (1911), 231
seq. On
this occasion attention was also drawn by GRAUS
(Kirchenschmuck,
1897, 141 seqq.) to the injunctions of the Archbishop of
Milan
for the veneration of the Blessed Sacrament.
2 " Le Dec f eta Ecclesiae Mediolanensis vous est
necessaire,"
to de Revol, Bishop of Dol, Oeuvres de St. Frangois de
Sales,
XII., Annecy, 1902, 191.
* " quae sacerdotum manibus teruntur et regendi
ecclesias
doctrinam abunde suppeditant " ; see Bull. Rom., XII.,
643
seqq.
4 EUG. CECCONI, Geschichte der Allgemeinen Kirchenversamm-
lung im Vatikan, edited by MOLITOR, I., i, Ratisbon, 1873,
298.
6 This use began in France even during the lifetime of
Borromeo
in 1579. DEGERT, loc. cit. 148 ; ibid. 149 seqq. a
demonstration
of the use of the Milanese constitutions by successive
councils.
86 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
expressed himself to that effect. 1 In the case of his own
archbishopric of Milan the outcome of a synod always meant,
in the mind of Borromeo, spiritual renewal for both clergy
and people. There the priest must kindle within himself the
fire of the love of God and carry it forth to kindle the
same
iire among his subjects both in the cities and the
countryside.
For three weeks before the provincial synod, prayer and the
approach to the sacraments was urged upon the people ; as
long as it lasted public prayer was made in the dioceses,
sermons and instructions were given to the people, and
spiritual
exercises to the clergy. 2
It was not, however, only by his decrees that Borromeo
exercised an incalculable influence upon the future, but he
was also that wonderful model of a bishop, side by side with
whom, as though to complete the picture, must be placed
the gentle figure of Francis of Sales. 3 The Council of
Trent
had laid upon the bishop and placed in his hands the whole
work of restoring the Church. It was therefore of an import
ance that can never be over-rated that in the Cardinal of
Milan
a man was given to the Church who showed by his own
example how the decrees of the Council ought to be carried
out in practice, and how much could be accomplished by their
full application. That which at first sight appears to be a
dead letter in its prescriptions, becomes a living reality
in
the work of Borromeo. He is the model of a Tridentine
bishop, in whom the Council becomes a thing of flesh and
blood.
The attempt to bring about a radical moral reform was
destined to meet with serious difficulties in Borromeo s own
1 " Porro septem iis in Conventibus (the seventh
provincial
synod was held by Federico Borromeo in 1609) ad moderandos
mores, corrigendos excessus et controversias componendas
Deique
cultum amplificandum ita aflfluenter decreta sancita fuere
non
S jlum pro eorum temporum conditione, sed provisu in
futurum,
ut operae pretium non censuerim, provinciae coepiscopos ex
suis
sedibus convocare, maxime vigentibus bellorum
suspicionibus."
SALA, Docum., I., 563.
2 SPROTTE, loc. cit. 15, 17.
1 Cf. CELIER, St. Charles Borromee, Paris,
THE ARCHDIOCESE OF MILAN. 87
diocese. The archdiocese of Milan was one of the largest
in Italy ; besides the Duchy of Milan it included part of
the
territory of Venice, of Monferrato and of the Swiss Alps. It
contained 2220 churches, 800 of which had parochial rights,
3200 clergy, 100 monasteries of men and 90 of women, of
which
latter Borromeo suppressed 20. The population of the whole
diocese was estimated at from 800,000 to 900,000 souls. In
addition to the archdiocese of Milan Borromeo also had
charge
of the ecclesiastical province of Milan, which was formed of
fifteen large dioceses, and extended over the whole of Mon
ferrato as far as the republic of Venice, and from Piedmont
to the republic of Genoa. 1 Ignorance and immorality were
prevalent throughout the whole of this vast territory ; some
priests did not know the formula of absolution, while some
of the laity did not even know the Pater Noster ; in the
churches men talked aloud, danced and stored grain, and
dances
were held in the convents of nuns ; the judicial powers of
the
Church were almost forgotten, especially in the Swiss part
of the archdiocese. 2
In spite of all this Borromeo did not lose heart for a
moment.
He held it as an indisputable a priori fact that the
Catholic
Church, as being the work of Christ, must contain in herself
the supernatural forces for a complete renewal ; therefore
unshaken confidence in the efficacy of prayer, of labour and
sacrifice for the love of God, formed the foundation of all
his
efforts for the reformation of his vast archdiocese. Hence
too came his constant efforts for his own sanctification ;
hence the austerity of his life, and his scrupulous care in
the
choice of the persons who surrounded him. 3 Moreover from
the first it was one of his maxims, in strict observance of
his
1 GIUSSANO, 1. 2, c. i, p. 48 seq. PIETRO VERRI, Storia di
Milano,
IV., Milan, 1841, 18. The difficulties which Borromeo met
with
have recently been well described by ORSENIGO in his Vita di
S. Carlo, Milan, 1911.
2 GIUSSANO, 1. 2, c. i, p. 49 seqq.
3 Ibid. c. 2 and 3, pp. 51 seqq., 54 seqq. For Giov. Botero,
Borromeo s secretary after 1576, cf. the monograph by CARLO
GIODA, La vita e le opere di Giovanni Botero, 3 vols.,
Milan, 1895.
88 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
obligation of residence, to devote all his powers to his own
diocese alone, and, in so far as his duties as archbishop
required,
to the dioceses dependent on Milan ; all other offices he
resigned. Thus he resigned, as soon as Gregory XIII. would
allow it, the dignities of Grand Penitentiary, of Archpriest
of
St. Mary Major s, of Protector of the Franciscans, of the
Carmelites, of the Roman monastery of S. Marta, of Flanders
and of Portugal. 1 When it was intended to appoint him
visitor for Savoy, he declined. 2 If he showed so great a
zeal
for Switzerland, this was owing to his concern for his own
diocese, a.s he feared lest Protestantism should make its
way
from Switzerland into Milan.
His unwearied labours were blessed with splendid results.
To hundreds of priests, in whose case ignorance and the want
of a sacerdotal training was the cause of all their defects,
a
knowledge of their vocation was for the first time brought
home
by the words and example of their pastor. The bishop took
care that their good will should not again fail, and that
the
incentive and call to a good life should be constantly
renewed.
He divided his own city as well as the rest of the diocese
into
six districts, in each of which the parish priests were
gathered
together into small groups. He appointed the best priests
as his representatives at the head of these sections and
groups ;
these he had already found in the archdiocese, or had sum
moned from elsewhere, with the result that the movements
which originated with the bishop were transmitted to the
least
village parish priest. 3 At periodical meetings the heads of
the six districts of the city were made to exchange their
experiences in the presence of the archbishop, and suggest
plans for a further improvement of the state of affairs. The
same thing was done in the case of the Cardinal s representa
tives in the six divisions of the rest of the diocese.
Parish
priests were ordered to meet periodically in order to
discuss
difficult cases of conscience, and thus acquire knowledge. 4
X BASCAP, 1. 3, c. i, p. 58 seg.
1 Ibid. 1. 7, c. 23, p. 2035.
3 SALA, Biografia, 22 seq. GIUSSANO, 1. 2, c. 4, p. 64.
4 Acta Eccl. Mediolan., 22 seq., 643 seqq.
BORROMEO AND THE SEMINARIES. 89
Borromeo took special pains to secure for his diocese a new
generation of trained young priests. Even in the time of
Pius IV., although he was kept far from his church by his
office of Secretary of State, he had provided by means of
Ormaneto for the establishment of a seminary at Milan,
according to the intentions of the Council of Trent. When
he had founded and endowed this, 1 he was not yet satisfied,
and proceeded to establish a whole series of similar
institutions; 2
thus there was a seminary to provide him with parish priests
for the country population, 3 and another in which persons
already advanced in years could by means of a shortened
course of studies of two or three years obtain the necessary
education, or complete it, if it had been insufficient. 4
There
were also two others in which nothing was taught but an
elementary course of grammar, 5 and another for boys from
the
surrounding mountains, 6 who, having been reared in hard
circumstances, and forced to pass their lives amid the hard
ships of their native place, could not be educated amid the
refinements of the seminary. A seminary was established at
Arona to meet the requirements of the environs of Lake
Maggiore and the Swiss borders. After many labours Borro
meo succeeded in bringing into existence at Milan a Swiss
college, in which youths from both Italian and German
Switzerland were trained as good priests. 7 The attempt to
1 For the revenues of the seminary cf. the briefs in SALA,
Docum.,
I., 182 seq., 254 seq., 284 seq., 340 seq., 356 seq., 449
seq.
2 An extract in SALA, Biografia, 25, and in the report of
the
Archbishop of Milan, Federico Visconti, 1689, in SALA,
Docum., I.,
551 seqq.
3 " Alia canonica " in Milan ; cf. SALA, Docum.,
I., 428.
4 At S. Giovanni alle Case Rotte.
5 S. Maria di Celana at Brivio (cf. SALA, Docum., I., 412,
443,
473), and S. Maria della Noce.
6 At Somasca in the Bergamasco ; cf. SALA, Docum., I., 188,
559, 56o.
7 Ibid. 393, 410, cf. 175, 180, 219. See also SYLVAIN, III.,
14 seq Schweiz. Geschichtsfreund, LIV., 118, Kathol.
Schweizer-
bldtter, 1896. " The love which Charles had for this
undertaking
90 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
establish a college at Locarno for the Grisons came to
nothing ;
on the other hand one was set up at Ascona, which Gregory
XIII. put under the care of the Archbishop of Milan,
although
it was situated in the diocese of Como. 1
Just as Borromeo, in his efforts to reform his clergy did
not
attach the principal importance to disciplinary acts but to
instruction and education, so also did he act with regard to
the great masses of the population. When he first took pos
session of his see he found there an undertaking that was of
great importance in this respect ; in 1536 a zealous priest,
Castellino da Castello, had founded there the " schools
of
Christian doctrine " in which on Sundays and other
feast
days children and unlettered persons were instructed in the
most elementary doctrines of Christianity. 2 Side by side
with their religious instruction the pupils in these schools
were
initiated into the elements of secular knowledge, 3 since
the
catechisms of that time generally contained on their first
pages the letters of the alphabet, so that with their
catechism
may be described as enthusiastic, and the time and labour
which he
devoted to this foundation fills us with wonder. While the
Swiss
themselves remained inert, and contented themselves with
repeating at their meetings what a fine thing it would be if
they
could set up a Swiss college somewhere, without expense,
Charles
was working zealously and indefatigably for the foundation
and
consolidation of the Helveticum, just as though he had
nothing
else to do, and as if he were working for the establishment of
a
seminary in his own diocese. Except for a donation from the
Bishop of Constance, the Swiss did not contribute a farthing
towards this work, while St. Charles, on the contrary,
begged on
all sides for its support." E. WYMANN, Der hi. Karl
Borromeo,
Stans, 1903, 34.
1 Cf. SALA, Docum., I., 248, 453.
2 San Carlo Borromeo, 148 seq.
* Castellino is commemorated in this connexion by a marble
tablet placed at the coiner of the Via Alessandro Manzoni
and the
Vicolo San Giacomo : "11 sacerdote Castellino da
Castello di
Menaggio qui fondava nel 1536 la priina scuola elementare f
estiva
pei fanciulli poveri." Ibid.
BORROMEO AND EDUCATION. QI
children learned to read. 1 Borromeo supported and encour
aged these schools in every way ; in the city of Milan in
1595
they contained no less than 20,504 regular pupils, 2 and in
1571 he wrote that the institute was so useful that in his
opinion nothing had brought so many blessings to his diocese
as this. 3
In enumerating all these seminaries and schools we have by
no means spoken of all the services of Borromeo to the educa
tion and training of youth ; we have already spoken of his
unwearied labours in works of charity. For the benefit of
studious youths he founded in the university of Pavia the
Collegio Borromeo, at Milan the Collegio de Nobili, after
the
model of the German college in Rome at that time, 4 the
college
of the Jesuits of the Brera with lectures on humanistic sub
jects, philosophy and theology, and a college of Theatines.
He built a professed house for the Jesuits at Milan, a
noviciate
in his native place, Arona, a splendid residence for his
cathe
dral chapter, and a convent for the Capuchins in Milan.
There
was also a hosiptal for mendicants, a house of refuge for
peni
tent women, and another for girls in danger. 5 He provided
a house at Milan for the society of secular priests, the
Oblates
of St. Ambrose, which Borromeo had founded as an association
on the lines of a religious order. He also took a decisive
part
in the reorganization of the internal affairs of the
Barnabites
1 Ibid. 196.
2 Ibid.
3 " Et e di tanta utilita quest opera delle Scuole
Cristiane il
giorno di festa, che per me non so vedere qual altra cosa
abbia
fatto tanto frutto in questa mia Diocesi, quanto
questa." To the
nuncio in Spain (Castagna), November 2, 1571, ibid. 145.
4 " Si e instituito un collegio ad imitatione del
Germanico di
Roma per aiuto de figliuoli nobili." Borromeo to the
Grand
Duke of Tuscany, March 24, 1574, in SALA, Docum., III., 13.
The Swiss college too was established on the model of the
Ger-
manicum (MAYER, II., 60 seq.} ; in some letters to Borromeo
it is described as : " Collegio Germanico nuovamente
instituito
in Milano." WYMANN, Der heil. Karl Borromeo, no, cf.
156.
5 Cf. San Carlo Borromeo, 199, where there is a picture of
Borromeo surrounded by engravings of 26 of his institutions.
92 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and Ursulines, in the introduction of the Capuchins into
Swit
zerland, 1 as well as in establishing a number of colleges
of
Jesuits in Italy. 2
The boundless energy and love of work of Borromeo were
not exhausted even by all these foundations, and indeed it
may
be said of him that his episcopal activities were as wide as
the
Catholic Church herself ; this is proved by the enormous
correspondence which he carried on, and which is still pre
served in the Ambrosian Library in three hundred folio
volumes. 3 All classes, all ranks, from the Emperor down to
the least correspondent in the Swiss country-side, from the
Pope to the poor seminarist, may be found among the writers
of these letters and documents ; in the archbishopric of
Milan,
in the Ticino and the Valtellina, there were but few places
from which letters did not come ; while there are others
from
Madrid and Lisbon, from Paris and London, from Amsterdam
and Cologne, from Vienna and Prague, from Cracow and
Vilna, from Malta and Cairo. 4 These letters were systemati
cally dealt with by the archbishop in person, and the
replies
dispatched in accordance with his instructions. 5
All who give a little time to the examination of this mass
of
letters, written from a soul and heart all on fire and
consumed
by zeal, must be struck with wonder, 6 and their amazement
I WYMANN, loc. cit. 25-33, 7 8 > M 8 seqq. MAYER,
II., 216 seqq.
2 SALA, Biografia, 24.
WYMANN, loc. cit., 7-15.
4 Ibid. 12 seqq.
5 Ibid. 8.
" The correspondence on the whole gives an exceedingly
favourable impression, and brings out the zeal and labours
of
St. Charles in a brilliant light " (WYMANN, 9). "
The correspond
ence preserved at the Ambrosiana is the most striking and
eloquent
testimony to the complete sacrifice of Charles of himself to
the
Roman Church, a service which absorbed all his powers, and
unfortunately wore him out all too soon " (Ibid. 10).
" These
papers speak too plainly for any denial to be possible
to-day of
the fact that Charles had acquired a world-wide position
" (Ibid.
12). " Mille argomenti unici nel genere vi si veggono
sviluppati
HIS UNWEARIED LABOURS. 93
will be all the greater when they bear in mind that all this
correspondence must have been personally supervised at the
very time when Borromeo was deeply occupied with inter
views and visits, with his many sermons and instructions,
with the preparation ot his seventeen councils, with the
visita
tion of his own and other dioceses, and above all, with the
current busines of his episcopal administration. To have
accomplished such an enormous amount of work would be
quite incomprehensible, if we did not know that Borromeo,
during the latter years of his life, only devoted a few
hours
to sleep, 1 and that for him the days were doubled in
length,
so many were the hours that he devoted to work in comparison
to others. By means of the increasing austerity of his life,
which he continued to add to until the end, it 2 seemed to
those
who knew him that he had attained so marvellous a dominion
over sensible things, as to have an almost unlimited power
over himself. 3
The results of his unwearied labours in Milan were wonder
fully great, though he too was greatly assisted by the con
ditions of the times. The Council of Trent, the provincial
nella specie in svariati modi, con diversi indirizzi con una
molti-
plicit& di artificio da fare sbalordire. Vi si ammira
concentrata
un attivita biologica prodigiosa, un fuoco intenso di
affretata
combustione, un delirio di operosita, di versitilita d
ingegno e di
volere, ri da far ripetere quella gran domanda die faceva Don
Abbondio : Chi era costui ? ZERBI in Arch. stor. Lomb.,
1891, 81. According to Zerbi the correspondence in the Am-
brosiana includes 268 volumes ; BASCAPE (1. 7, c. 25, p.
2o8a)
says : " Pii et religioso viti ex omni parte ad eum
potissimum,
quaecunque acciderent, tamquam ad rerum divinarum
salutarium-
que vigilantissimum custodem procuratoremque diligentissimum
omnia deferebant." For Botero, one of Borromeo s many
secretaries, and a celebrated scholar of his time, cf. C.
GIODA,
La vita e le opere di Giovanni Botero, 3 vols. Milan, 1895 ;
also
Anal. Boll., XIV (1895), 348.
1 BASCAP& 1. 7, c. 2, p. i72b.
* Ibid. p. I7ib.
8 An example of what he was able to accomplish, ibid. 1. 6,
c. 6,
P-
94 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
council of 1565, the pontificate of a saintly Pope like Pius
V.,
all these things helped to raise up so extraordinary a man
as
Borromeo, as well as to give rise in Milan to the conviction
that a new era had begun, and that everyone was bound tc
prove himself worthy definitely to break with the mistakes
of the past. 1 Even during his lifetime Borromeo had the
reputation of being a saint. During his stay in Rome for the
jubilee of 1575, many knelt before him in the public streets
as he passed by, 2 and on his later visits to Rome the
people ran
down the streets to see him. 3 In a letter sent to Germany
from the Eternal City in 1577 he is described as a second
St. Ambrose. 4 Posterity has bestowed upon him the noble
title of " model of Catholic bishops." 6
x Thus Borromeo himself wrote on April 17, 1566, to Bon-
homini : "Mi reca consolazione indicibile il rilevare
la docilita
e la deferenza de miei Milanesi nel ricevere qualunque mia
osser-
vazione ed in ispecie la loro buona volonta ed il loro
rispetto a
mio riguardo. Sopratutto mi conforta il vederli persuasi,
come
essi sono, che in seguito al Concilio di Trento ed al
Provinciale,
mentre governa la Chiesa un Pontefice si santo ed io pure mi
adopero al uopo con tutte le forze, da tutti ormai si debba
abbrac-
ciare una vita nuova." San Carlo Borromeo, 134.
2 BASCAPE, 1. 3, c. 3, p. 68a.
8 Ibid. 1. 5, c. 7, p. i24b, i25a. Odescalchi remarks in his
*letter of September 12, 1579, that Borromeo had declined
the
invitation of the Pope to take up his residence in his
palace :
" Si e ritirato ad habitare al suo titolo S. Prassede
assai bassa-
mente ; in fatti si vede che questo signer non est de hoc
mundo."
On September 19, 1579, Odescalchi writes of Borromeo :
" E
stato visitato da tutta questa corte come se fosse un santo
et e
andato alle 7 chiese dicendo sempre orationi, salmi e
corone."
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. also the notes in the *Dianum
of Mucantius, on December 24, 1579, Papal Secret Archives ;
also the *Avvisi di Roma of September 16, 19, and 30, and
October
7, 1579, and of January 23, 1580, Urb. 1047 and 1048,
Vatican
Library.
4 Epistola ex Romana urbe in Germaniam missa, Ingolstadt,
I577-
6 " Forma pastorum." Paul V. in the bull of
canonization.
DISPUTE WITH THE GOVERNOR OF MILAN. 95
In some of the principal difficulties which bishops of post-
Tridentine times met with in the fulfilment of their office,
they leant to a great extent upon his example. After the
XVIth century there came the beginnings of the rise of the
modern state, which little by little absorbed into its own
hands
a number of rights which hitherto had been considered the
indisputable heritage of the family or of the Church ; the
desire to live in peace with the secular authorities duly ap
pointed by God, and the wish not to antagonize the powers by
useless disputes, and thus make the position of the Church
worse, became henceforward an increasingly grave source of
anxiety to conscientious bishops. The Archbishop of Milan,
with matchless courage, fought these battles and carried off
the palm of victory under circumstances in which even his
friends had thought the day was lost.
An example of what was happening was to be found in the
case of the disputes with the well-intentioned governor,
Albu
querque (died 1571). 1 Luigi de Requesens (1572-1573) as
governor carried the matter so far that Borromeo publicly
excommunicated him because he had haughtily claimed posses
sion of the town of Arona, the family seat of the Borromei,
to surround the archbishop s palace with troops, and to
inter
cept and open Borromeo s correspondence. The excom
munication made the greatest impression in Milan ; the
nobles
refused to accompany the governor, the working classes no
longer doffed their hats to him, and the foreign ambassadors
broke off their relations with the excommunicated man. 2
Fortunately Requesens appointment as viceroy of the Low
Countries, and his departure from Milan extricated him from
his difficult position.
During the time of Requesens the strained relations had
gone so far as to amount to real hatred of the Cardinal, but
1 See Vol. XVIII. of this work, p. 22 seq.
2 See the documents relating to the dispute in SALA, Docum.,
II., 23-69, and the report of Borromeo sent to Rome to
Speciani,
Castelli, and Galli, ibid. III., 448-536, to Philip II.,
ibid. 479 seq.,
490 seq., to Gregory XIII. ibid. 499, 527. Cf. SYLVAIN, II.,
65
seqq.
96 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
under his successor, the truculent Marquis Ayamonte, they
went beyond all bounds. The latter set to work to destroy
the good name of the archbishop at Madrid, in Rome, and
among his own subjects, and to get him removed from his
office. Even on the occasion of his first visit, he received
the
Cardinal in the antecamera without ceremony, and openly,
before all who were present, told him his views on the
subject
of the disputes which were still unsettled. 1 After this he
worked openly to counteract the reforms of the bishop. 2
When,
for example, Borromeo wished to remove the abuse by which
Lent began on the Monday instead of the Sunday, as laid
down by the Ambrosian rite, the viceroy at once proclaimed
a tournament for that Sunday, on that occasion within his
rights, and when the bishop forebade attendance at this func
tion under paid of excommunication, Ayamonte organized
on successive festival days entertainments which were deemed
incompatible with the spirit of Lent. 3 Workmen were sum
moned to Milan from the smaller cities, in order to browbeat
them by threats into declaring themselves against the govern
ment of Borromeo. 4 They were ever on the watch to find an
opportunity of sending unfavourable reports to Madrid and
Rome. 5 The governor formally compelled the senators of
Milan in 1579 to send an embassy to Rome to complain of
1 Borromeo to Castelli, October 17, 1573, in SALA, Docum.
III., 528. The point of view of Ayamonte : Ha mostrato
di non haver a pensare ne all offtcio mio, ne ad altro,
se non a quello che gli parera servitio del suo Re, dicendo
in spetie
che a questi tempi non s ha tanto da guardare a quel che
voglione
i Canoni, et che se gli altri vescovi non si curano di
servar questi
Canoni non me ne devo curar ne anch io. Ibid. 529.
BASCAP, 1. 5, c. i, p. 109 seqq. SYLVAIN, II., 202 seqq. The
account of the Milanese controversies in ROTA (La reazione
cattolica a Milano, in Bollett. stor. Pavese, VI. [1906], 46
seq.},
apart from the completely biassed views, contains nothing
new
that calls for remark.
1 SYLVAIN, II., 215 seqq.
4 BASCAP, 1. 5, c. i, p. no.
6 Ibid.
ATTACKS ON BORROMEO. 97
Borromeo. 1 Naturally most of the heads of the accusation
were of no great importance. Borromeo, for example, was
accused because he had claimed that in the country places on
festival days there should not take place those dances,
which
distracted people from the sacred functions and led to many
murders ; 2 he was accused of having prevented tournaments
and such things during the time of the functions ; of having
closed the side doors of the cathedral at Milan because the
church was being used as a thoroughfare. The complaints
of the senators were supported by the Spanish ambassador
in Rome. 3
As time went on it became more and more apparent that the
archbishop was to be made the object of incessant
accusations.
Philip II., in a moment of ill-temper, said that he would
unite
with the Pope in removing this disturbing element from his
office. 4 To the accusations brought forward by the Spanish
ambassador Borromeo caused reply to be made in Rome that
he did not make his ordinances after the fashion of Spain
and Venice, where men had no idea of the liberties of the
Church, but in accordance with the ancient canons and coun
cils. 5 Nevertheless, even among the friends of reform, a
doubt sprang up whether Borromeo was not going too far
in his attempt to revive in the XVIth century the
ecclesiastical
customs of the ancient canons and councils, and whether, for
example, it was wise under the existing conditions to run
the
risk of antagonizing the King of Spain by excommunicating
his
officials. To some it seemed that Borromeo intended with
exaggerated severity to lay upon the masses of the people as
a
matter of obligation what was only intended as a counsel of
x The instructions for the envoys in FORMENTINI, La domina-
zione Spagnuola in Lombardia, 486 seq. ; ibid. 491 seq.,
also the
reports of the envoys.
2 SALA, Docum., II., 77.
3 SYLVAIN, II., 212. Writings in defence of Borromeo, ibid.
221 seqq.
4 Ibid., 207.
6 Ibid. 212.
VOL. XIX. 7
98 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
perfection. 1 When a Jesuit, Giulio Mazzarini, went so far
as to criticize publicly from the pulpit, in Milan itself,
whether
directly or indirectly, some of the ordinances of the
archbishop 2
it is easy to understand that such views were held by many
others as well. Even in Rome the continued accusations and
threats gradually made a similar impression.
During this controversy Borromeo continued to send de
tailed reports on the subject to his representative in Rome,
and protested that he was ready to submit unconditionally
to the decision of the Pope, even if it meant his giving up
the
episcopal privileges which he had hitherto held. 3 Gregory
XIII. had from the first charged Borromeo to defend the
rights of his own church by all ordinary means. 4 But he
gradually became more reserved in what he said, and the
esteem in which Borromeo was held grew less and less in
Rome. 5 His fourth provincial council, which he had sent
1 Cf. the letter from the confessor of Philip II., the
Dominican
Diego Chaves, to Borromeo, August 31, 1580, in SALA, Docum.,
II., 87 segq. See also the report of the Milanese envoys
from Rome,
January 23, 1580, in FORMENTINI, loc. cit. 493.
2 " Religiosioris item ordinis nonnulli aliqua ex parte
con-
senseruiit, Caroli stu liis atque operibus non obscure
detrahentes
et causam adversariorum probantes, etc." BASCAPE, 1. 5,
c. i,
p. ma; cf. SALA, Docum., II., 73 ; SYLVAIN, II., 226.
3 lo per la parte mia conforme a quello che dissi gi& a
Vostra
Santitk a Roma, . . . quando ella ... mi diede per
resolutione
ch io diffendessi con le vie legitime le sue raggioni e
possession! :
cosi li dico di nuovo che s ella giudica honor di Dio ch io
ceda,
perda, rimetta o patisca ogni cosa in questa giurisdittione
faro
sempre 1 obbedienza. Thus he wrote to Gregory XIII. as early
as September 15, 1573, SALA, Docum., III., 500 ; cf. Bascape
to
Philip II., 1580, ibid. II., 70.
4 See preceding note.
5 Interea contentiones adversus Carolum susceptae totoque
hoc temporis spatio continuatae res eius tantum in discrimen
et
invidiam adduxerant, ut nihil fere amplius actorum eius
Romae
defendi posse quibusdam videretur. . . . Aures vix demum
Ecclesiae principes multi sine fastidio Caroli
procuratoribus
dabant. Eius existimatio, quod ad iudicium prudentiamque
ATTACKS ON BORROMEO. 99
to Rome for confirmation, failed, even after a long delay,
to secure the approval asked for. 1 No one, however, ever
doubted his zeal or his prudence. It was rumoured that the
Cardinal was hated by the people of Milan, that the king was
working for his removal, that he would soon be leaving for
Rome and would not return. It was widely held to be im
possible that he could continue his work of reform in Milan
in the way he had so far adopted. Public opinion in Rome
was so much against him that the ordinances issued by the
" zealot " in Milan found hardly anyone to defend
them, and
his representatives met with hardly any support. Borromeo
himself brought to the Pope s ears the complaint that some
times he had to defend his enactments like an accused man
before a judge. 2 In his own archdiocese, the continued
hostility of the civil authorities had the effect of
arousing a
spirit of opposition and insubordination which seemed likely
to imperil all that Borromeo, in the work of years, had done
for the moral improvement of his diocese. 3 The report that
Gregory XIII. did not approve of the .conduct of the arch
bishop told in the same direction. Together with the appeal
to
the Pope there came a revival of the dances which Borromeo
had almost entirely banned, with the consequence that there
pertineret, suspensa neque mediocriter apud multos erat ex-
tenuata. . . . Omninoitainclinatumvidebaturtotumdedisciplina
restituenda negotium, ut ad felices exitus posthac erigi
unquam
posse plerique desperarent. BASCAPE 1. 5, c. 7, p. 123.
GIUSSANO, 1. 6, c. i, p. 369 f.
1 SYLVAIN, I., 443 seqq. It was Cardinal Montalto who
examined
it. SALA, Docum., II., 200, n. 182.
2 BASCAPE, loc. cit., p. i23b. GIUSSANO, loc. cit., p. 370.
Cf.
the very respectful and candid letter of Borromeo to the
Pope
on July 7, 1579, in LUCA BELTRAMI, La Roma di Gregorio XIII.
negli Avvisi alia Corte Sabauda (Nozze Boncompagni-Borromeo),
Milan, 1917, xv seq.
3 Si era eccitato un tale spirito di contraddittione et
disobedienza,
che innno da particolari non solo laici, ma ecclesiastici
ancora et
monache si contradiceva ad ogni ordinatione, che facesse il
Cardinale contra suo gusto et mandavano a Roma. Bascape to
Philip II., in SALA, Docum., II., 72.
100 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
were fifty murders 1 within a period of three or four months
;
every insubordinate nun thought to excuse her disobedience
to the bishop by the opinions of the Pope. 2 Speciani saw
that
Borromeo s only course was to present himself in Rome, and
deal with the matter in person. 4
Borromeo came to Rome, and contrary to all expectations,
his coming turned into a complete triumph for him. At his
approach, and while he was still a mile from the Bridge of
St. Angelo, the streets were thronged with people. Prelates
and nobles who a little time before had held themselves
coldly
aloof from him, vied with each other in saluting him and
seek
ing an audience ; the Pope himself invited him to the
apostolic
palace. 4 It was not long before he was able, through his
vicar
general, Nicolo Galerio, to renew all his ordinances, which
had
been so bitterly attacked, concerning plays and dances,
festi
vities and feast days, and the closing of the side doors of
the
cathedral. 5 Borromeo triumphantly defended his fourth
provincial synod, which the Pope himself examined, against
the objections that had been raised, and was able to secure
it
1 Ibid. 77. BASCAP, 1. 5, c. 7, p. i23a. SYLVAIN, II., 224.
Gregory XIII. had actually pronounced with greater leniency
than the Cardinal on the subject of dances. SALA, Docum.,
II.,
194, n. 71. Other various opinions, ibid. n. 74.
2 See supra 99, n. 3
8 BASCAP, p. I23b. GIUSSANO, p. 370.
4 BASCAP, 1. 5, c. 7 seq., p. i25a, I26a. " Nell
arrivar qui
volse allogiare a S. Prassede suo titula senza nessuna sorte
d addobamenti, ma il Pontefice il giorno seguente, che fu
all
audientia lo ritenne in Palazzo, per maggior commodita,
disse,
di quei che 1 haverebbero visitato, et egli se ne content6 ;
ma il
quarto giorno fornite che furono le visite, volse
ritornarsene al
primo alloggiamente. . . . Avanti hieri ci ando [to the
Papal
villa] anco il cardinal Borromeo, chiamato da Sua
Beatitudine,
con la quale sta spesso in longhissimi ragionamenti."
Thus the
Venetian ambassador, Giovanni Corraro, in SALA, Docum., II.,
470. A contemporary account of the stay of Borromeo at
Loreto
during his journey to Rome, 1579, in San. Carlo Borromeo,
458.
6 BASCAP, I. 5, c. 8, p. i26b.
TRIUMPH OF BORROMEO. IOI
against all further attacks by means of the Papal
approbation. 1
No one could have expected such a result. Even during the
journey of Charles to Rome, when he had stayed for a few
days at Camaldoli, it was rumoured that he had lost con
fidence in his cause and was about to become a Camaldolese,
2
and it was often predicted that he would never return to
Milan. 3 In spite of this, Ayamonte thought it necessary to
send a fresh embassy to Rome to renew the old accusations.
But as soon as it arrived it was struck dumb by the news
that
Borromeo was on the point of returning to his see, and that
all
further discussion was quite useless. 4 The joy with which
he was received in Milan 5 on his return gave the lie to all
the
stories that had so persistently been spread about, that he
was
hated by his own people, while the good-will with which
Milan,
a few days later, observed the first Sunday of Lent in the
way
desired by Borromeo, was a splendid refutation of the accusa
tion that he was aiming at things far beyond anything that
ordinary Christians could or would do. It is a case, the
archbishop had written to Madrid, 6 of things that gave
occasion
1 BASCAPE, 1. 5, c. 7, p. i26a. SALA, Docum., II., 208, n.
314.
2 BASCAPE, 1. 5, c. 7, p. i24b. " With them [the
Camaldolese]
he remained in private for six days, apart from his
retinue."
CORRARO, loc. cit.
3 " che senza fallo anderebbe a Roma, ne gli saria
concesso
piii di ritornar a Milano." GIUSSANO, 370.
4 BASCAPE, 1. 5, c. 7, p. 126 seq.
5 Incredibile est, quantum gaudii et iucunditatis invisus
ille
diet us et intolerabilis ad vent u suo excitaverit in uni
versa civitate,
etc. Ibid. c. 8, p. 128.
6 Ibid. c. n, p. 1373. Pare ad alcuni, ch io costringa
questi
popoli a cose de perfettione, non permettendo balli, etc. .
. . Ma
quando anco queste fossero opere di perfettione, se per via
di
diligenza et sollicitudine le potessi introdurre nel popolo,
non per6
dovrei lasciar di farlo, ne potrei senza gravissimo peccato
; im-
perocche se Iddio mi ha fatto gratia di un popolo buono,
facile
et ben disposto al bene piu di quanti io habbia mai
conosciuto,
io son tenuto a secondare la sua buona opinione. Borromeo to
the confessor of Philip II., in SALA, Docum. II., 91.
IO2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to many interminable disputes, to sins of the flesh, to
hated,
feuds and murder : but on the other hand he knew the good
people of Milan, and what he could ask of them. That it was
a fact that the people were filled with good will was now
made
clear to the eyes of all. On the other hand the behaviour of
Ayamonte is quite incomprehensible, for he, on the very
third
Sunday of Lent, which had been so hotly disputed, once again
organized his tournament, so that the sounds of the trumpets
penetrated into the cathedral, not, it is true, with the
result
of attracting many spectators, but so as to disturb the
sermon
of the archbishop. 1 Not long afterwards Gregory XIII.
addressed a brief to the people of Milan, in which the
conduct
of the archbishop was completely justified. 2 In taking his
leave Borromeo had been told by the Pope to defend the
rights
of his church without waiting to consult Rome. 3 At the end
of April, 1580, the viceroy died, 4 but Borromeo did not
allow
this occurrence to move him from his intention, made long
before, of explaining to the King of Spain, by means of a
secret envoy, all that had happened at Milan, and the story
of
his controversies with the viceroy. His choice for this
difficult
task fell upon the Barnabite, Carlo Bascape, who was success
ful in obtaining the most favourable results from Philip II.
5
The new governors, Guevara y Padilla (1580-1583) and Carlos
di Aragona, Duke of Terranueva, maintained in Milan full
agreement between the civil and ecclesiastical powers. 6
It was during the disputes with Ayamonte that there
occurred that event which brought out in the most splendid
light the generosity of Borromeo, and which probably has,
more than anything else, made his name so famous ; this was
1 BASCAPE, 1. 5, c. 9, p. i2Qb.
2 GIUSSANO, 1. 6, c. 4, p. 390 seq.
3 SYLVAIN, II., 248.
4 BASCAPE, 1. 5, c. 9, p. 130 seq.
6 Ibid. c. ii, pp. 132-40. GIUSSANO, 1. 6, c. 9, p. 408
seqq. Cf,
the documents concerning this mission in SALA, Docum., II.,
70-94.
BASCAPE, 1. 6, c. i, p. 141 seq.
LAST LABOURS OF BORROMEO. 103
the great plague at Milan. 1 It is characteristic of
Ayamonte
that not once did the heroic self-sacrifice of the
archbishop
succeed in making him speak kindly of him ; on the contrary,
some of the things which Borromeo did at that time, with the
best intention, were taken by him as being usurpations of
the
civil power.
The renewal of friendly relations with the new governor,
Terranueva, made it possible for the unwearied champion of
the Church to turn his attention to the Alpine districts in
the
north of Italy. 2 Ignorance of religion, errors in matters
of faith
and immorality, were flagrantly rife there, as well as witch
craft ; those districts were a safe place of refuge for the
Italian
speaking heretics ; Italy was threatened by a constant
danger
lest Protestantism should make its way thence throughout the
whole peninsula. On the occasion of his last journey to
Rome,
in 1582, Borromeo brought this state of affairs under
discussion,
and he was accordingly appointed apostolic visitor,
especially
for the Misox valley, and was given for that place a kind
of personal mission in which he was to be assisted by
certain
Jesuits. 3 Death prevented him from erecting in the Orisons
the great barrier against the advance of the heretics, which
he had hoped to produce there.
In spite of the austerity of his life, Borromeo had attained
to the years of his father, and had survived his elder
brother,
and his sister who was much younger than he. 4 Presentiment
warned him that for him too would soon strike the hour of
his
departure; there will be nothing to be surprised at, he
said,
if my life should come to an end. Man of zeal as he was, he
continued to devote himself to the duties of his office, but
his
1 Cf. the *description in App. n. 32.
2 BASCAPE, 1. 6, c. 4 seq., pp. 149-156.
3 Ibid. SPROTTE, 12. For the witches who were handed over
to the secular arm and burned on the occasion of the
visitation,
cf. CANTTJ, Eretici, II., 387. For a magician who tried to
discover
witches by magic arts, cf. the letter of Borromeo in SALA,
Docum.,
II., 420, n. 47.
4 BASCAPE, 1. 6, c. 6, p. i59a.
104 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
thoughts were turned, more than ever and in a higher degree,
to eternity, and to union with God in prayer. 1
The thought of the Passion of Christ and of His death and
burial, became the favourite subjects of his meditations,
and in
order to give himself up entirely to these, he retired in
the
middle of October, 1584, to the so-called Monte Santo near
Varallo, which, by means of allegorical representations of
the
scenes of the Passion, set up in a number of chapels, had
been
transformed by the devotion of a Franciscan into a memorial
of Calvary and a much frequented sanctuary. 2 There he daily
devoted six hours to meditation ; 3 on one occasion, during
the
night, he passed eight hours in unbroken prayer, and the
time
passed so quickly for him that he thought they had put the
clocks forward in order to deceive him. 4 On October 28th he
left Varallo, in order to open the college at Ascona, and on
November ist he intended to keep the feast of All Saints in
his own city. But a violent fever, which had already
attacked
him several times at Varallo, returned, so that by October
3ist
he had only reached Arona. There on the feast of All Saints,
at the Jesuit noviciate, he said mass for the last time, and
on
November 2nd he arrived in Milan. 5 Immediately his illness
increased so much that the doctors gave up hopes of his
recovery, and in the evening of November 3rd a peaceful
death
took him to eternal rest. 6 " A light has been
extinguished
1 " Libenter alioqui per id tempus frequentiam fugiebat
et in
remotiora loca discedebat, negotiorum se molestiis
subtrahens,
ut sacris studiis divinisque contemplationibus
vacaret." Ibid.
p. i6oa.
* Ibid. c. 7, p. i6ia, GIUSSANO, 1. 7, c. IT, p. 480 seqq.
San
Carlo BoYYomeo, 448 seqq., 454 seqq. KNELLER, Geschichte der
Kreuzwegandacht, Freiburg, 1908, 22 seqq.
8 BASCAPE, loc. cit., p. i6ib.
4 Ibid. i62a.
6 Cf. SPROTTE, 14 ; SYLVAIN, III., 358 seqq.
BASCAPE, loc. cit., p. 163 seqq. Contemporary accounts of
his death and the impression it made, in San Carlo Borromeo,
517 seq., 525 seq. ; Arch. stor. Ital., XXV., 126; CRIT.
SCOTTO,
Epicedium, Milan, 1584 ; new edition, ibid. 1823. " L
ultima
DEATH OF BORROMEO. 105
in Israel," 1 exclaimed Gregory XIII. at the unexpected
news
of the death of this man who had been so venerated both by
him and his contemporaries. 2
lettera di S. Carlo Borromeo " in Bollett. della
Svizzera Ital.,
XXVI. (1904), 56 seq. The tomb of the holy bishop in the under
ground chapel in front of the High Altar in Milan Cathedral
is
thus described by KLIMCH (Italiens beriihmte Stadte, I., 183
seq.) : " The body of the saint is entirely preserved,
as was proved
at the examination carried out at Corpus Domini in 1910. The
flesh and skin are dried up as in a mummy. To this day the
posture is wonderfully beautiful, as though the dead man
were
rapt in prayer. Dressed in splendid pontifical vestments,
there
lie the mortal remains of the great archbishop, in a precious
casket
of silver designed by Cerrano and the gift of King Philip
IV. of
Spain. On his breast are two precious pectoral crosses. The
older of these, the chain of which is formed of links of
gold with
many precious stones, bears on the cross-bar the name of
Jesus,
and on the other the name of Mary, each composed of 33
diamonds.
The latter cross is the gift of the Cardinal of Milan,
Cardinal
Ferrari. Above the mitre, which is loaded with precious
stones,
there is suspended from the top of the casket a gold crown
adorned
with pearls, a gift from his treasury by the Prince-Eleccor,
Charles
Theodore of Bavaria. It is said to be the work of Cellini,
and
according to the inscription (A.O.D. B.M.V. or "
Albertus Quintus
Dux Bavariae Mariae Virgini ") was a votive offering to
the
Madonna from Albert V. Duke of Bavaria. The right hand still
bears the ring with which the saint was buried, while on the
left
may be seen two gold rings with cameos (graceful works of
art,
one of which represents Pius VI.). About eighty large and
small lamps of engraved rock crystal throw so good a light
upon
the saint in his rich vestments that it is quite easy to
see." Cf.
also FELL, Mailander Dom, Ratisbon, 1910.
1 BASCAPE, 1. 6, c. 9, p. 169 a.
2 GIUSSANO, 1. 7, c. 1 6-1 8, p. 504 seqq. WYMANN, San Carlo
Borromeo, 284 seqq. The Swiss parish-priest Seb. Werro (of
Freiburg) wrote of him in 1581 : " Cardinalis ipse,
etsi multa
de illo vulgo ferantur, longe tamen sanctius vivit, ut fama
minimam adhuc partem de illo referat. . . . Secretiora neque
cubicularii deprehendere possunt, ut existiment, maiora esse
et
diviniora, quae arcana ipse in abscondito cum Deo
agit."
106 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
It is a fact that Borromeo is still to this day a light in
the
Church, on account of his ordinances in the matter of eccles
iastical discipline as well as of his splendid example.
Among
his contemporaries his name was identified with reform ; l
if anyone wished to draw a picture of a reformer of the
Church,
it would surely take the form of Borromeo. By the magnitude
of the plans which he set before himself, by the burning
zeal
with which he carried them out, by his courage and
constancy,
by his readiness to spend himself in his labours, he stands
second to none as a reformer of the Church ; what stands out
above all in him is his complete disinterestedness in the
ful
filment of his duties and his absolute sacrifice of his own
personality, and of his own wishes and inclinations before
the magnitude of his task. His own interests were ignored as
soon as his duty was clearly presented to him, or at the
utmost
only lightly manifested themselves. This was to be seen even
when he was a young student at Pavia, amid the enjoyments
and allurements of the frivolous university city. It was to
be
seen even more when he was a young Cardinal ; all the enjoy
ments of the capital of the world lay open to him, and he
had
but to stretch out his hand to take them ; but on the con
trary, he laboured from morning to night like the least
artisan
who has to earn his daily bread, and even in his work he did
not follow out his own wishes and ideas, but the orders and
desires of his uncle. As a bishop he had no other aim than
to
die entirely to himself in order to live for nothing but his
great duties. His only recreation was prayer, to which he
devoted himself for long hours whenever he could find the
time,
but even in this he showed himself always ready, at the
first
summons of his episcopal duties, to sacrifice this one happiness.
WYMANN in Zeitscrift fur schweiz. Kirchengesch., II. (1908),
133 seq. Jakob Burckhardt clearly expressed in his
historical
teaching, his admiration for Borromeo, as one of his pupils
told
me : " Charles might have been Pope ; he preferred to become
a saint, and did so."
1 " Qui [in Rome] e da molti ammirato piu tosto che
veduto
volontieri, mettendo spavento, con la sua presenza, di
qualche
riforma." Corraro, in SALA, Docum., II., 470.
LIFE WORK OF BORROMEO. IO7
The austerity of his life, on the other hand, his vigils and
fasts, gradually increased to such an extent that a hermit
of
the desert could hardly have surpassed him, and few sur
passed him very much. 1 Too strongly perhaps, but with
perfect truth, the Franciscan Panigarola said in Borromeo s
funeral oration that Charles had enjoyed no more of his own
wealth than a dog enjoys of the riches of his master, namely
a little water, bread and straw. 2 It may be added that this
austerity was of great value to Borromeo as a reformer, in
the
difficulties of his position ; it proved to all who had eyes
to
see that the archbishop neither sought for nor desired any
thing on earth for himself, and that, for example, in his
dis
putes with the governor, his motive was not, as was thought,
any ambition to increase his own power, but only a conscious
ness of his duty. 3
Like his intentions, so too the measures taken by Borromeo
in his work of reform always bore the imprint of
disinterested
ness. Although he was everywhere recognized as a master
and teacher in matters of ecclesiastical discipline, and his
advice was sought by the Pope himself, he never made any
display, or sought to enforce his own ideas and wishes. In
his work as a reformer he was guided and inspired by the
decrees of the Council of Trent ; he submitted himself to
these absolutely, and whenever he found himself obliged
to go further than what had been laid down in the decrees
of the Council, he was careful to support his point of view
by
the witness of the Fathers of the Church and the ancient
councils. It cannot be wondered at, then, that his reverence
1 Some little known traits in WYMANN, San Carlo Borromeo,
108 seqq.
2 BASCAP&, 1. 7, c. 3, p. iy3b.
3 Bascape emphasized this point of view before the King of
Spain : " che faccia le sue cose con intentione diritta
et in-
dirizzata a, Dio solo, et che non si mova per passione, ne
per qual
si voglia riguardo humano, credo che si possa hormai tener
per
certo, se si puo fare argumento dalla vita et dalle attioni
sue, et
daH haver fatto la rinuntia, che ha fatta al mondo et a
tutti
i suoi beni et commodita." SALA, Docum., II., 74.
IO8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
for the traditions of the past gave their characteristic
power
to his labours. It was inevitable in the XVIth century that
new methods should have been adopted at times, even in
ecclesiastical affairs ; but Borromeo never was in any
danger
of being misinterpreted or misunderstood. 1 The decrees of
his provincial councils could never have attained their
lasting
importance if they had not sprung from the age-long
experience of the Church, and carried it to its logical
conclusion.
Thus the Cardinal of Milan, by the inflexible consistency of
his character, stands before his contemporaries and
posterity 2
as one of those great men who sacrifice all in order to gain
all,
who renounce the world and by their very renunciation obtain
unlimited influence over the world. With the exception of
the founder of the Jesuits no other personality has had so
deep
and lasting an influence upon Catholic regeneration as
Charles
Borromeo. Just as his gigantic statue near Arona, like an
apostle bestowing his blessing, looks out over the expanse
of
one of the finest views in Italy, so from his yet greater
grandeur
of spirit there still flows to-day a wave of benediction.
Among
the heroic figures of the Church of the XVIth century, he is
one
of the greatest ; for long he will be its legislator, and he
will
be her example for ever ; he stands as a milestone in the
history of the Church, at the boundary line between two
epochs, the dying Renaissance and the triumphant Catholic
reform.
1 The Jansenists appeal to him in support of their rigorism,
but quite wrongly, as Pope Innocent XI. wrote. DEGERT in
the Bulletin de litteratuye ecctesiastique, Toulouse, 1912,
211 seq.
1 A special admirer of Charles Borromeo was Francis of
Sales,
who is associated with him by Celier at the end of his
beautiful
work, St. Charles Borromee (Paris, 1912).
CHAPTER III
PROGRESS OF THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS. REFORM OF THE
CARMELITES BY TERESA OF JESUS.
IN an ordinance which he gave to the Camaldolese 1 Gregory
XIII. gave a proof of the way in which from the very
beginning
of his pontificate he turned his attention to the
restoration
of discipline among the religious Orders. The efforts of
Pius V. to formulate and further the legislation of the
Council
of Trent in this respect were continued with all zeal by his
successor. The intentions of Pius V. concerning the
difficult
question as to how the rights of the mendicant orders and
the
secular clergy were to be mutuaDy accommodated, had been,
according to his own confession in his edicts,
misunderstood. 2
Gregory XIII. now set himself to settle this question in
accord
ance with the ideas of his predecessor, and in the meantime
declared that none but the ordinances of the Council of
Trent
had any authority, and revoked all concessions which went
beyond those ordinances. 3
Gregory was filled with the very proper conviction that
nothing was of greater importance to the religious Orders
than to consolidate in every possible way their fundamental
principle of obedience. 4 He therefore took special pains to
1 Of April 8, 1573, Bull. Rom., VIII., 256.
2 " ut qui interdum conqueretur, multa aliter alioque
sensu
a se prolata fuisse, quam litteris expressa essent."
Bull. Rom.,
VIII., 40.
3 March i, 1573, ibid. 39 seqq. For the question of
precedence
among the mendicant Orders see the Brief of July 25, 1583,
ibid. 429.
4 " Nihil in unaquaque religiosa familia . . . aeque
arbitramur
esse utile, quam supremam in eisdem auctoritatem gerentibus,
omni contentione exclusa, ea quae decet reverentia universes
parere." Ibid. 66.
110 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
see that the government of the Orders should be in good
hands.
In this matter he did not allow himself to be deterred even
by
the fiercest attacks. The Camaldolese had become so reduced
in numbers that they could not adequately fill all the
principal
offices in the Order, and they had to submit to a Papal
ordin
ance which at one stroke removed the new superiors, and
united
the houses over which they had hitherto presided to other
houses. 1 He did the same thing in the case of the Hermits
of
St. Jerome, a congregation of only 160 monks, among whom,
as a result of the short term of office of the superiors,
there had
entered a strong spirit of ambition for office and
dignities.
Gregory removed all the superiors of the congregation and
gave
them new ones. 2 Disobedient monks who dared, against the
commands of their superiors, to obtain the opinion ol
canonists, 3
or to appeal to secular judges, 4 experienced the severity
of
the Pope, as was shown in the case of those who had obtained
office in the Order through the influence of secular or
eccle
siastical princes. " Nothing does greater harm to the
disci
pline of the Orders," he wrote to the Dominicans, 5
" than
seeking the protection of externs ; superiors of Orders
ought
not to allow themselves to be influenced in any way by such
recommendations, even when they come from Cardinals or
from the Emperor ; anyone who has obtained office in this
way ought to be deprived of it, and rendered incapable of
receiving it in the future." In the case of the
Olivetans such
striving to obtain recommendations from externs was pro
hibited under pain of excommunication. 6 A whole series
1 Of April 8, 1579, ibid. 256.
2 May 26, 1574, ibid. 69 seq. Cf. the *reports of Odescalchi
of March 6, April 26, June 12, July 17, and September 28,
1574,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
8 Edict of April 17, 1574, to the Cassinese Congregation,
Bull.
Rom., VIII., 66.
4 Edict of April 8, 1575, to the Order of Franciscan
Observants,
ibid. 108.
6 June i, 1580, ibid. 335 seq.
6 On April 4, 1579, ibid. 254.
GREGORY XIII. AND THE CONVENTS. Ill
ot the decrees of Gregory XIII. have for their object above
all
the due arrangement and freedom of election of the superiors
ol Orders ; ordinances to this effect were issued to the
Cassinese
Congregation of the Benedictines, 1 the Franciscan
Observants, 2
the Hermits of St. Jerome, 3 and the Portuguese Hieronymites
; 4
Gregory also issued ordinances concerning the election of
abbesses by the nuns of the Cassinese Congregation, 5
especially
in Italy. 6
In the case of the Orders of women he also paid special
attention to the enclosure. Pius V. had already taken steps
to enforce the strict enclosure ordered for nuns by the
Council
of Trent. 7 There could be no question as to the necessity
for this ordinance, and it was only the wretched state of
some
of the convents which made it difficult to enforce. Thus in
Florence there were no less than twenty-eight convents of
women in which 2500 nuns lived on alms in great poverty,
and to a great extent did not observe the enclosure. 8 In
such cases Gregory tried to assist them by means of large
subsidies, 9 but he strictly enforced the enclosure in the
case
of the convents both of men and women. 10 A constitution
of June I3th, 1575, revoked all permissions to enter
convents
even though these had been granted by the Holy See or by its
legates, even in the case of persons of high rank ; anyone
who, in spite of this, violated the enclosure incurred the
greater excommunication reserved to the Pope ; the same
1 On February 12, 1577, ibid. 165.
2 September 8, 1573, and April 29, 1579, ibid. 58 seqq. For
the Chapter General of the Observants at Paris, and the dis
turbances about the election of the General, Cristoforo Capodi-
fonte, afterwards removed, cf. MAFFEI, II., 46 seqq.
3 May 25, 1584, Bull. Rom., VIII., 473 seqq.
4 June 14, 1578, ibid. 233.
6 April 1 6, 1574, ibid. 64 seq.
December 30, 1572, ibid. 28.
7 See the account in Vol. XVII. of this work, p. 266.
8 See REUMONT, Toskana, I., 307.
9 Cf. MAFFEI, I., 87 seq.
10 Cf. the edict of December 30, 1572, Bull. Rom., VIII.,
28.
112 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
thing applied to superiors who allowed it to be done. 1
The greater part of the reform ordinances issued by Gregory
XIII. in the case of the religious Orders, were either
suggested
by the Council of Trent, or were further developments of the
Tridentine decrees, of which the new Pope, like his
predecessor,
always proved himself the champion and supporter. Natur
ally it had not been possible even for the zealous Pius V.
to
bring new life into existence everywhere, and his successor
found himself obliged to address severe reproofs where the
ordinances for the reform of religious issued by the
Apostolic
See had not been carried into effect. 2 In the case of some
religious bodies, however, the Pope was able to express his
deep gratitude, as for example to the Servites " who
every
day do a great work in the vineyard of the Lord by word and
example, and by their fasts and prayers. . . ." 3 The
same
was the case with the Benedictines of Perugia, 4 and the
Hermits of the woody solitudes of Camaldoli, whose austerity
and zeal had made a great impression upon the Pope himself
on the occasion of a visit which he had paid to them. 5
Gregory XIII. also addressed praises to the Augustinians on
account of their zeal in preaching and their works of
charity ; 6
1 Bull. Rom., VIII., 113 seq. Bull, casin., Venice, 1650,
232.
Papal permission was also required to go out in the case of
the
secular clergy in convents ; see REUMONT, Beitrage, IV.,
258.
For the reform of the convents of enclosed nuns at Naples by
the Pope we have ""information from P. Strozzi,
May 25, 1577,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Gregory XIII. forbade all figured
music in the convents of nuns; see Civ. Catt., 1918, II.,
518.
* To the Canons Regular of SS. Salvatore, March 23, 1574,
December 16, 1579, and November 18, 1580. Bull. Rom.,
VIII., 62, 313, 359.
8 April 20, 1578, ibid. 205.
4 July 8, 1579, ibid. 287.
6 " Quae omnia non solum ab aliis saepe audivimus, sed
etiam
nostris oculis aliquando vidimus." Brief of January 4,
1585,
ibid. 505.
6 On September 5, 1572, ibid. 13; on September 5, 1579,
Theiner 1579, n. 34, (III. 42).
THE CISTERCIANS. 113
he only asked them to try and give up the exaggerated and
not quite disinterested eagerness with which too many of
their number sought to attain theological degrees ; soon
they
would have more masters than pupils, and except for dis
tinguished doctors of theology there would be no one
available
for the ordinary offices of the Order. 1
The reforming zeal of the Apostolic See often found an echo
in the Orders themselves. The reform of the Franciscans
was undertaken with great zeal by the General cf the Order,
Francesco Gonzaga, who died Bishop of Mantua in 1620, a.nd
in whose election to the supreme dignity in his Order, the
French nuncio as well as the Pope himself, had taken an
important part. Almost immediately after his election in
1579 he issued a severe circular in which he declared that
the
superiors were responsible lor the decline in the discipline
of the Order, and urged them to show favour to the brethren
who were desirous of reform, and to pay attention to
community
life, prayer and study. A second circular specially
inculcated
poverty. Gonzaga made a personal visitation of the convents
of north and central Italy, of the Iberian peninsula, and
even
some of the convents of France. 2
The Abbot-General of the Cistercians, Nicholas Boucherat
(1571-1584) devoted himself with conspicuous zeal to the
reform of his Order. On July 2oth, 1572, he was able to
write
to Cardinal Morone, Protector of the Order, 3 that during
the
last two months and a half he had in his visitation
inspected
the state of twenty-six monasteries in Switzerland, Swabia
and the neighbouring districts, and that he intended to go
1 Brief of June 5, 1583, Bull. Rom., VIII., 422.
2 The life of Gonzaga was written in 1625 by his intimate
friend of many years, Hipp. Donesmundi. On this work was
based the Vita del Ven. Fr. Gonzaga, Min. generale dei Frati
Minori, Vescovo di Mantua, Rome, 1906. See HOLZAPFEL,
310 seq. Cf. " Una lettera a una Relazione autografe
del ven.
Fr. Gonzaga Min. generale del Min. Oss. intorno alia riforma
del gran Convento di Parigi, 1582," in Archivum
Franciscanum
Historicum, II. (1909), 668 seq.
8 In A. POSTINA in Zisterzienzer-Chronik, XIII. (1901), 228.
VOL. XIX. 8
114 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
for the same purpose to western France, Bavaria and Bohemia.
During the two following years he continued his visitation
in Switzerland, Lower Germany and the dioceses of Constance,
Augsburg, Wiirzburg, Bamberg, Freising, Ratisbon, Salzburg,
Brixen, Passau and Strasbourg ; in 1573 he personally
visited
18 monasteries of men and 28 of women in north Germany
containing 887 persons ; in the territory of the three eccle
siastical Electors, and in the dioceses of Paderborn,
Miinster
and Liege, he visited 15 Cistercian monasteries of men and
43 of women, containing 1307 persons. 1
The state of these religious houses was on the whole satis
factory. The monastic buildings, according to the reports
of the visitation, were for the most part in a good state,
some
times even beautiful, and the revenues sufficient. 2 From
the
point of view of religion many of the houses visited were
accorded the praise that the reform had been set on foot,
and not rarely that it had burned away every evil. 3 Some
convents naturally were the objects of sharp criticism ; 4
it
is said of Hardehausen in Westphalia that the monks were
barbarous and uncouth, yet, in spite of that, good. 5 Some-
Reports of the visitation of 1573 (Lower Germany) ibid.
230 seqq., 1574 (Upper Germany), ibid. 257 seqq. For the
visita
tion decree for Marienstatt ibid. XXIX. (1917), 97 seqq.
2 Ibid. XIII., 227 seqq.
8 Thus the monastery at Donauworth, which numbered 38
monks " bene reformatos," ibid. 232 ; at
Niederschonenfeld the
abbess and the nuns are " religiosissimae et
observantissimae,"
ibid. 234 ; Oberschonenfeld is " bene institutum,"
ibid. 235 ; of
Lichtental in Baden it is said : " abbatissa est
doctissima et
vitae sanctimonia praeclara," ibid. 237 ; Konigsbruck
is " re-
formatissimum, neque ullum reperi [monasterium], in quo
tanta
est vitae monasticae austeritas," ibid. 237 ;
Himmenrode is
" bene reformatum et abbas bonus vir," ibid. 257,
etc.
* At Himmelspforten " reformatio hucusque nullum
sortita
est effectum," ibid. 233 ; at Zarn in the Duchy of
Berg, among
the nuns there are 4 Lutherans, ibid. 262 ; Langheim has a
good
abbot, " sed monachos non adeo bene reformatos, ut
desiderabat,"
ibid. 233, cf. 234, 260, 261.
6 Ibid. 262 seq. SCHWARZ, Visitationsakten, p. cxxx., seq.
THE CISTERCIANS. 115
times encroachments on the part of lay patrons are
complained
of ; thus the nuns of Heiligkreuztal, near Riedlingen, were
obliged by their " protector and defender," Count
Charles of
Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, to look after his hunting dogs
and their keepers ; sometimes he himself arrived with 30
or 40 horsemen, who all had to be entertained in princely
style at the expense of the convent. 1 Boucherat also
complained of the arbitrary behaviour of some of the
bishops. 2
Less satisfactory was the state of the Cistercian
monasteries
in Lombardy and Tuscany. Commendams had caused wide
spread ruin, 3 the revenues were wasted upon all manner of
external purposes, the monasteries were deeply in debt, the
monks were in want of necessaries, the superiors were
elected
in defiance of the Papal prescriptions, and therefore
invalidly. 4
An improvement of this state of affairs was inaugurated by
the enactments of the visitors, and in place of these
superiors
other men of promise and experience were installed. Gregory
XIII. supported the reform of the Cistercian Order with all
his power. 5
The Benedictine monasteries of Portugal were in a state of
serious decadence. At the request of King Sebastian,
Pius V. had already begun to restore them by uniting them
into one congregation, and Gregory XIII. continued the
work of unification. It was from this Portuguese
congregation
that the first Benedictine foundation in Brazil sprang in
1 Zisterzienser-Chromk, XIII., 229.
2 Ibid. 233, 235-
3 Cf. Vol. XVII. of this work p. 243.
4 Report of the visitor to Morone for the year 1579, in
Zister-
sienser-Chronik, XIII., 204.
6 Decree of June 12, 1574, and May 23, 1578, Bull. Rom.,
VIII.
73, 228. For the reform of the Order in Poland cf. the
letter of
recommendation from Gregory XIII. for Caligari to the
Cistercian
abbots, April 9, 1578, in THEINER, 1578, n. 39 (II., 394),
and the
letter of the visitor, Edmond de la Croix, to the nuncio in
Poland,
June 25, 1580, and to Morone, October 6, 1580, ibid. 1580,
n. 49
(HI., 173).
Il6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
158 1. 1 In 1575 the Pope approved the congregation of the
Exempts in the Low Countries, which had already been
founded six years earlier. 2
In 1576 the Pope had sent a nuncio to the Knights of Malta
to reform them ; 3 four years later the unsatisfactory state
of affairs called for decisive intervention. The Grand
Master,
Jean Levesque de la Cassiere, who was eighty years of
age, had carried out his work of reform with great want of
tact, and a party of malcontents had replaced him by a
vicar,
and in July 1581 had thrown him into prison. 4 Both parties
appealed to Rome, where the French ambassador, Paul de
Foix, warmly supported the Grand Master. 5 Gregory XIII.
expressed his dissatisfaction with what had been done, 6
sent a nuncio, 7 and invited both the Grand Master and the
vicar to Rome, where they both died. 8 Gregory then gave
the Knights the free right to elect a new Grand Master. 9
1 Brief of May 25, 1572, Bull. Rom., VIII., 3. SCHMIEDER in
Studien und Mitteilungen aus dem Benedictiner-und Zisvezien-
serorden, XII., 1871, 73.
2 See BERLIERE ibid. X., 541 seq.
3 MAFFEI, I., 252.
4 CIACONIUS, IV., 9.
6 See Lettres de Paul de Foix, 85 seq.
6 Brief of August 8, 1581, in THEINER, 1581, n. 62 (III.,
304
seq.}.
7 Gaspare Visconti. Brief giving him full powers, August 8,
1581, ibid. n. 63 (305 seq.}.
8 First the vicar-general on November 3-4, 1581, then the
Grand
Master on December 21. Cf. the *Relatione del Viaggio del
gran maestro di Malta in Cod. 6619, p. 178 seq. Imperial
Library,
Vienna.
8 Brief of December 26, 1581, in THEINER, 1581, n. 65 (III.,
308). Visconti returned in April, 1582. The end of the
affair
was a bull of September, 1582, which declared the innocence
of the Grand Master and annulled all that had been done
against
him. Cf. for the whole affair the *notes of Musotti in the
Bon-
compagni Archives, Rome ; MAFFEI, II., 168 seq., 260 seq.
Melanges d archeologie, XXXI., 75-141, where the great
services
rendered by Gregory XIII. on the occasion of these disputes
GREGORY XIII. AND THE ORDERS. 1 17
In spite of all his severity, Gregory XIII. was a kind
father
to all the Orders, and always showed himself ready to grant
favours and privileges if these were for the good of the
Church. 1
He conferred special marks of his favour upon the celebrated
Benedictine congregation of Monte Cassino, 2 of the internal
constitution of which he always spoke in terms of the
highest
praise. 3 The congregation corresponded to the Pope s
efforts to raise it to a high level 4 by submitting its
rules and
constitutions to a strict examination. 5 In the same way
among the Servites, by command of the general chapter of
1578, the rule of the Order was brought into conformity with
the requirements of Pius V. 6 Special enactments are
frequent
during which the Turks fortunately remained quiet, is
brought
out. See also the *Memorie of Galli, Boncompagni Archives,
Rome. Cod. D. 5, of. ibid. D. 6. Later on Gregory had again
to intervene in a dispute between the Knights of Malta and
Venice ; cf. MAFFEI, II., 352 ; BALAN, VI., 615 seq.
1 See the *Memorie of Cardinal Galli, Boncompagni Archives,
Rome. Gregory XIII. reunited the Orders of St. Lazarus and
St. Maurice, canonized Norbert, the founder of the
Premonstra-
tensians (1582), and confirmed the new constitutions of the
Augustinian Hermits (1580) ; see HEIMBUCHER, I., 149, 227,
421, 449 ; for the confirmation of the privileges of the
Cistercians
see the Handschriften der Zisterzienser-Stifter, II.,
Vienna,
1891, 79. The same was done for the Camaldolese in a very
gracious form, see Bull. Rom., VIII., 25, 409 seq., 438
seq., 505
seq., Gregory XIII. gave the Grand Master of the Teutonic
Order a general confirmation of all their old privileges ;
see PET-
TENEGG, Urkundenbuch des Deutschen Ritterordens, 653.
3 At the Chapter General of the Basilians for the
appointment
of an Abbot General, a Cassinese presided. Bull. Rom.,
VIII.,
308 2, 309 IT.
3 " Ab eius primaeva erectione optimis ac salubribus
institutis
et constitutionibus usque ad haec tempora recta et gubernata
fuit." Ibid. 260.
4 See supra, p. III.
5 Confirmed on April 13, 1579, Bull. Rom., VIII., 259 seq.
6 Confirmed on September 6, 1579, ibid. 290 seq. A brief of
September, 1575, to the Servite Bened. de Burgo for the
reform
Il8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
whereby Gregory XIII. introduced or encouraged reforms
among the old religious Orders. 1
of his Order in Lombardy is in the Archives of Briefs, Rome.
For the reform of the Servites see also SANTORI,
Autobiografia,
XII., 367. In 1579 Gregory XIII. united the congregation of
the
Observants among the Servites with the rest of the Order.
See
MORINI-SOULIER, Monum. Ord. Serv. B. Mariae, I., Brussels,
1897.
1 The Archives of Briefs contain a whole series of * briefs
for the
reform of the Orders ; thus for Italy, one of May, 1573, to
Arsenio,
President-General of Vallombrosa, on the reform of his
congrega
tion in February and September, 1574, to the Archbishop of
of Aquileia
Bishop of Squillace for the reform of the monastery of S. Sofia ,
and an authorization to Cardinal Borromeo to visit the
churches
and sacristies of the regulars and the exempts ; July, 1575,
to
ber, 1577, authorization to the Bishop of Bergamo to visit
the
churches of the regulars in the dioceses of Savona
miglia ; January, 1578, to Cristoforo da Foligno, and
February,
1578, to Rodrigo de Avalos for the reform of the Minorites
at
Petrucci for the reform of religious houses in the diocese
of Feren-
tino ; December, 1578, to the Bishop of Suessa ; August,
1581,
to the Bishop of Parenzo ; May, 1581, on the reform of the
monas
teries at Zara ; 1583 to Borromeo at Milan
for the nuns at Volterra ; December, 1584, for the
monasteries
of Perugia ; January, 1585,
for those at Ragusa Spain
and Portugal
for the reform of the Congregation of the Holy Cross at Coimbra
in November, 1576, to the General of the Trinitarians for
the reform
of his Order in both countries ; in May, 1581, for the
visitation
of the Dominicans in Spain
briefs were issued concerning the reform of convents of
enclosed
nuns in Spain
and Portugal
of Portugal
Order in the diocese of Cartagena
vent of Cistercian nuns of Las Huelgas in the diocese of Burgos
December, 1572, for the nuns in the diocese of Valencia
for those of Granada ;
December, 1574, to Tarragona
the enclosure of nuns in the diocese of Gerona France
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