THE POPE AND THE CARDINALS. 215
Father," he says, " has laboured zealously to keep
all evil
elements far from his city. He has been greatly helped in
this
by his Cardinals. For many centuries past no Sacred College
has been so eminently distinguished for its blamelessness,
piety, prudence, righteousness and continence, as well as
for
every kind of learning." Gregory XIII. had taken an essen
tial part in bringing this about. The strict principles
which
he had set for his own guidance were shown in all his
relations
with the College of Cardinals. He showed himself extra
ordinarily generous towards the members of the supreme
senate of the Church, and honoured them in accordance with
their dignity, 1 he settled their revenues with great
justice, 2
and was most courteous in his dealings with them, 3 yet
always
safeguarded his own position as their superior, as well as
his own independence. 4 He expressed himself with great
frankness at the consistories, yet he never took it amiss
when
they replied with equal outspokenness. 5
The great spirit of independence shown by Gregory XIII.
was, as can easily be understood, ill received by some of
the
1 Cardinal Galli brings this out in his *Memorie, as does C-
Speciani in his *Considerationi (both in the Boncompagni
Archives, Rome
immediate audience to the Cardinals, and never kept any
member
of the Sacred College waiting. Cusano *states on May 24,
1572 :
" S.S ta del
tutte le gratie sono domandate cosa non faceva Pio V."
State
Archives, Vienna
z *" Distribueva loro le entrate eccles. con molt a
giustitia et
circumspettione, ne diede mai cosa di momento a li dui
nepoti
suoi cardinali sin tanto che li pareva honestamente
accommodato
gli altri cardinali poveri." Galli in his *Memorie,
loc. cit.
3 " Non e mai mattina che non habbi a mangiar con esso
cardinale si che participera dicono in questa parte di Papa
lulio
III. che era buono compagno, il quale si recreava a tavola
con
li cardinali," says Cusano on May 24, 1572, State
Archives,
4 Cf. Guido Ferreri, *Vita Gregorii XIII., Arm. u, t. 42, p.
304,
Papal Secret Archives.
a See San tori, Autobiografia XIII., 153.
2l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cardinals, especially by those who for some special reason
had
built hopes upon their influence. 1 The long duration of the
pontificate increased their discontent, the more so as
Gregory
had a high opinion of the cardinal] tial dignity, and conse
quently never tired of strongly reminding the Cardinals,
over
and over again in the consistories, of the duties which
their
high rank imposed upon them. 2
These warnings were not needed in the case of the Cardinals
of the stricter school. Men of this type, and veritable
apostles
of a true reform in the Church, were Borromeo, Hosius,
Sirleto,
Morone, Truchsess, Rebiba, Chiesa, Burali, Aldobrandini,
Aquaviva, Alciati, Commendone, Santori, Crivelli, Paleotto
and Carafa. 3 The changed tendencies of the times and the
influence of the example set by the Pope were also shown in
the altered manner of life and behaviour of the rest of the
Cardinals. The spiritual exercises which were introduced by
such a man as Santori, soon found imitators among his col
leagues. 4 It is even reported of Mark Sittich in 1582, who
for a long time had abandoned himself to worldliness, that
he
was now leading a much more pious life, and daily devoted
two or three hours to prayer. 5
The changed tendency of the times was also shown in the
manner of life of the two Cardinals who had sprung from
princely families, Alessandro Farnese and Ferdinando de
Medici. 8 These, together with Tasso s friend, Ippolito
1 This view was harshly expressed in the account in the
*relatione
of Serguidi in 1.581, State Archives, Florence
Cf. SANTORI, Diario consist., XXIV., 119, 124, 131, 140,
212, 215 seq., 223 seq., 227, 249, 254, XXV. 94, 103, 129,
133.
8 Cf. in App. ii. 9, the *report of 1574, Corsini Library, Rome
4 See SANTORI, Autobiografia, XIII., 153.
* See *Avviso di Roma of August n, 1582, Urb. 1050, p. 287,
6 *" II card. Farnese tutto dedito alle opere pie si e
sgravato
per questo anno della spesa de suoi cani per impiegarla a
beneficio
de poveri cresciuti a migliaia " Avviso di Roma of
April 2, 1583,
Urb. 1051, p. 151, Vatican Library. Further accounts in
CIACONIUS, III., 560 seq.
THE WEALTHY CARDINALS. 217
d Este, who died on December ist, 1572, the builder of the
celebrated 1 villa at Tivoli
grottos so often extolled by poets and painters, and
Cardinal
Gambara, the owner of the sumptuous Villa Lante near
Viterbo, 8 were the most wealthy members of the Sacred
College, as well as the most interested in art. Farnese s
court
was composed of 277 persons. 4 It was no insensate mxurious-
1 Cf. the account of Cusano in Vol. XVII. of this work, p.
406.
8 For the Villa d Este, which was completed by Ippolito, the
son of Luigi, see GNAUTH-PAULUS in the Allg. Bauzeitung,
1867 ;
O. BRIOSCHI, Villa d Este in Tivoli
duction by Hiilsen), Rome
stor. tratte da document!, Rome ,
1902 ; GOTHEIN, I. , 268 seq. ;
PATZAK in Zeitschrift fur bildende Kunst. N. F. XVII.
(1906),
51 seq., 117 seq. ASHBY in the London
LXI. (1906), i, 219 seq. A description of the Villa d Este
at
*Descrittione di Tivoli et del
giardino del
Cod. 6750, p. 429-61, Court Library, Vienna
Este as the rival of Farnese see the report in Atti della
Soc. Ligure,
XIII., 863. At the funeral of Este the following verses were
composed :
Roma tibi debet multum, Ferraria multum ;
Sed plus Tiburte debet amata domus.
*Report of Francisco de Mendoza on December 13, 1572, State
Archives, Vienna
di Sto/ia ed Avte, I.
(1921), 58 seq. ; Annali e Mem. di Tivoli by
Giov. Batt. Zappi edited by V. PACIFICI, Tivoli
For Cardinal Ipp. d Este as the Macaenas of scholars see
CIAN
in Giornale d. Lett. Ital., LXXVIIL, 165 seq.
3 Cf. PERCIER-FONTAINE, Maisons ed plaisance (1809), 55 ;
DURM in Zeitschrift jiiY bildende Kunst, XI. (1876), 292
seq. ;
GOTHEIN, L, 284 seq. ; STRYGOWSKI in Strena Helbigiana, Leipzig
1900.
4 See the *Rotolo della famiglia del
p. 258 seq. Vatican Library. These documents enable us to
understand the building at Caprarola with its *" Piano
dei
prelati, nobili, dei cavalieri, de staftieri." For A.
Farnese as a
lover of the arts and his collection of antiquities cf.
NAVENNB
Palais Farnese, Paris
2l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ness which was displayed by the " great Cardinal "
as men
called him, who was Dean of the Sacred College from 1578,
for he gathered round himself many learned and cultured men,
among them the celebrated Fulvio Orsini. One does not know
whether to admire more the unlimited generosity of Farnese
or his cultured taste in art and letters. To this day he is
celebrated by the great church of the Gesu in Rome
the Cardinal in the same year acquired the Farnesina, 3 and
the incomparable, imposing and pleasant castle of Caprarola
near Viterbo, 4 built by Vignola, the frescoes in which, com
memorating the owner of the castle and Paul III., were exe-
1 Cf. Vol. XX. of this work.
* See in App. n. 16 the passage in Mucantius, *Diarium
(April
10, 1579), Papal Secret Archives.
8 Cf. TOMASSETTI, Campagna, II., 476.
4 Cf. L. SEBASTIAN:, Descriz. di Caprarola, Rome
TR. FRANGIPANI, Descriz. del
palazzo di Caprarola, Rome
Atti Moden., III., 362, V., i seq. ; GURLITT, Barockstil, 45
seq. ;
GOTHEIN, I. , 290 seq. ;
WOLFFLIN, Renaissance und Barock,
109; RIEGL, Barockkunst 74 seq. ; MUNTZ, II., 174, 374 seq.
;
GERSTFELDT-STEINMANN, Pilgerfahrtcn in Italien, Leipzig
F. GAI, Palazzo Farnese in Caprarola, Rome
Zeitung, 1895, Beil. n. 96 ; Kunsthist. Jahrbuch des osterr.
Kaiser-
hauses, XXIII., 33 seq. ; G. BALDUCCI, II palazzo Farnese in
Caprarola, illustr. nella storia e nell arte, Rome
BARGELLINI, I montidel Cimino, Bergamo
BOSELLI, II carteggio del Parma
A very beautiful supplement is afforded by the unfortunately
little known monograph by the Swedish ambassador in Rome
CARLO, BARONE VON BILDT, who is well versed in the arts,
" Caprarola," published in the Swedish review Ord
och Bild,
1903. The baron possesses a manuscript *La Caprarola d Ameto
Orti, which in 240 latin verses describes the beauties of
the
Farnese castle. CUGNONI published from Cod. I. , V., 191 of
the Chigi Library in the Bollett. d. Soc. filol. Rom.
epigrammi lat. d autore ignoto che illustrano le opere d
arte
del. pal. Farnese in Caprarola." Cf. also the poem of
LORENZO
GAMBARA, Caprarola, Rome
CARDINAL DE MEDICI.
cuted by Taddeo Zuccaro according to the designs of Annibale
Caro. 1
Farnese, whom the Pope treated with great consideration, 2
was even surpassed by Ferdinando de Medici as a lover of the
arts. In the city the son of Cosimo lived in the Campo
Marzio,
in the Palazzo di Firenze, which his father had acquired
from
the family of Julius III. Ferdinando caused it to be
decorated
by Giacomo Zucchi with splendid paintings on the ceilings. 3
The Cardinal also set up in the neighbourhood, in compliance
with the earnest request of Gregory XIII., the celebrated
oriental printing-press. 4 His villa on the Pincio, the
garden
covered hill of the ancients, where Lucullus had admired the
Roman sunsets, was converted by Ferdinando into a museum ;
he acquired the property in 1576 from Cardinal Ricci, 5 for
whom Annibale Lippi had built this exquisite flower ol the
Roman villas, 6 and had embellished and enlarged it to a
considerable extent. The villa and garden which are still
to-day the object of our admiration as a splendid ensemble,
may therefore be described as the work of Medici, whose name
1 See VASARI, VIII., 115 seq. ; cf. CUGNONI, A. Caro, 162
seq,,
165 seq.
2 See the ""report in 1581 of Serguidi in the
State Archives,
3 Cf. TESORINI, II Palazzo di Firenze, Rome
Voss in Zeitschrift fur bildende Kunst, XXIV. (1913), 151
seq.
Zucchi placed the portrait of the Cardinal in his
altar-piece the
" Mass of St. Gregory " which is still preserved
in the Oratory
at the SS. Trinita del Pellegrini.
4 Cf. infra, p. 272.
6 Cf. the ""information drawn from the Ricci
Archives in App.
n. 8, which at any rate to some extent clears up the
obscurity
concerning the history of the construction of the Villa
Medici
so regretted by Friedlander (Kasino Pius IV., p. 30). For
the
villa erected on the Coelian by Ciriaco Mattei in 1582 see,
beside,
GOTHEIN, I. , 324 seq.,
LANCIANI, III., 83 seq., and PERREYVES
Souvenir de la villa Mattei a Rome ,
Paris
Cardinal Montalto will be spoken of in the volume dealing
with
Sixtus V.
BERGNER, Das barocke Rom, Leipzig
220 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
has rightly remained attached to it. The facade of the villa
towards the garden, an incomparable example of the serene
grandeur of the Renaissance, is entirely covered with
classical
sculptures ; in front on the terrace were placed between the
columns the two antique lions which may to-day be seen in
the Loggia de Lanzi at Florence
the garden, which command the most beautiful view over the
inexhaustible soil of Rome
such abundance. 2 In the year 1583 Ferdinando de Medici,
who had already bought the Capranica collection for 4000
scudi, acquired the group of the Niobi, which had been dis
covered on the Esquiline in
a vigna belonging to the Villa
Altieri. 3 He had it placed in a semi-circular building in the
neighbourhood of the existing passeggiata of the Pincio in a
small loggia supported by four pilasters, round the horse
which
had been discovered at the same time. A number of other
valuable works of antiquity were placed in the niches of the
high wall which supports the terrace towards the south. A
graceful loggia built upon the ancient walls of the city was
adorned with the sleeping Ariadne. 4 A year after the
acquisi
tion of the group of the Niobi the Cardinal further enriched
his
collection, by buying for the small sum of 4000 ducats the
antiquities in the Valle and Capranica palaces, among which
was the famous Medici Venus. 5 These priceless works of art
1 For what follows cf. especially GOTHEIN, I. ,
315 seq. See
also BALTARD, Villa Medici a Roma, (1847) ; H. HUFFER in the
" Italia " of Hildebrand (1877) ; JUSTI,
Wincklemann, II., 18.
2 Besides the work of LANCIANI, IV., passim, see also the
*Avviso
di Roma of May 16, 1582, in App. n. 18, and the *report of
Fr.
de Mendoza of January 16, 1574 (State Archives, Vienna
n. 39. For the taking of antiques out of Rome
graph of BERTOLOTTI, Esportazione di oggetti de Belle arti,
taken from the Rivista Europ, s.a.
3 Cf. STARK, Niobe und Niobiden, Leipzig
4 See GOTHEIN, I. , 316.
See MICHAELIS in Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archdol. Instituts,
VI., 224. On October 27, 1584, an *Avviso di Roma states
that
THE COLLEGE OF CARDINALS. 221
and the splendour of the garden with its fruit trees and
flowers
explain why the Mantuan ambassador describes the Villa
Medici as the most beautiful in all the city of the seven
hills. 1
The exceptional positions held by Cardinals Farnese and
Medici in Rome
were the heads of the two groups of the Sacred College by
which the division of the Cardinals in accordance with their
relations to the secular princes caused the existence of
Spanish
and French parties. 2 As the third great Cardinal who was
followed by the French there was Luigi d Este, the successor
of his uncle Ippolito. These three Cardinals, who were as
rich as they were prodigal, and all lovers of art and
letters,
were by no means in agreement with each other. 3
The College of Cardinals was also divided according to the
Popes to whom they owed their promotion. The Cardinals
of Paul III. looked upon Farnese as their leader ; those of
Julius III., Fulvio della Corgna ; those of Pius V.,
Bonelli.
Among the creations of Pius IV., the outstanding Cardinals
were Borromeo and Mark Sittich. The latter held a position
of considerable importance because he exerted himself in
every way to obtain influence, whereas Borromeo was entirely
devoted to religious interests, and thus could hardly be
looked
upon as a party leader. 4
the antiques acquired recently had all been taken to the
Villa
Medici, and are : " di quantita et di bellezza al
marcato molto
superiore." Urb. 1052, p. 430, Vatican Library.
1 See in App. n. 17 the "report of Odescalchi of
January 7,
1581. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
J See P. TIEPOLO. Relazione of 1578, 223 seq., and in App.
n. 14, the *report of O. Scozia, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
3 See the *report of Zibramonte of October 24, 1572. Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua
of December 12, 1584, " che tre sono, i quali dant
lumen in curia :
Farnese, Este et Medici, ma perche hi tres unum non sunt, i
soggetti portati separamente da ciascuno di loro vanno a
gambe
levate." Urb. 1052, p. 488, Vatican Library.
4 See in App. n. 14 the *report of O. Scozia, Gonzaga
Archives,
the election of the Pope, in Cod. 6333, p. 302 seq. Court
Library,
222 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Gregory XIII. behaved with strict impartiality towards all
the Cardinals, 1 though he naturally had his confidants, and
some personalities were less sympathetic to him than others.
2
The influence exercised by each Cardinal was subject to
that constant change which was so characteristic of the
curia. 3
Gregory XIII. held strict views as to the appointment of
new members of the Sacred College, as Pius V., had done
before him. Like him he was deeply convinced of the respon
sibility which the renewal of the supreme senate of the
Church
laid upon the shoulders of the head of Christendom. The
men who received the purple must also be the salt of the
earth. Like the torch which is placed in a candle-stick, so
he
said, these men, who were to be the strong pillars of
Christen
dom, must be endowed with extraordinary virtue in order that
they may usefully and honourably fill their office, all the
more
so as the Pope himself is chosen from among their number.
A Cardinal who had recently been appointed had with the
best intentions shown signs ol wishing to express this
gratitude
to the Pope s nephew and to the family of His Holiness, but
Gregory said to him with marks of disapproval : " Be
grateful
to God and the Holy See." The Pope repeatedly asserted
that the dignity of the cardinalate must not be conferred in
order to honour a person, but only in order to provide
useful
1 For the confidants of the Pope see supra, p. 54. The Car
dinals who were not in favour are enumerated in the
""report of
Scozia (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
also the *report of 1574 (Corsini Library, Rome
The reasons for the disfavour of Commendone are unknown ;
see
TIRABOSCHI, VII., i, 312. For Montalto see further in Vol.
XXI.
* See the *Considerationi of C. Speciani. Boncompagni
Archives, Rome
8 Since the departure of Este, says *Sporeno to the Archduke
Ferdinand, it would seem that Medici has great influence
with the
Pope, " ancorche le cose qui siano in continuo moto ne
si possi
fare una ferma conclusione di chi puo piu e di chi
meno." * Report
of July 1 6, 1580, Viceregal Archives, Innsbruck
in the curia see Vol. XVI. of this work, pp. 58 seqq.
NEW CARDINALS. 223
labourers for the Church. 1 He once remarked that the purple
must also be conferred with great care for this reason, that
he
himself had known what it meant to be a poor Cardinal. 2 For
this reason, like Pius V., he saw to it that all the
Cardinals had
revenues suitable to their state . 3 Another reason why
Gregory
was disinclined to a numerous Sacred College lay in the fact
that he had learned by experience that a large number of
Cardinals opens the way to intrigues. It followed from the
realization of his responsibilities that the Pope was deter
mined not to allow himself to be influenced by external
forces
in making new appointments, and to confer the dignity under
strict limitations and with every care, not because of
wealth
or worldly advantages, but only in accordance with the needs
of the Church. 4
During the first six years of his pontificate Gregory XIII.
only created four Cardinals : in 1572 and 1574 he appointed
one of his nephews ; 5 on November igth, 1576, Andrew of
who had done so much good work for the Catholic restoration
in his territory ; 6 at the beginning of March, 1577, Albert
of
1 See the contemporary communication from Cocquelines in
the Appendix to MAFFEI, II., 452 seq.
2 An *Avviso di Roma of December 24, 1581, reports that
Farnese had told the Pope that he ought to satisfy the court
by a creation of Cardinals Gregory XIII. replied : " Mons
ill mo voi non havete provato a esser cardinale povero et
sappiate
ch haveremo tempo a fare ogni cosa." Urb. 1049, p. 459,
Vatican
Library.
8 See P. TIEPOLO, 222.
4 Cf. the *Memorie of Cardinal Galli, Boncompagni Archives,
6 Cf. supra, p. 30.
6 See CIACONIUS, IV., 48 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, V., 553
seq.,
558, 582 ; BAUDRILART, Dictionn. d hist., II., 1634 seq. ; HIRN,
II., 84, 370, 377 seq. SCHMIDLIN, 445 seq., where there are
further particulars of the journey of Andrew to Rome
of his stay there for two years and his death in 1600. After
the
death of Morone Andrew received the protectorate of Austria
(see HIRN, II., 402). As viceroy of the Tyrol and Lower Austria
224 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
aries repeatedly inform us how bitterly the expectations of
the nomination of new Cardinals were disappointed. 2 When in
January, 1576, the Pope had before him a list of candidates,
he remarked with a smile that he only intended to nominate
a few, because only perfect men were worthy of the purple.*
he had favoured the Catholic restoration like his father.
From
1591 to 1600 Andrew was prince-bishop of Brixen. His taste
for art was shown in the chapel of the castle at Feldthurns
(see
Mitteilungen der K.K. osterr. Zentralkommission, 1885, 39).
The *Constitutiones Academiae Austriacae D. Augustini Romae
institutae [in the time of Gregory XIII.] sub auspiciis
Andreae
card, de Austria, in Vat. 6284, p. 129 seq. Vatican Library.
1 See GULIK-EUBEL, 50 ; CIACONIUS, IV., 50 seq. ; BELTRAMI,
Roma, 15. Of the " instanza del
was appointed "improvise " we are told by P.
Strozzi in his
"letter dated Rome
of Odescalchi of March 9, 1577, the " vota " of 5
" cardinal!
infirmi " were not taken, so that the French ambassador
had
no previous information. Both letters in the Gonzaga
Archives,
2 An *Avviso di Roma of December 18, 1574, states: On
Monday Farnese asked the Pope if he would appoint Cardinals.
Gregory XIII. replied : " che non solo adesso, ma ne
tampoco
per un pezzo era per risolversi a questo." Urb. 1044,
p. 319.
Ibid. 352 and 397b. *Avvisi di Roma of February 18 and April
2 3 J 575. concerning the wagers about the promotion of Car
dinals ; p. 396 an *Avviso of December 14, 1575 : " E
piena
hoggi la corte di Roma." that the Pope on Friday will
create 13
Cardinals, among them the " Prior di Barletta "
for the Emperor,
a nephew of the Cardinal of Lorraine for France, the
President of
Nazaret," a nephew of Sermoneta, a cousin of Cardinal
Aquaviva,
"Mons Vatican
Library.
3 *" Dicesi, che il Papa havendo veduta la lista che
correa
per la corte delli suggetti cardinabundi, se ne sia riso
dicendo,
che fara conoscere, quanto si debba essere parco in questa
attione,
poiche la grandezza di questa dignita e solo per grandi et
eccellenti
soggetti." Avviso di Roma of January 14, 1576, Urb.
1044,
p. 14, Vatican Library.
NEW CARDINALS. 225
The number of Cardinals, which in the time of Pius IV. had
risen to 76, was in 1576 only 54. l In 1572 there died Diego
Espinosa, Girolamo da Correggio and Ippolito d Este ; in
1573 Otto Truchsess and Giovanni Aldobrandini, both men
of great distinction ; in 1574 Giovanni Ricci, Antoine de
Crequy, Giulio Aquaviva, Alessandro Crivelli and Charles
de Guise ; in 1575 Gian Paolo Chiesa and Marcantonio Bobba ;
in 1576 Gaspare Cervantes ; in 1577 Scipione Rebiba and
Innocenzo del Monte. 2 In order to fill these gaps Gregory
XIII. on February aist, 1578, held his first important
creation
on the fifth anniversary of his election. 3 It was quite un
expected, 4 because Gregory wished to be completely free in
his choice. 5 Of the nine who were invested with the purple
seven were foreigners and only two Italians, a clear proof
of
the determination of the Pope to observe with absolute
strict
ness the prescriptions of the Council of Trent, which had
1 See P. TIEPOLO, 222.
* See CIACONIUS, IV., 109 seq. (with some important mistakes)
;
ALBERI, II., 4, 208. For the death of Espinosa see SERRANO,
Liga, II., 205. The necrology of Mucantius on Aquaviva,
Rebiba and Monte, see in App. n. 16. For the death of Rebiba
and his great qualities see infra p. 297, n. 3. For Monte
and Gregory
XIII. see LANCIANI, III., 32 seq. A " Lamenlo di Roma
per
la morte del
di Pasquino " in the " Scritti in onore di R.
Renier, Turin
Of G. Aldobrandini Cusano says in a *report of December 13,
1572 : " molto esemplare cardinale et di benissima
fama,"
State Archives, Vienna
6, 1572, on the rich legacies left by Este.
3 See CIACONIUS, IV., 50 seq. ; GULIK-EUBEL, 50 ; SANTORI,
Autobiografia, XII., 363.
4 " fuori d ogni opinione " says the *Avviso di
Roma of Febru
ary 22, 1578, Urb. 1046, p. 54, Vatican Library.
* On May 16, 1576, Giulio Maretti *reports that the Pope had
said to Madruzzo " che era hora mai tempo di venire a
quel atto
et che ella vi veniria con prestezza et secretezza per
fuggire
I importunita di mille che dimandavano il capello."
State
Archives, Modena
VOL. XIX. 15
226 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
expressly recommended a just consideration of the nations
which were not Italian. 1
A consideration of those who were appointed on February
2ist, 1578, shows that Gregory had chosen them with a deep
sense of his responsibility, and with careful thought for
the
needs of the Church. If France
in the Sacred College, Gregory had it in mind by this to pro
mote the Catholic restoration in that kingdom. 2 Fully
realizing how much depended upon the attitude of Henry III.,
no only was Louis de Lorraine, the king s cousin, invested
with
the purple, but the appointment of Rene Birago, who was very
influential at the court of France, and whose promotion had
been promised a year and a half before, was carried out, in
spite of the objections raised at the last moment by
Granvelle.
The latter Cardinal also vainly opposed the promotion of
Louis de Lorraine, Archbishop of Rheims, and Claude de la
Baume, Archbishop of Besan9on, who had published the
decrees of the Council of Trent in his diocese, and had
laboured
there to prevent the introduction of the new doctrines. 4
Philip II. was pleased by the promotion of his trusted
friend,
Pedro Deza, of the distinguished Bishop of Liege, Gerard
Groesbeek, and of Ferrante di Toledo. The latter, a holy
man,
refused the purple, however, and Gregory accordingly gave
the red hat in his stead, on December I5th, 1578, to the new
Archbishop of Toledo
1 See HERRE, 260.
2 HERRE brings this out very well, p. 261.
* See A. TIEPOLO, 261 ; SANTORI, Autobiografia, XII., 363.
The wishes of France
(cf. Lettres de Cath. de Mi dicis, VI., i) ; see *Avviso di
Roma
of February 22, 1578, Urb. 1046, p. 54, Vatican Library. For
Birago who has been estimated so variously, and who is
deserving
of a special monograph, see ALBERI, I. ,
4, 369 seq., 440, App. 65.
POLENZ, IV., 1 6 seq. ; MAFFEI, II., 363 seq.
4 See CIACONIUS, IV., 55 seq. The remarks of Granvelle were
obviously biassed. (Corresp. ed. PIOT, VII., 70, 133).
6 See CIACONIUS, IV., 67 seq. ; GULIK-EUBEL, 51 ; *Consis-
torial acta, July 4, 1578, Papal Secret Archives. Cf.
MAFFEI,
NEW CARDINALS. 227
Italians who were promoted, one, Vincenzo Gonzaga, Prior of
the other, Alessandro Riario, Patriarch of Alexandria, was
one of that body of men who had been most closely connected
with Pius V., and whose tireless labours and self-sacrifice
had produced great fruits on behalf of the Catholic
restoration. 1
After the creation of February 1578, several years again
elapsed without any further promotions to the cardinalate.
In the meantime death continued to make gaps in the ranks
of the Sacred College. In 1578 there died Louis de Guise,
Paolo Burali, Cristoforo Madruzzo, and Giulio della Rovere ;
in 1579 Benedetto Lomellini, the learned defender of the
ancient faith against the religious innovators, Stanislaus
Hosius, 2 Francesco Pacheco and Gerard Groesbeek ; in 1580
Arcangelo Bianchi, Henry of Portugal
Girolamo Morone ; the last named was undoubtedly the most
influential, the cleverest and the most prudent diplomatist
Groesbeek see PIRENNE, IV., 403 seq.. BROM, Nederl.
Cardinalen,
in De Katholiek, CXI., 235 seq. PASTURE, Invent, du fonds
Borghese, Brussels
Granvella, 49 seq., and for his nomination see the *report
of Odes-
calchi, of December 20, and especially *that of Pompeo
Strozzi
of December 15, 1578, according to which the Pope at first
resisted
the insistences of the Spanish ambassador ; but his
nomination
soon followed " non aspettando il detto
ambasciatore." Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua
1 The opinion of HERRE, p. 261. For V. Gonzaga cf. Jahrbuch
des Kunstsamml. des Oesterr. Kaiserhauses, XVII. , 204 seq.
;
BOGLINO, La Sicilia, 51 seq. Speaking of the way the Emperor
had interested himself on behalf of V. Gonzaga in 1573,
Cardinal
Truchsess in his *letter of February 28, 1573, gives an
account
of the Cardinals who had previously been promoted at the
request of the princes. State Archives, Vienna
correspondence 7.
2 Cf. the funeral inscription in FORCELLA, II., 347. Galli
in
his "letter of September 12 to the nuncio at Venice
Hosius as " persona di quella dottrina et vita
esemplare che og-
nuno sa." Nunziat. di Venezia, XIII., Papal Secret
Archives.
228 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
that the curia had at its disposal. In 1581 there died Ales-
sandro Sforza di Santa Fiora and Flavio Orsini ; in 1582
Vincenzo Giustiniani. 1 In February 1580 an increase in the
1 Cf. CIACONIUS, IV., no, where by a strange mistake 1578
is given as the year of the death of Hosius. For his pious
death,
which took place on August 5, 1579, besides the accounts
given
by EICHHORN, II., 538, see also Acta consist, in LAEMMER,
Anal-
ecta, 150 seq. ; SANTORI, Autobiografia, XII., 366 ; *Avviso
di Roma of August 8, 1579, Urb. 1047, p. 263, Vatican
Library.
Cf. SCHMIDLIN, 301 ; *report of Odescalchi of August 7, 1579
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
Hosius and his secretary, St. Rescius, later on the editor
of his
works, erected to him in S. Maria in Trastevere a simple
monu
ment, the only ornament of which consists of a splendid bust
of
the Cardinal ; the beautiful portrait of Hosius to be seen
at the
Camaldolese convent at Bielany near Cracow
Straganz, Gesch der neueren Zeit, Vienna
literature on Hosius may be added B. ELSNER, St. Hosius als
Pole-
miker, Konigsberg , 1911, a
work which, however, is not altogether
Just to the Cardinal. Morone s contemporaries are almost at
one
in praising him ; see, besides the *obituary notice by
Mucantius
in App. n. 16 (Papal Secret Archives), the *Acta consist, of
December 5, 1580 (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican
*report of Sporeno to the Archduke Ferdinand dated Rome
December 3, 1580, Viceregal Archives, Innsbruck
di Roma of December 3, 1580. Morone is dead " con
dispiacere
di tutta questa corte havendo chiuso et sigillato il suo
corso con
attioni veramente christiane et degne della sua prudenza
" ;
he had forbidden all pomp at his funeral. Urb. 1048, p.
4Oob,
to the Bishop of Modena : *" II dolore che V. S. sente
per la
morte di mons. ill. Morone e veramente giustissimo et
grandissima
la perdita che s e fatta de un signore di tanta
tanto bisogno." Graziani Archives, Citta di Castello.
For the
tomb of Morone in the church of the Minerva see FORCELLA,
modern requirements would be an extremely valuable work.
There is plenty of material for one. Here I will only mention
the collection of letters addressed to Morone preserved in
Vat.
6406-6410, Vatican Library.
C. Madruzzo, who had in 1567
resigned the diocese of Trent
THE SACRED COLLEGE.
numbers of the Sacred College was vainly expected. 1 Al
though many persons, especially the French, urged him to
appoint more Cardinals, the Pope did not show any
inclination
to do so. 2 Even the fact that, in the event of his death,
his
nephews would be left without any support, did not give him
any anxiety. 3 It was calculated in the curia at the end of
October 1582 that since the election of Gregory XIII. the
Sacred College had lost thirty of its members, and had only
been given thirteen new ones. 4 Even though by the death of
Fulvio della Corgna on March 2nd, 1583, a fresh vacancy
had occurred, it still seemed that the Pope had no intention
of filling it. In June 1583 he asked one of the members of
the
Sacred College when there had been fewest Cardinals. He
was told that under Alexander VI. and Julius II. the number
had been reduced to twenty-four. " So many as that ?
"
replied the Pope. From this it was inferred that he intended
to cut down the number of the Cardinals to that enjoined by
seen in S. Maria Maggiore and the castle, a work of the
Renais
sance, died on July 5, 1578, at Tivoli
who was his close friend ; cf. his Vita in Cod. Mazz. 60 of
the
Communal Library, Trent
nella chiesa di S. Onofrio in una cappella da lui
principiata
coH assistenza del
Madruzzo all hora ambasciatore ordinario per 1 imperatore
Rudolfo II. appresso il Papa " For the chapel of
Madruzzo
cf. G. CATERBI, La chiesa di S. Onofrio, Rome
Arch, per I Alto Adige ,
IX., 52 seq.
1 Cf. the Avvisi di Roma of February 24 and 27, 1580, in
BELTKAMI, Roma, 20-21.
2 See the *report of Sporeno of February 18 and September
23, 1581, to the Archduke Ferdinand, State Archives, Innsbruck
3 See the *Discorso on the election of the Pope written in
1580,
in Cod. 6333, p. 338, Court Library, Vienna
4 See the *Avviso di Roma of October 30, 1582, Urb. 1050,
p. 402b, Vatican Library. According to an *Avviso of December
31, 1580 (ibid. p. 426) the various claims put forward by
the princes
retarded a creation. For the reduced total of the Sacred
College
see the "report of Sporeno of June 2, 1582, Vice-regal
Archives,
230 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Council of Constance . 1
After the death of Marcantonio
Maffei on August 22nd, 1583, and of Re*ne Birago on November
25th, when the curia had given up all hopes of an increase
of the Sacred College, a great creation quite unexpectedly
took place.
On December I2th 1583 a consistory was held. 2 After
the current business had been dispatched, and the Cardinals
were rising to go away, the Pope addressed them in grave
words : although by the grace of God his health left nothing
to be desired, and he might confidently look forward to
several
years of life, it had nevertheless been brought to his
notice
that certain ambitious men in the Sacred College were carry
ing on the customary intrigues concerning the election of
the
next Pope. 3 The guilty parties had thereby incurred the
ecclesiastical penalties laid down by Pius IV., yet he was
willing once more generously to forgive them. In order, how
ever, to provide against such a thing in the future, he had
determined upon a new creation, and at once, so that the
newly appointed Cardinals might make their public appearance
at the coming Christmas festivities. Thereupon, without more
ado, Gregory produced a list and read out the following nine
teen names : Giovanni Antonio Facchinetti, Patriarch of
Alessandro de Medici, Archbishop of Florence, Rodrigo de
1 See *Avviso di Roma of June i, 1583, Urb. 1051, p. 23 jb,
1 See as to this SANTORI, Autobiografia, XIII., 153 (for 13
read 12 December). Mucantius in THEINEK, III., 483 seq. ;
*Avvisi di Roma of December 14 and 17, 1583 (Vatican
Library),
in App. n. 21, 22 ; *report of Odescalchi of December 12,
1583,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
IV., 69 seq. ; GULIK-EUBEL, 51.
1 As Santori (Autobiografia, XIII., 156 seq.) reports, it
was
thought that the Pope was alluding to the efforts of Medici
on behalf of M. A. Maffei. According to an *Avviso di Roma
of December 31, 1583, it was said that the Pope knew of
certain
measures taken by Delfino for a Papal election, and that
Delfino
had died of sorrow when he found himself discovered. Urb.
1051, p. 529, Vatican Library.
GREAT CREATION OF CARDINALS. 23!
Castro, Archbishop of Seville
of Narbonne
Giulio Canani, Bishop of Adria, Nicolo Sfondrato, Bishop of
of Verona
Spinola, Bishop of Nola, Alberto Bolognetti, Bishop of Massa
George Radziwill, Bishop of Vilna, Matteo Contarelli, pro-
Datary, Simone Tagliavia d Aragona, the son of the Duke of
Terranueva, Scipione Lancellotti, Auditor of the Rota , Charles
de Bourbon-Vendome and the Marquis Francesco Sforza di
Santa Fiora. 1
Gregory s action had irritated and surprised the Cardinals
greatly. The first to protest was Farnese. Speaking as Dean
of the Sacred College, he said that although he certainly
approved of the existing vacancies being filled, a thing
which
he himself had frequently urged, nevertheless, out of
respect
for the supreme senate of the Church, and in conformity with
the action of previous Popes, they should have received
notice
of this intention, so that each one might have an
opportunity
of expressing his views. Gregory replied that he had not
done
so in order to avoid long and wearisome discussions. Farnese
recognized the right of the Pope to do as he liked, but
adhered
to what he had said as to the customary observance. Gregory
made the concession that the supplementary votes of
Cardinals
Savelli, Este, Rambouillet, Mark Sittich, Commendone and
Simon celli, who had been prevented by illness from being
present at the consistory, might be taken. He adhered, how
ever, to his nominations, even when Cardinals Santori and
Gambara, who were members of the Inquisition, pointed out
that two of the nominees, Radziwill and Bourbon, were the
sons of heretics. " I was well aware of that,"
replied the Pope,
" but both of them are men of distinction in every
sense."
The desire which was expressed by others on behalf of Fabio
1 For S. Tagliavia see BOGLINO, 52 seq., for Ch. Bourbon see
SAULNIER, 87 seq. (with wrong date December 4, 1583). Many
congratulatory *letters to M. della Torre in Cod. 1184, I,
of the
Riccardi Library, Florence
concerning the unexpected creation : " Papa peperit cum
nes-
ciretur eum gravidum esse." Papal Secret Archives, XII.,
41.
232 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Mirto Frangipani, Archbishop of Nazareth and Governor of
Bologna, had no other effect than that the Pope promised to
keep him in mind for the future. After the meeting had
lasted for an hour the Pope brought to an end, with very
satis
factory general agreement, 1 this memorable consistory, 2 in
which the conditions of the Sacred College had been
radically
altered.
Considerations of many different kinds had entered into the
choice of the new Cardinals, which, as may easily be under
stood, was severely criticized in the curia. 3 Of the six
for
eigners, the two Spaniards, Castro and Tagliavia d Aragona,
owed their nomination to the wishes of Philip II. Joyeuse
was appointed at the request of Henry III., who would, how
ever, have preferred someone else instead of Bourbon. 4 Con-
tarelli, too, was a Frenchman by birth; his nomination,
however, was principally a reward for the services which he
had rendered as Datary. The Emperor Rudolph II. had
interested himself on behalf of Spinola. The elevation of
Radziwill seemed to be fully justified by the wishes of King
Bathory, who had worked so hard for the Catholic
restoration,
as well as by his own merits. 5 In his choice of the
thirteen
Italians Gregory had been careful not to pass over any part
of the peninsula. He had also kept clear of the mistake made
by several of his predecessors, of including too many of his
own fellow-countrymen. 6 Four of those who received the
purple on December i2th, 1583, were afterwards Popes :
Facchinetti (Innocent IX.), Castagna (Urban VII.), Medici
(Leo XI.), and Sfondrato (Gregory XIV.). With the exception
of Sforza, who was obviously promoted on account of his
1 See in App. n. 23 the *Avviso di Roma of December 24,
1583, Vatican Library.
Cf. BENTIVOGLI, Memorie, Amsterdam, 1648, 73.
3 See in App. n. 21 the *Avviso di Roma of December 14,
1583, Vatican Library.
* See in App. n. 23 the *Avviso di Roma of December 24,
1583, Vatican Library.
5 Cf. BENTIVOGLI, Memorie, 73 seq., MAFFEI, II., 367 seq.
Besides Facchinetti and Bolognetti, Alessandro Riario was
also a Bolognese,
DEATH OF BORROMEO. 233
relationship to the Boncompagni, 1 all the remainder were
men
of great merit. The praise which Galli bestows upon the
appointments of Cardinals by Gregory XIII. is therefore
fully
justified. 2
After the creation of December 1583, which was followed
on July 4th by the promotion of Andrew Bathory, 3 the Sacred
College lost five of its best known members : on December
igih, 1583, there died Zaccaria Delfino, 4 on May loth,
1584,
his fellow countryman Luigi Cornaro ; on June i4th, 1584,
Claude de la Baume ; on November 3rd, Charles Borromeo,
and on December 26th, Giovanni Commendone. The death
of Borromeo when only forty-six years of age was an irrepar
able loss to Milan, the Pope, and the whole Church. Gregory
XIII. was deeply affected ; he ordered that full particulars
should be sent to him of all the works of reform and charity
of the dead man, for he wished to carry them on according
to his holy desires. 5
1 See the opinion of Bentivogli concerning him, Memorie,
83-84.
1 See the *Memorie of Galli in the Boncompagni Archives,
Rome.
3 See CIACONIUS, IV., 105 seq. GULIK-UBEL, 53. Cf. Vol. XX.
of this work. The appointment of Bathory took place,
according
to the *report of Sporeno of July 14, 1584 (Vice-regal
Archives,
Innsbruck) " omnibus cardinalibus ignorantibus " ;
it was con
nected with the question of ^;he league against the Turks ;
see
BORATYNSKI, St. Batory i plan Ligi, 334.
4 " Et e mancato " says an *Avviso di Roma of
December 21,
T 583, on the death of Delfino : " un cardinal col
roverscio et
contrapeso di molte sue virtu et belle qualita che a punto
adempie
il numero di 34 cardinal! morti in questo pontificate di
Gregorio,
il quale tira su la carta per far un resto prima che si levi
dal
gioco." Urb. 1051, p. 518, Vatican Library.
6 Cf. in App. n. 24 the *Avviso di Roma of November 14,
1584,
Vatican Library ; the *report of F. Sporeno, dated Rome,
Novem
ber 10, 1584, Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck, and *that of
Odes-
calchi of the same date, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. See also
the *Notes of Musotti in the Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
With regard to the beneficent labours of Charles Borromeo at
Milan, even in temporal affairs, as well as the favour he
showed
to scholars, cf. the article in the Riv. Europea, 1877, II.,
455 seq.,
in which the Archbishop of Milan is justly described as a
man
" superiore al suo tempo."
CHAPTER VI.
GREGORY XIII. AND THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. THE COLLEGES
IN ROME.
THE work of reform and Catholic restoration to which Gregory
XIII. devoted all his energies could only be brought about
when he had succeeded in educating a blameless clergy and,
by means of solid instruction, securing the rising
generation
of the Church. To this task the Society of Jesus, which,
in accordance with the traditions so clearly and firmly laid
down for it by its highly gifted founder, had devoted its
particular attention to the work of instruction and
education
under the predecessors of Gregory, seemed to be especially
called. Gregory XIII. realized the valuable services which
the disciples of Loyola had rendered in this way, as well as
in
pastoral and missionary work ; and that to a great extent
the continued renewal of the Church was due to them. He
therefore accorded to them his protection and generosity
so fully that Cardinal Galli, the Secretary of State, could
truly
say that of all the Orders, the Society of Jesus was the one
best loved by the Pope. 1
Gregory bestowed a great favour upon them as early as
February 28th, 1573, when he revoked the changes introduced
by Pius V. On the strength of the representations made to
him by P. Nadal, 2 Gregory had appointed a congregation
under the presidency of Charles Borromeo, which decided
that the Jesuits might recite the canonical hours out of
choir,
and might receive sacred orders after they had taken the
three
simple vows, even before their profession. In giving his
1 " La Compagnia di Gesu fu sua diletta." *Memorie
in Bon-
compagni Archives, Rome.
1 See NADAL, Epist., IV., 165 seq.
234
GREGORY XIII. AND THE JESUITS. 235
approval to this Gregory once more confirmed the Society
and renewed all its privileges. 1 On October loth, 1573,
the General, Francis Borgia, died. The general congregation
which assembled after his death asked the Pope that, since
the first three Generals had been Spaniards, this time they
might turn their attention to another nation. Accordingly,
the Netherlander, Everard Mercurian, was elected, 2 under
whose generalate the Jesuits were in every way favoured and
supported by the Pope. 3 When, on August ist, 1580, Mer
curian in his turn died, the Society consisted of 21
provinces,
with no houses and more than 5000 members. Under the
new General too, Claudio Aqua viva, the author of the cele
brated ratio studiorum for the Society of Jesus, 4 the Pope
continued to show the Order his special favour and protection.
Proofs of his affection followed one upon another. 5 Of
decisive importance for the constitutions, as well as for
the
further development of the Order itself, was the fresh con
firmation of the Society of Jesus dated May 25th, 1584. In
this bull it is stated that the scholastics and coadjutors
of
the Order, in spite of their simple vows, are true
religious,
fro m which it follows that solemn vows are not of the
essence
of the Order. 6
In addition to his edicts Gregory XIII. saw to it that at
each step forward made by any Jesuit house large sums of
money and other subsidies were assigned to them, in spite
1 Institutum S. J., I., 54 seq.
* Cf. SACCHINI, IV., 2 seq. ; TACCHI VENTURI, I., 479 seq.
3 See Synopsis, 59 seq. Cf. Bull. Rom., VIII., 7 seq., 142
seq.,
148 seq., 198 seq., 298 seq., 302 seq. ; Buss, 856 seq.
4 See ASTRAIN, IV., 2 seq. Cf. III., 211 seq. for the
earlier
life of Aquaviva. Ibid. IV., 133 seq. a perfect, precise and
well
weighed description of that great ma,n.
5 See Synopsis 116 seq. ; cf. Buss 1037 ; see also Bull.
Rom.,
VIII., 390, 391 seq., 397 seq., 406 seq., 457 seq., 496
seq., 499 seq.
6 See ibid. 457 seq. Fazolio brings out the importance of
the
constitution of May 25, 1584, in his *notes, Boncompagni Archives,
Rome. For the " Compendium privilegiorum et gratiarum
Soc.
Jesu," edited by Aquaviva in 1584, cf.
DOLLINGER-REUSCH,
Morallsreitigkeiten, I., 511 seq.
236 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the fact that for this reason the antipathy felt by the
Protestants for the Order of Loyola, also began to make
itself
felt among the Catholics. 1 Many communications addressed
to the nuncios, and letters to bishops, princes, and
cathedral
chapters, show how much he had taken the Order under his
wing. And this he did all the more willingly since the
Jesuit
colleges were equivalent to seminaries according to the
ideas
of the Council of Trent. 2 If the Society of Jesus was
enabled
to obtain a firm footing in various parts of Germany, as at
Spires, Fulda, Wiirzburg, Coblence, Treves, Graz and Prague,
it was no less indebted to the Pope for its houses at
Lucerne
and at Freiburg in Switzerland. 3
This concern of Gregory was by no means restricted to
Germany and Switzerland, where, owing to the lack of priests,
the assistance of the new Order was specially required.
Every
where, in Italy, Spain, Portugal, France, the Low Countries,
Poland and Transylvania, no less than in the mission fields
outside Europe as far as distant Japan, the great labours
of the Jesuits were in every way favoured and assisted. 4 At
1 Cf. SCHELLHASS, Nuntiatur Portias, IV., cxi.
2 See Vol. XVI. of this work, p. 90.
3 See DUHR, I., i, 119, 131, 212, 226, 382, 383, 385, 388.
Cf.
also SCHELLHASS, Nuntiaturberichte, III., Ixxviii ; IV., cxi
; V.,
cvii.
4 See Synopsis 59-140, where there is a register of no less
than
289 acts of Gregory XIII. in favour of the Jesuits among the
different Christian nations. Several details in SACCHINI V.
See
also the *Memorie in Cod. 290, Fondo Gesuitico, p. 25 of the
Vittorio Emanuele Library, Rome, which are partly based upon
documents in the Papal Secret Archives. With regard to the
college of the Jesuits at Padua see SCHELLHASS in Quellen
und
Forschungen des Preuss. Instituts, VII., 97 seq. For the
building
of the Jesuit college at Bologna see I. RABUS, *Reise nach
Rom,
1575, in Cod. germ. 1280, Royal Library, Munich. By a letter
of May 22, 1574, the " Provveditori " of Venice
were recommended
to support the mission of the Jesuits Tommaso Raggio and
Salvatore Siciliano. Nunziat. di Venezia, XIII., Papal
Secret
Archives. Ibid, a *letter of 1575 concerning the progress of
the Jesuit mission at Parenzo.
THE GERMANICUM. 237
Wilna the Pope attached an academy to their college, 1 and
did
the same in the case of their university at Pont-a-Mousson,
which was established by a bull of December 5th, 1572. 2
Gregory XIII. displayed his affectionate care and his great
generosity in a special way in the case of the Jesuits in
Rome. 3
A consideration of the history of the Germanicum in Rome
shows better than anything else how true this was.
The idea of that institution, the object of which was the
training of good and learned priests for the preservation of
the faith, and for the spread and consolidation of Catholic
life in Germany, had sprung from the enterprising and
vigorous
mind of Ignatius of Loyola, who had carried it into effect
with
great determination, and in spite of the greatest
difficulties. 4
His successor, Lainez, had tried to preserve the existence
of
the institution by receiving many inmates of every nation,
even those who did not wish to embrace the ecclesiastical
state. 5
Although the college in this new form displayed a very valu
able activity, and was one of the leading educational
establish
ments for the Catholic aristocracy, it had nevertheless
departed
from its special purpose. A further difficulty was the lack
of an assured endowment. The question Tiad already been
raised whether it would not be advisable that the college,
in
so far as it was intended for German students, should be
given
up. Fortunately this proposal came to nothing. The most
influential fathers of the Order, including the General,
Francis
Borgia, inclined rather to the restoration of the original
character of the institution. 6 It was of decisive
importance
1 Cf. more fully, Vol. XX. of this work.
* Cf. for this institution, founded by Cardinal Charles de
Guise,
HYVER, Maldonat et les origines de 1 Universite a
Pont-a-Mousson,
Nancy, 1873 ; LAGER, Abtei Gorze, 89 seq. and especially E.
MARTIN* L Universite de Pont-a-Mousson, 1572-1768, Nancy,
1891.
1 The account books of Gregory XIII. bear witness to his
numerous gifts to the Society of Jesus during the first year
of
his pontificate. Deposit, generale d. Rev. Camera Apost.
1572
seq. Papal Secret Archives.
4 See Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 229 seq., XIV., p. 249.
5 See Vol. XVI. of this work, p. 99.
See STEINHUBER, I. 1 , 65 seq.
238 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
when Cardinal Otto Truchsess won over Gregory XIII. to
this view. The Cardinal was able to lay before the Pope
with such eloquence the importance of this institution of
Loyola s for the preservation and restoration of the
Catholic
religion in Germany, that Gregory resolved not only to
restore
the college, but also to add to it on a grand scale. Peter
Canisius, and all others who understood the state of affairs
in
Germany, confirmed the Pope in his design, in the
preparations
for which he caused the German congregation to participate.
At the beginning of August, 1573, the nuncios were
instructed
to seek in Germany for students suitable for the German
college, as the Pope wished to increase the number of
students
there from 25 to loo. 1 After the Cardinals had been
informed
of this on August 26th, 1573, 2 and their help had been
asked
for, in the autumn of the same year, in a bull dated August
6th, 3 the re-establishment of the Germanicum took place,
1 See SCHWARZ, Gutachten, XLV1., seq. SCHELLHASS, Nun-
tiaturberichte, III., 73 seq. Cf. the beautiful and
exhaustive
account of STEINHUBER, I. 2 , 90 seqq. Many original acta of
the
time of Gregory XIII. dealing with the history of the
Germanicum
in Miscell. Arm. n, t. 94, De Collegiis Urbis, Papal Secret
Archives.
2 See SANTORI, Diario concist., XXIV., 205.
3 STEINHUBER (I. 2 , 97) had remarked that the bull was
first
dated and only published later, and that Galli wrote on
September
12, 1572, to Portia that the built would be published shortly.
This is fully in accordance with the statement in an *Avviso
di
Roma of September 5, 1573 : " Si ha da ereggere un
collegio
nuovo per la nobilita di Germania, al quale N. S. assignara
10,000
scudi d entrata efc si pigliara il palazzo del Card, di
Ix>rena a
pigione." Urb. 1043, p. 298, Vatican Library. That the
removal
of the externs was begun is stated in an *Avviso di Roma of
September 5, 1573 : " Gia cominciano a sfrattare questi
del
Collegio Germanico non senza molta loro confusione per erigere
1 altro nella casa del card. Alessandrino a S. Appollinare
volendo
S.S** questo luogo sia assignato solamente per quelli dell
istessa
natione et che non ci possono entrare putti." Until the
allot
ment of the fixed annual income of 10,000 scudi, the
Cardinals
gave 100 scudi a month. State Archives, Vienna. Cf. ibid,
the
*Avviso di Roma of October 17, 1573.
THE GERMANICUM. 239
and it was endowed with an annual revenue of 10,000 gold
scudi. The direction of the institution was left in the experi
enced hands of the Jesuits, who took the lay scholars into
the
Roman College. At the Germanicum instruction was hence
forth to be given in the ancient languages, in philosophy,
theology and canon law, to no less than 100 youths drawn
from
the whole of Germany and the neighbouring northern
countries.
The establishment was to be exempt from the jurisdiction
of the senator and rector of the Roman University, free
from taxes, subject to the immediate protection of the
Holy See, and was to participate in all the privileges
and rights of the Roman University, especially in that of
conferring academic degrees. Cardinals Morone, Farnese,
Mark Sittich, Galli and Truchsess were appointed its
protectors. 1
The Palazzo della Valle was taken on lease for the college,
and the expenses of the foundation, which amounted to
20,000 ducats, were borne by the Pope, who personally
visited
the establishment on October 28th. He had appointed as
rector the distinguished Father Michele Lauretano : it was
the latter who drew up the new statutes, a wonderful
testimony
to his prudence, his deep wisdom and his enlightened
piety. 2
By 1574 94 students from almost every diocese in Germany
had come to the Germanicum. After the death of the Cardinal
of Lorraine the Pope gave to the college the large
cardinalitial
palace of S. Apollinare, close to the adjoining church. He
was almost insatiable in conferring favours ; above all, he
set himself to assure the solid foundation of the
institution
by giving it great possessions. The grant of the abbey of
S. Saba, on the southern slope of the Aventine, was followed
by the gift of the vigna of Pariola, the incorporation of
the
abbey of S. Croce di Fonte Avellana in Umbria, and of Lodi-
vecchio and S. Cristina in the territory of Milan. From
these
the college received an assured income of more than 11,000
1 Bull. Rom. VIII., 52 seq. ; cf. 56 seq., 84 seq
1 See STEINHUBER, I. 2 , 102 seq., 106.
240 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
scudi, which was more than had been declared to be required
for the maintenance of 100 students. 1
Gregory XIII. is therefore rightly looked upon as the second
founder of the Germanicum. 2 Without having obtained
from the princes of Germany anything more than promises
for the future, he had by himself undertaken this work which
was so quick to succeed. In the second year from the re-
establishment of the German college it numbered 130
students.
Under the direction of its distinguished rector, Michele
Lauretano, it also prospered within to such a degree that
it was very soon looked upon b} all as the model of all
semin
aries. The maintenance of the discipline, the scientific
instruction with its periodical disputations, as well as the
religious education and the exercises of piety, were ah 1
beyond
compare. The religious chant, too, was zealously cultivated
there. The first musical director was Luigi da Vittoria,
Palestrina s closest friend, and he was succeeded by
Annibale
Stabile. The functions at S. Apollinare were noted for their
solemnity and decorum, and the music was considered as
the best in the whole city. 3
The efforts made by Gregory XIII. on behalf of the
German College, to which he continued to show special
1 See ibid. 108 seq., 112 seq., 120 seq. For the palace and
church
of S. Apollinare see LANCIANI, IV., 77 seq. The inscription
about
Gregory XIII. : " Collegia Germanici fundator et par
ens optimus "
in S. Croce de Fonte Avellana, in Nuovo giornale Arcadico,
3rd
ser., II., Milan, 1890, 48.
* I. Rabus praises him greatly for this in his *Rom Reise
1575
Cod. Germ. 1280, p. 218 seq. Royal Library, Munich. In our
own day the colossal bust of the Pope, who issued no fewer
than 17 bulls in favour of the Germanicum, has been
exposed in the vestibule of its new home in the Via S.
Nicol6 da Tolentino ; it is the work of the Berlin sculptor,
Joseph Limburg.
8 See STEINHUBER, I. 8 , 125 seq., 128 seq. Musotti says in
his
*notes (see App. n. 29) that the German College was *"
un
splendore in Roina di religione e santi costumi."
Boncompagni
Archives, Rome.
THE GERMANICUM. 24!
kindness, 1 produced abundant fruits. Its share in the
Catholic
restoration in the countries of the German Empire were very
clearly shown even before the end of the century. Its
influence, which spread like the ripples on water, was
of so great importance that we shall have to speak of it
in greater detail when we come to treat of affairs in
Germany. 2
The rapid progress made by the German College 3 decided
Gregory to adopt the suggestion made by the Jesuit Stefano
Saznto and by Cardinal San tori in 1578 to erect a college
in
Rome for Hungary as well. Pius V. had already had this
project in mind. 4 Gregory XIII. granted to the new college
the church of S. Stefano Rotondo on the Coelian and the
church dedicated to St. Stephen the king near St. Peter s,
together with the hospice for Hungarian pilgrims attached
to it, but which was no longer in use. 5 Since it was
impossible
to find means for the maintenance of this establishment,*
Gregory decided to give it solidity and the opportunity of
development by uniting it to the German College, which was
already well endowed and firmly established. This was done
1 C/. for the years 1575 and 1576 the Nuntiaturberichte edited
by SCHELLHASS, V., cviii. seq. Ibid, for the necessity
of^the pre
ference given to the nobility in accepting students, due to
the
conditions in Germany.
2 See more fully, Vol. XX. of this work.
3 " Germanorum adolescentium collegium ita auxit et
ampli-
ficavit [Gregory XIII.], ut hodie sit numerosissimum magno
quidem sumptu, sed maiore profectu " says Guido
Ferreri,
*Vita Gregorii XIII., c. 4, Papal Secret Archives. See App.
n. 25
4 See FRAKNOI in Katholikus Szemle, VII., 181 seq.
6 See Bull. Rorn., VIII., 250 seq. ; STEINHUBER, I. 2 , 137
seq.
SzANx6, Historia Seminarii Hungarici written in 1579, in
Vat.
6205, Vatican Library. Cf. FRAKNOI, Ungarns Bezeihungen
zum Heiligen Stuhl, III., Budapest, 1903. For the part taken
by
Santori see his Autobiografia, XII., 364.
6 Gregory XIII. referred to this subject several times with
Cardinal Santori ; see his *Audienze of November 20 and
Decem
ber 30, 1578, Papal Secret Archives.
VOL. XIX. 16
242 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
by a bull dated April 13th, 1580, l and in the future the
two
seminaries remained permanently united. 2 On March 2gth,
1584, a second bull gave the " Collegium Germanicum et
Ungaricum " the rules and laws which are still in
force.
These, which are based upon the primitive statute drafted
by Ignatius of Loyola, and incorporate the experience which
had since been acquired, contain precise instructions as to
the
selection and character of the students, the discipline, the
studies, the spiritual exercises, the duties of the rector,
and
the administration of the property. 3
The number of the students was fixed at 100 ; with the
exception of Switzerland and Bohemia, they were to be drawn
from Upper Germany, the territories of Westphalia, Saxony
and theRhineland,the dioceses of Kulm,Ermland andKalisch,
and from the kingdom of Hungary, according to the require
ments of the various dioceses. The students were to attend
the lectures at the Roman College. Three years were
appointed
for the study of philosophy, and four for scholastic
theology.
A year before they left the college the students, without
obtaining dimissorial letters from their own bishops,
without
title, and without observing the prescriptions of canon law,
received priest s orders, and the more brilliant ones the
academic degrees as well. This bull leaves them entirely
free to enter the religious Orders. A special feature of the
German College was the fact that an oath was demanded of
the students that they would receive sacred orders in due
course, that they would at once return to Germany at the
1 Bull. Rom., VIII., 250 seg. The union was asked for in an
anonymous **Memoriale presented to Pope Gregory concerning
the Hungarian College, dated August 15, 1579, Barb.
LV1.-I29,
p. 187-191, Vatican Library.
1 Cf. Fontes rer. Hungaricarum, II., 2. Collegium Germanicum
et Hungaricum i ; Matricula ed. A. VERESS, Budapest, 1917,
viii. seq.
8 See Bull. Rom., VIII. , 447 seq. ; cf. STEJNHUBER, I. 1 ,
155
seq. ; the ordinance of 1573 which only remained in force
for a
short time, and was published for the first time by
SCHELLHASS
(Nuntiaturberichte III., 415 seq.).
THE ENGLISH COLLEGE. 243
command of their superiors, that they would not devote
themselves explicitly to the study of civil law and
medicine,
which were not compatible with the ecclesiastical state, and
that they would not accept any office at the court. 1 In
order
to reform the aristocratic cathedral chapters of Germany,
Gregory laid it down that only those were to be received
into
the Germanicum who were distinguished either by nobility
of birth or by some special intellectual qualification.
Even more than in Germany England was threatened with
the dying out of the clergy. The terrible state into which
the Catholics had fallen on account of the bloody
persecution
of Queen Elizabeth, had moved William Allen, who had
taken refuge on the continent from that reign of terror, to
found in 1568 at Douai a seminary for English missionary
priests. 2 In 1575 Gregory XIII. granted to this establish
ment, which had done so much good, an annual subsidy of
12,000 gold scudi. 3 Not satisfied with this, he decided to
found a similar college in the Eternal City. As, after 1578,
some students from Allen s seminary had been transferred
to Rome to the ancient hospice of the English pilgrims at
S. Tommaso in the Via Monserrato, the Pope, by a bull of
April 23rd, 1579, appointed that hospice as the place of
resi
dence of the new college, and assigned to it an annual
revenue
of 3600 gold scudi, also granting to it the abbey of S.
Sabina
near Piacenza, which carried with it another 3000 ducats
annually. He also ordained, together with giving it
exemption
from all taxes, that the college should be placed under the
immediate care of the Holy See. Cardinal Morone was
chosen as Protector. 4 On July 22nd, 1579, the Pope visited
1 STEINHUBER, I 2 , 165 seq
2 See more fully, infra, 377 seqq.
3 See DODD-TIERNEY, Church History, II., App. n. 411 ; the
original of the *brief of April 15, 1575, in the State
Archives, Rome.
4 The date of the bull of foundation, 1578, in the Turin
edition
of the Bull. Rom., VIII., 208 seq. is wrong ; the right date
is
in the earlier editions, e.g. that of CHERUBINI, II., 422
seq. The
history of the foundation was written by Robert Persons,
after
wards rector, see POLLEN in Cathol. Record Society Miscell.,
244 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the establishment, where he was received with a Latin
oration
and a graceful poem. 1
The first rector of the English College, the students of
which
rose in the time of Gregory XIII. from 40 to 70, was Maurice
Clenock, who had hitherto been the warden of the ancient
hospice ; two Jesuits were charged with the internal
direction
of the establishment. Soon, however, difficulties arose
between the Welshmen, who were favoured by Clenock, and
the students of English birth, which very nearly led to the
complete destruction of the college. The result of this was
the removal of Clenock and the appointment of the Jesuit
Agazzari as his successor. Later on, fresh disputes in the
college led to the intervention of the Pope. It was claimed
that the reason for these was the exaggeration of the edu
cational system of the Jesuits, 2 whereas in reality it was
only
a case of mistakes which had been made by certain fathers.
Even the enemies of the Jesuit system admit that the
students
of the English College accomplished great things, and that
their preparation for the martyrdom which awaited them in
their own country, was carried out by the Jesuits in a
brilliant
way ; they deserve the greatest credit for the English
heroes
educated in Rome, " who kissed their instruments of
torture,
blessed the executioner and embraced the ladder which was
to take them to the gibbet." 3
II. (1906, 83 seq.), and F. Sega in his reports of the
visitation
in FOLEY, VI., 5 seqq. ; MEYER, I., 428 seq. ; KNOX, Douai
Diaries, LVII., seq. ; BELLESHEIM, Allen, no seq. ;
LANCIANI,
IV., 75 seq. ; GASQUET, History of the English College of Rome,
London, 1920, 68 seqq., 69 seqq. ; P. GUILDAY, The English
Catholic refugees on the Continent, 1538 to 1795, I.,
London,
1914 ; POLLEN, The English Catholics, 271 seq.
1 See *report of Odescalchi of July 25, 1579, Gonzaga
Archives,
Mantua.
MEYER, I., 87 seq., who if he had known of the account by
Bellesheim (ALLEN, 114 seq.) which escaped his notice, would
certainly have altered his opinion. Cf. POLLEN, loc. cit.
MEYER, I., 92. Gregory XIII. issued on January 21, 1582,
an exhortation to make donations to the seminary at Douai,
SEMINARIES IN GERMANY. 245
In England the establishment of local seminaries was
altogether out ot the question on account of the bloody
laws of Queen Elizabeth. The contrary was the case in
Germany, where Catholic districts were still numerous. Those
who were acquainted with conditions in that county had
planned, on the occasion of the foundation of the
Germanicum,
to employ the means appointed for the growth of that insti
tution by educating youths in the various Jesuit establish
ments in Germany. 1 Without in any way limiting the
German College, Gregory gave his consent to the carrying
out of this plan. There thus arose during his pontificate
pontifical schools directed by the Jesuits ; for Austria at
Vienna, Prague and Gratz ; for the north and east at Olmutz
and Braunsberg ; at Fulda for western Germany and at
Dillingen for Upper Germany. 2 The bull of erection of the
pontifical seminary at Dillingen was signed by the trembling
hand of Gregory on April Qth, 1585, on the eve of his death.
The object of the institution was, here as elsewhere, the
preservation and spread of the Catholic faith. 3 For this
purpose no sacrifice was too great for the large-hearted
Pope.
His own experience had confirmed him in his opinion that to
which had been transferred to Rheims on account of the
disturb
ances in the Netherlands (Bull. Rom., VIII., 383 seq.). He
also
subsidized the Scottish college at Pont-a-Mousson ; see
MAFFEI,
II., 228 ; Freib. Kirchenlexikon, X., 1928.
1 See STEINHUBER, I. 2 , 94. As early as December 24, 1573.
an *Avviso di Roma speaks of the intention of Gregory to
erect
at the expense of the Holy See a college for students in
Germany.
Urb. 1043, p. 348, Vatican Library.
t Cf. DUHR, I., 301 seq. Donations for the seminary at
Prague
during the years 1575-81 are mentioned in the *Nunziatura di
Germania, 93, p. 7, Papal Secret Archives. See also MAFFEI,
I.. J 37> I 57> 282 ; H., 380. Du CHESNE,
Hist, des Papes,
Paris, 1653, 439 seq. TTIEINER, Schweden, I., 525 seq., 538
seq.,
A *Catalogus alumnorum collegii Olmucensis (from Gregory
XIII. down to 1624) in Visile, I, p. 17 seq., Propaganda
Archives,
Rome. For Olmiitz and Braunsberg see more fully infra,
Chapter
8 See SPECHT, Geschichte der Universitat Dillingen, 426 seq.
246 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
compensate for the losses of the Church there was no more
efficacious means than those establishments which aimed at
the training of a pious, moral and learned clergy. To Posse-
vino, who was charged with the foundation of the seminary
at Olmutz he said : "At the request of the princes we
have
sent large sums of money to every kind of place, and what
have we obtained in return ? Very little. But what we have
expended on the seminaries no one can take away from us.
The return for what we have expended for the salvation of
immortal souls is indeed, fully assured to us." 1
Filled with this idea Gregory also subsidized the erection
of seminaries in Italy, among which those at Naples and
Venice especially owe much to him, 2 as well as that for
Dalmatia and Illyria which was established at Loreto. 3 In
the capital of Lombardy he founded in 1579, at the request
of Borromeo, the Swiss College, which gave excellent priests
to Catholic Switzerland, in so far as it formed part of the
diocese of Milan, and thus opposed a safe barrier against
the penetration of the religious innovations. 4
The paternal care of Gregory XIII. for Catholic education
was not limited to the west alone. His vigilant pastoral eye
1 See STEINHUBER, I. 8 . 137.
See THEINER, Bildungsanstalten, 127, 149; PIEKLING, St.
Siege, II., 33 seq. A *brief of Gregory XIII. to the nuncio
at
Venice, dated Rome, April 23, 1579, instructs him to see to
the
endowment of the "in domo SS. Philippi et Jacobi
[existing]
Seminariuni puerorum Venetorum collegium Gregorianum nun-
cupandum." Original in the State Archives, Venice. For
the
seminary at Naples, where the archbishop also called upon
the
bishops of his province to found seminaries, see SPARANO,
Mem.
d. Napolit. chiesa, I., Naples, 1768, 248 seq.
8 See CIACONIUS, IV., 18 ; MORONI, XXXIX., 243 ; Freih.
Kir chenlex ikon, VIII., 151. At first this college as well
was to
have been erected in Rome ; see SANTORI, Autobiografia,
XII.,
364. *Audienze, December 30, 1578, July 30 and November
5, 1579, Arm. 52, t. 17, Papal Secret Archives.
* Bull. Rom., VIII., 269 seq. Cf. supra p. 89 ; SALA, Docum,
I., 219, 3*7, 374-
THE GREEK COLLEGE. 247
included the whole world, and even in Japan he founded
several Jesuit houses. 1 In 1575 the Jesuits had planned the
foundation of a Greek College in Rome in the interests of
the
Greek. Catholic inhabitants ol eastern Mediterranean
countries. 2
At first difficulties stood in the way of the realization of
this
project, which was especially supported by Cardinal San
tori, 3
but when a congregation of Cardinals which had been set
up by the Pope, 4 as well as Gaspare Viviani, Bishop of
Sithia,
warmly supported the establishment of such an institution,
it was decided upon in a bull of January ijth, 1577. 5 In
this college there were to be educated not only able eccle
siastics belonging to the Greek Catholic rite, but also
laymen,
by whose means it was hoped to bring influence to bear for
the reunion of the Greek schismatics. Generous as ever,
Gregory assigned to the college an annual revenue of 1200
gold
scudi and for 15 years the revenues of the vacant bishopric
of Chissano in Crete. Later on he added other endowments,
especially the full possession of the Benedictine abbey of
the
1 See CIACONIUS, IV., 20 ; MAFFEI, II., 351 seq.
* This hitherto unknown fact I found in an *Avviso di Roma
of December 10, 1575, Urb. 1044, p. 634, Vatican Library.
3 See SANTORI, Diario concist., XXV., 119.
4 Cf. HETEREN, in Bessarione, VII., 3 (1902), 174 seq.
8 Bull. Rom., VIII., 159 seq. G. Viviani received the
diocese
of Anagni. An *Avviso di Roma of August i, 1579, praises him
as " huomo singolare nella latina e greca lingua."
Urb. 1047,
p. 257, Vatican Library. Pietro Arcudio wrote about the be
ginnings of the Greek College : see LEGRAND, Bibliographic
Hellenique, Paris, 1895, 492 seq. ; cf. also RODOTA, Dell
origine
ecc. del rito greco in Italia, III., 153 seq. ; BATIFFOL in
Revue
des quest, histor., XLV., 179 seq. Cf. 187 for G. Viviani ;
the
Historia collegii Graecorum de Urbe, which was at one time
to be
found in the archives of the Greek College, is unfortunately
no
longer there. P. de Meester makes use of many other
documents
in the archives : Le college pontifical grec de Rome, Rome,
1910. Cf. also NETZHAMMER, Das griechische Kolleg in Rom,
Salzburg, 1905, and Revue des quest, histor., XLV., 1889,
179
seq.
250 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
that which Nabuchadonosor saw in his dream." "
What
do you mean by that ? " asked the Pope in surprise.
" Behold," replied the Cardinal, " of the
colleges established
by your Holiness, the Germanicum, which is so richly
endowed, may be compared to the head of gold ; the English
College, which has not been provided for with the same
generosity, is the breast of silver ; the Maronite College
is
the legs of iron ; but they all rest upon feet of clay, on a
fragile
foundation which, if it be not supported, will fall to the
ground." " And these feet ? " Gregory
interrupted. " The
feet," said the Cardinal, " I see in the Roman
College, which,
being the establishment for training and instruction common
to all, surpasses them all. But at present it is in a dwelling
place so confined and ruinous, and is moreover so
insufficiently
endowed and so deeply in debt, that it cannot last for
long."
The Pope, who had already assisted the Roman College,
recognized the justice of Contarelli s complaint, and
resolved
to come to its assistance with the needful help. 1 The plan
formed by Ignatius of Loyola now was realized in the fullest
way : a central college, not only for Rome, but for the
whole
world, in the centre of unity of the Church. The debts of
the Roman College were condoned, it was given an assured
endowment, so that Gregory also became the second founder
of this most important institution.
" The college, which hitherto had lived on air,"
said Cardinal
Galli, " now possessed the means for the maintenance of
200
students." 2 But not content with this the Pope caused
to be
built for the institution, on a truly gigantic scale, a new
build
ing, the work of Bartolomeo Ammanati. On October 28th,
1584, he himself performed the ceremony of blessing it. 3
1 See SACCHINI, V., i, 50-51. RINALDI, 87 seq. ; cf. 82 seq
for earlier subsidies.
1 *" Et quel che piu importa 1 istesso collegio de
Giesuiti qual
prima era fondato in ana senza certo sostenimento S.S^ 1 ha
in maniera dotato che per ora pasce et mantiene 200
bocchi."
*Memorie in Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
Cf. SACCHINI, V., 10 ; MAFFEI, II., 228 ; MORONI, XIV.,
187 seq. Cf. *" Gratiarum actio ad Gregorium XIII. P.M.
pro
THE ROMAN COLLEGE. 251
In a suggestive way the huge building was everywhere
adorned with poems in Latin, Greek, Hebrew and Chaldean,
and with coats-of-arms of every kind. The learned Jesuit,
Stefano Tucci, the celebrated author of many scholastic
Latin dramas, saluted Gregory in a Latin discourse. He
thanked him for the honour he had paid them by his personal
presence, and extolled the great services which His Holiness
had rendered for the spread of the Society of Jesus
throughout
the world, to which the Pope modestly replied : "To God
alone does the honour and glory belong " ; he then
inspected
the new building in detail. 1 Above all the orator had
expressed
his gratitude for the fact that Gregory had entrusted to his
Order the scientific instruction and education of youth of
all
nations. On the occasion of the laying of the first stone
twenty-five theses had been composed in as man}^ languages
in token of the world-wide destinies of the Roman College,
which, under the direction of the Jesuits, was to become an
establishment for the teaching of philosophy and theology
for
all the nations of the world. Like the inscription on the
first
stone, so too the coins that were struck as a memorial of
the
new building expressed the idea that it, as the universal
college of the Society of Jesus, was to become a seminary
for
all nations, a world-wide institution of the Catholic
Church. 2
collegii Rom. amplificatione initio huius anni a Franc.
Bentio
rhetoricae doctore auditoribus suis tradita A 1581,"
Fondo
Gesuitico 26, n. i, Vittorio Emanuele Library, Rome.
1 See *Avviso di Roma of October 31, 1584, Urb. 1052, p.
432,
Vatican Library ; *Litt. ann. 1584, p. 13, and the
"report of
Odescalchi of November 3, 1584, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
Cf. RINALDI, 104 ; *" Laudationes habitae in adventum
Gregorii
XIII. ad colleg. Romanum " in Cod. D. 46, of the
Boncompagni
Archives, Rome ; *" Collegii Romani carmina Gregorio
XIII.
fundatori," Vatic. 8923, Vatican Library. For S. Tucci
see
SOMMERVOGEL, VIII., 263, TACCHI VENTURI, I., 65, 488 seq.
For the dramas of Tucci see SOLDATI, II Collegio Mainertino
[at Messina] e le origini del Teatro Gesuitico, Turin, 1908.
8 See VENUTI, 147 seq. ; BONANNI, I., 353 ; Memorie intorno
al Collegio Romano, Rome, 1870, 6 seq. ; SCORRAILLE, I., 170
;
RINALDI, 101 seq. Cf. also infra, p. 256, n. i, the memorial
there mentioned from the Archives of Propaganda, Rome.
250 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
that which Nabuchadonosor saw in his dream." "
What
do you mean by that ? " asked the Pope in surprise.
" Behold," replied the Cardinal, " of the
colleges established
by your Holiness, the Germanicum, which is so richly
endowed, may be compared to the head of gold ; the English
College, which has not been provided for with the same
generosity, is the breast of silver ; the Maronite College
is
the legs of iron ; but they all rest upon feet of clay, on a
fragile
foundation which, if it be not supported, will fall to the
ground." " And these feet ? " Gregory
interrupted. " The
feet," said the Cardinal, " I see in the Roman
College, which,
being the establishment for training and instruction common
to all, surpasses them all. But at present it is in a
dwelling
place so confined and ruinous, and is moreover so
insufficiently
endowed and so deeply in debt, that it cannot last for long."
The Pope, who had already assisted the Roman College,
recognized the justice of Contarelli s complaint, and
resolved
to come to its assistance with the needful help. 1 The plan
formed by Ignatius of Loyola now was realized in the fullest
way : a central college, not only for Rome, but for the
whole
world, in the centre of unity of the Church. The debts of
the Roman College were condoned, it was given an assured
endowment, so that Gregory also became the second founder
of this most important institution.
The college, which hitherto had lived on air," said
Cardinal
Galli, " now possessed the means for the maintenance of
200
students." 2 But not content with this the Pope caused
to be
built for the institution, on a truly gigantic scale, a new
build
ing, the work of Bartolomeo Ammanati. On October 28th,
1584, he himself performed the ceremony of blessing it. 3
1 See SACCHINI, V., i, 50-51. RINALDI, 87 seq. ; cf. 82 seq
for earlier subsidies.
2 *" Et quel che piu importa 1 istesso collegio de
Giesuiti qual
prima era fondato in aria senza certo sostenimento S.S tA 1
ha
in maniera dotato che per ora pasce et mantiene 200
bocchi."
*Memorie in Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
1 Cf. SACCHINI, V., 10 ; MAFFEI, II., 228 ; MORONI, XIV.,
187 seq. Cf. *" Gratiarum actio ad Gregorium XIII. P.M.
pro
THE ROMAN COLLEGE. 251
In a suggestive way the huge building was everywhere
adorned with poems in Latin, Greek, Hebrew and Chaldean,
and with coats-of-arms of every kind. The learned Jesuit,
Stefano Tucci, the celebrated author of many scholastic
Latin dramas, saluted Gregory in a Latin discourse. He
thanked him for the honour he had paid them by his personal
presence, and extolled the great services which His Holiness
had rendered for the spread of the Society of Jesus
throughout
the world, to which the Pope modestly replied : "To God
alone does the honour and glory belong " ; he then
inspected
the new building in detail. l Above all the orator had
expressed
his gratitude for the fact that Gregory had entrusted to his
Order the scientific instruction and education of youth of
all
nations. On the occasion of the laying of the first stone
twenty-five theses had been composed in as many languages
in token of the world- wide destinies of the Roman College,
which, under the direction of the Jesuits, was to become an
establishment for the teaching of philosophy and theology
for
all the nations of the world. Like the inscription on the
first
stone, so too the coins that were struck as a memorial of
the
new building expressed the idea that it, as the universal
college of the Society of Jesus, was to become a seminary
for
all nations, a world-wide institution of the Catholic
Church. 2
collegii Rom. amplificatione initio huius anni a Franc.
Bentio
rhetoricae doctore auditoribus suis tradita A 1581,"
Fondo
Gesuitico 26, n. i, Vittorio Emanuele Library, Rome.
1 See *Avviso di Roma of October 31, 1584, Urb. 1052, p.
432,
Vatican Library; *Litt. ann. 1584, p. 13, and the
"report of
Odescalchi of November 3, 1584, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
Cf. RINALDI, 104 ; *" Laudationes habitae in adventum
Gregorii
XIII. ad colleg. Romanum " in Cod. D. 46, of the
Boncompagni
Archives, Rome; *" Collegii Romani carmina Gregorio
XIII.
fundatori," Vatic. 8923, Vatican Library. For S. Tucci
see
SOMMERVOGEL, VIII., 263, TACCHI VENTURI, I., 65, 488 seq.
For the dramas of Tucci see SOLDATI, II Collegio Mainertino
[at Messina] e le origini del Teatro Gesuitico, Turin, 1908.
* See VENUTI, 147 seq. ; BONANNI, I., 353 ; Memorie intorno
al Collegio Romano, Rome, 1870, 6 seq. ; SCORRAILLE, L, 170
;
RINALDI, 101 seq. Cf. also infra, p. 256, n. i, the memorial
there mentioned from the Archives of Propaganda, Rome.
252 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
On the outer wall of the building which in 1870 was forcibly
diverted from its purpose, may still be read the simple
inscrip
tion : " Pope Gregory XIII. for religion and learning
" ;
(Religioni ac bonis artibus). 1
In the entrance hall there was erected in a niche a large
marble statue of the Pope who had founded it, raising his
right hand in the act of blessing. The inscription extolls
him as the founder and father of the Roman College. The
interest he took in the institution is shown by the fact
that
he assisted in person at the first lectures of the young
Francesco
Suarez. 2 A choice library, and afterwards a valuable museum
and a celebrated observatory, 3 completed the foundation of
the " Universitas Gregoriana," which received the
right to
grant academic degrees in philosophy and theology. On
December 5th, 1584, the Congregation of Mary of the students
of the Roman College, which has become the prototype and
model for the foundation of similar unions outside Rome,
was raised by the Pope to the rank of an arch-congregation
under the title of the Annunciation of Mary, and was placed
1 Further details of the building infra, Vol. XX. of this
work.
2 See SCORRAILLE, I., 171 seq.
9 The library, museum and observatory as well as the college
were seized in 1870, in spite of the law of guarantees
which, in
par 13, ensured the preservation of Catholic institutions.
The
college could not be regarded as the property of the annexed
Papal States or of the city of Rome. It belonged like, for
ex
ample, " Propaganda Fide " to the universal Church
(cf. the
Memorie cited p. 256, n. i). The precious library (see as to
this
LAZZERI, Miscell. Bibl. coll. Rom., Rome, 1754) at that
moment
much diminished by unknown persons was transferred to the
new
Vittorio Emanuele Library. The Kircherian Museum (see
MORONI, XIV., 200), although it deserved to remain as a
whole
on account of its special character, was dispersed in 1913-
The
" Universitas Gregoriana," driven forcibly from
its ancient seat,
took refuge in 1870 in the buildings of the "
Germanicum "
where both institutions dwelt together for about 20 years.
On
account of the increase in the students, the "
Germanicum "
left its old home in order to take up suitable quarters in
the old
Hotel Costanzi.
THE GREGORIAN UNIVERSITY. 253
permanently under the direction of the General of the
Jesuits ;
to this was added the privilege of erecting scholastic
congre
gations in all the colleges and churches of the Order, of
affili
ating them to the original congregation in Rome, of revising
their statutes and inspecting them. 1
The number of those attending the Gregorian University
grew rapidly. Besides the students belonging to the Jesuit
Order, who came from many different nations, instruction
was also given there to the students of the German-Hungarian
College and the English College, as well as those from the
Roman seminary. Among the professors there were already
such men as Toledo, Bellarmine., Ledesma, Pereira, Clavius,
Orlandini and Suarez, who in days to come were succeeded
by Cornelius a Lapide, de Lugo, Pallavicini, Segneri,
Zaccaria,
Taparelli, Patrizi, Tarquini, Ballerini, Franzelin, Kleutgen
and Palmieri. In order to form an idea how solid was the
instruction at the Roman College, one example is enough :
from the lectures which Bellarmine delivered there after
1576, before huge crowds, there sprang his celebrated master
piece, the Disputations upon controverted points of the
Catholic faith against the religious innovators of our times.
2
No less than ten Popes have received instruction at the
Roman College : Gregory XV., Urban VIII., Innocent X.,
Clement IX., Clement X., Innocent XII., Clement XL,
Innocent XIII., Clement XIL, and Leo XIII. Far greater
is the number of Cardinals, bishops and other dignitaries of
the Church who have there received their scientific
training.
Countless preachers of the Gospel have gone courageously
thence to all parts of the world to face martyrdom. 3 Of
1 Bull. Rom., VIII., 499 seq. Cf. for the Marian
Congregation
THEINER, III., 8 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, I., 137; DUHR,
I., 357
se 9 > 365 seq., 478 ; II., 2, 81 ; MORONI, XIV., 189
seq. ; BERINGER,
De congregat. Marianis. Docum. et leges, Graccii, 1909 ;
ELDER
MULLAN, La congregazione Mariana studiata nei document!,
Rome, 1911.
a See more fully as to this later, under Clement VIII.
8 Cardinal Galli especially brings out this activity in his
*Memorie Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
254 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the spirit of the institution no less eloquent testimony is
borne by the names of the saints and blessed who have been
its students : Aloysius Gonzaga, John Berchmans, Camillus
of Lellis, Leonard of Port Maurice, John Baptist de Rossi,
Antony Baldinucci and Rodolfo Aqua viva. 1
The truly regal generosity with which the Pope interested
himself in the Gregorian University as in other
establishments
of learning, 2 was celebrated by contemporaries in prose and
verse. 3 His educational establishments, wrote Cesare
Speciani,
extend to the extreme north of Europe and the east of Asia.
4
Musotti was fully justified in saying that Gregory XIII. had
devoted all his energies towards promoting everywhere, by
means of the colleges, the restoration, spread and
consolidation
of the Catholic faith. 5
Gregory, who loved his colleges as the apple of his eye,
and during the summer of 1579 personally visited all those
in Rome, 7 had consolidated them by endowing them, and by
1 See GRISAR in Freib. Kirchenlcxikon, III. 1 , 610 seqq.
1 See TIRABOSCHI, VII., i, 125, where, however, the sum of
two millions is based upon an exaggeration.
3 See the inscriptions and the poems in CIACONIUS, IV., 17
seq., 41 seq. Cf. also A. QUERENGUS, De novo Soc. lesu
Collegii
quod Gregorii XIII. P.M. liberalitate extrui coeptum est
Romae
anno 1582 carmen, Rome, 1582 ; the *report of Odescalchi of
July 25, .1579, and July 28, 1584, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua,
and the *Memorie of Cardinal Galli, he. cit.
4 *Notes of C. Speciani, Boncompagni Archives, Rome. For
the colleges in Japan see further Vol. XX. of this work.
8 *Notes in Boncompagni Archives, Rome ; cf. App. n. 29.
Cf. the *Avviso di Roma of November 6, 1582, concerning
a brief to Borromeo : " che tutti quelli che farano
buona riuscita
nelli suoi seminarii non possino andare nelli Teatini o
Gesuiti."
Urb. 1050, p. 409, Vatican Library. This brief of Gregory
XIII.
is unknown to me ; on the other hand, Borromeo received
another
in the sense already expressed by Pius V. ; see SYLVAIN,
III., 67.
7 See Mucantius, *Diarium (Papal Secret Archives) in App. n.
1 6. Cf. *Avviso di Roma of July 18, 1579 : "II papa e
stato
a visitare il Seminario Romano nel palazzo di Siena et
tratta
4i comprarlo per 24,000 scudi a persuasione del card.
Savelli,
THE POPE AND THE COLLEGES. 255
assigning to them for that purpose the revenues of abbeys
that had fallen into decay or died out. 1 It is not
surprising
that this use of ecclesiastical benefices was displeasing to
some
in the curia. Therefore attacks were not wanting. The
Pope, however, did not let himself be diverted from his
purpose and to the end of his pontificate continued to make
further plans for establishments of ecclesiastical
education.
Thus, during the last years of his life he planned the
foundation
of a Jesuit house with a seminary at Luxembourg, 2 the
establishment of a college for the reception of German
students
in canon and civil law at Bologna, 3 the foundation of an
Irish college in Rome, 4 and the establishment of a similar
institution at Lecce or Bari for the use of the natives of
Albania and the Serbs. 5 The Pope also projected the founda
tion of a seminary for Poland on the model of the
Germanicum. 6
che n e protettore, per commodo de studenti, et mercordi
visito
il Collegio Germanico et fara il medesimo di tutti gli altri
delle
nationi." Urb. 1047, p. 235, Vatican Library. See also
Maftei
IL, 75 seq.
1 Bernerio ""reports on May 20, 1581, that it is
thought that a
great part of the benefices of Cardinal Sforza will after
his death be
assigned to the Greek, English and Swiss Colleges, "
accio habbino
da sustentarsi in tutti i tempi senza haver bisogno d esser
summin-
istrati de danari della Camera come al presente convien
fare."
State Archives, Vienna.
8 See the *report of the ambassador of the Netherlands,
Lauro
Dubliul, dated Rome, March 26, 1584. Negociat. de Rome,
I., State Archives, Brussels.
* See the *report of Odescalchi, dated Rome, April 22, 1582,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and SCHMIDLIN 537 seq.
4 See Freib. Kirchenlexikon, III., 635. For the Irish
College
founded in Paris in 1577 see American Cath. Quarterly
Review,
XXIII. (1898), 273 seq.
6 See SANTORI, Autobiografia, XIIL, 161. The subsidy for a
seminary of the Franciscans for the Dalmatians, etc., is
recorded
in the Epistola ex Romana urbe in Germaniam missa,
Ingolstadt ,
1577-
* See the *Memorie in the Fondo Gesuitico 290, p. 25 seq.
Vittorio Emanuele Library, Rome.
256 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The defence of the Pope against the attacks which were
repeatedly made in the curia upon his labours on behalf of
the colleges, was undertaken by a friend of the Catholic
revival in a special memorial addressed to the College of
Cardinals. 1 The writer, who held a post in one of the
colleges,
and who had also visited Germany, was in a position to form
a judgment with full knowledge of the case. The hostility
to the work which the Pope had done for the colleges, which
sprang to a great extent from ignorance and selfishness, he
refuted with great detail ; on the contrary, he assigns to
the colleges the first place among the pious institutions of
Rome. That which the charitable institutions, which were
so generally admired, were doing in temporal matters, was
being
done by the colleges in spiritual matters ; to be zealous on
their behalf was a duty that lay upon the Pope, and their
great number was the glory of Gregory XIII. ; they were in
complete accordance with his duty and with the spirit of the
Catholic Church ; above all does he insist upon the justice
of employing ecclesiastical benefices for these
institutions,
since their object is the preservation of the faith by means
of
exemplary pastors, a matter which the great Popes of
antiquity
had always had very much at heart. 2
From the remarks made by this writer one learns with
surprise how great was the prejudice which the establishment
of the colleges had to encounter in Rome. To the accusation
1 *" Raggioni dati a diversi sig ri cardinal! in favore
de collegi
e seminarii instituiti dalla S tA di Gregorio XIII. "
t. 362 of the
Propaganda Archives, Rome. This writing belongs to the last
years of the pontificate of Gregory XIII. ; the apostasy of
Get>
hard Truchsess is mentioned in it.
*The incontestible canonical principle that the Pope as the
administrator of all the goods of the Church can transfer
the pos
session of one Order to another, and that when a convent has
for a long time had no inmates or has entirely fallen into
ruin,
he can assign it to other religious who have no connexion
with the
said possessions, was unjustly called in question or openly
denied
by certain fanatical members of the older religious Orders.
C/.
DUHK, I., 372 seq., II., 157.
THE WORK OF THE COLLEGES. 257
that these institutions were only intended for the poor, the
author replies by calling attention to the German College,
where, as a result of a careful estimate of conditions in
Germany
a preference was given to members of the aristocracy. That
these institutions should have been entrusted for the most
part to the Society of Jesus, is, it is maintained,
absolutely
justified. For more than twenty years, the author says, I
have known the Jesuits as learned and holy men. The work
that they have accomplished throughout Europe and in the
countries beyond the seas, has had the result that the
heretics
fear them as much as all good Catholics esteem them. No
w r eight must be attached to the gossip of those who envy
them,
for their activity is large-hearted, and their
self-sacrifice
wonderful. Attention is drawn in specially forcible terms to
the practical results of the colleges ; in them men who have
dedicated themselves to the service of the Church are
educated
in the true faith and the Christian life ; from them have
come
forth learned and virtuous pastors for the defence of
religion
in lands overrun by error, and for the reawakening of
Catholics
who are in such danger in those lands. If the Lord had not
sent the Society of Jesus, and its colleges, in many
countries
there would now remain no trace of the Catholic faith. The
heretics realize fully that in these two things their
principal
adversaries are to be found ; in many districts the students
from the colleges are the only representatives and defenders
of the ancient religion, while in others they have brought
back
many wanderers to the Church. With justifiable satisfaction
the author points to the results obtained in the conversion
of the heathen. Face to face with such facts, there are no
reasonable grounds for the accusations of those who describe
the buildings of some of the colleges, and especially the
Roman
College, as too splendid for religious. If the Pope had
built
a palace for his nephews there might indeed be reason for
remark, but not because he has built in the Roman College
an establishment for the general good.
The objections that were raised against the fact that these
colleges had been established in Rome itself are also fully
refuted. Among other things, it is pointed out in this
VOL. xix. 17
25$ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
connexion that persons educated in the capital of
Christendom
are enabled from their own experience to show, among the
nations under the domination of heresy, how much good is
to be found in Rome. It is with great satisfaction that the
author, at the end of his monograph, states that the Pope,
in his labours on behalf of the colleges, had met with the
full
consent and the strong support of the College of Cardinals.
" Let us therefore give thanks to God," he writes,
" that
in these days and by means of these institutions, from east
to west, and from north to south, so many have returned
to the faith and to their obedience to the vicar of Christ,
and that in this respect we may look for even greater things
in the future." 1
A few years later Giovanni Botero expressed the view that
the truly apostolic labours of Gregory XIII. for the
establish
ment of these colleges could never be sufficiently praised.
2
1 The hope expressed in the memorial, that the example set
by
Gregory in the foundation of the colleges and seminaries
would
fire others to follow it, was by no means a vain one ;
especially
among the Italian bishops there arose quite a rivalry in
estab
lishing such institutions. Details here and there in
UGHELLI.
In the case of some of the seminaries there are special
works,
e.g. LANZONI, La fundazione del seminario di Faenza, Faenza,
1896; A. LAURICELLA, Notizie stor. d. seminario di Girgenti
[at the end of 1577], Girgenti, 1897 ; *Ordini che si devono
servare
nel seminario di Piacenza fatti dalTill. Msgr. Paolo d
Arezzo,
vesc. di Piacenza, in Cod. 16 of the Library of the Certosa
di S.
Martino at Naples ; *Decreti per il seminario di Piacenza
fatti
da Filippo Sega 1585, in Ottob. 2473, p. 233 of the Vatican
Library. What difficulties were often met with in connexion
with the establishment of the seminaries through the want of
means are shown by the history of the seminary of Reggio
Emilia
which had been projected in the time of Pius V., and
described
by COTTAFAVI (11 seminario di Reggio neU Emilia, Reggio
Emilia,
1907, i seq.}. For Spain, where Gregory XIII. himself
intervened
(MAFFEI, 1., 365) see THEINER, Bildungsanstalteri, 154 seq.
1 BOLERO, Relationi, III., 28.
CHAPTER VII.
PATRONAGE OF LEARNING. THE CATACOMBS. NEW EDITIONS
OF CANON LAW AND THE MARTYROLOGY.
GREGORY XIII., who was himself a scholar of distinction,
and even in his old age devoted to study, in spite of the
burdens of the pontificate, 1 saw a powerful means of
restoring
to the Church her ancient splendour in the promotion and
revival of learning. He supported the great scholars of the
day in the most generous manner, by conferring
ecclesiastical
dignities upon them or gifts of money. Although he was by
preference a jurist, he took under his protection the repre
sentatives of every branch of learning, and for this purpose
almost always sought the advice of Cardinals Sirleto,
Antonio
Carafa and Contarelli. The number of scholars and writers
of Italian birth who shared in the munificence of the Pope
was
extraordinarily large. Maffei, the biographer of Gregory
XIII. , names the following: Vincenzo Laureo, Cesare
Baronius,
Ignazio Danti, Antonio Agelli, Fulvio Orsini, Antonio Bocca-
paduli, Silvio Antoniano, Ascanio Valentino, Gian Battista
and Attilio Amalteo, Alessandro Petronio, Paulus Manutius,
Carlo Sigonio, Flaminio de Nobili, Fabio Benvoglienti,
Giacomo
Mazzoni, Girolamo Mercuriale. Pietro Magno d Arpino,
Uberto Folieta, Lcrenzo Frizolio, Lorenzo Gambara,
Antonio Querengo, and Giovanni Carga. 2
1 The "Inventarium librorum et scripturarum in scrinio
et
studio Gregorii XIII. a C. Vastavillano S.R.E. camerario
reper-
torum " in Cod. 671, p. 171 seq, of the Corsini Library,
Rome.
The inventory would be even more interesting if the
description
had not been for the most part restricted only to
generalities.
2 MAFFEI, II., 459 seq. For the decisive influence of
Sirleto
with Gregory XIII. in scientific matters see the expressions
used
by Bellarmine in his *letter of July 19, 1584, in Lett, et
miscell.
Cod. 71, Papal Secret Archives. Cf. Hist. Jahrbuch, VI., 41.
259
260 HISTORY OF THE POPES,
This list is by no means complete ; for example, two famous
names, Ulisse Aldrovandi and Andrea Mercati, are missing. 1
Mercati, a friend of Philip Neri, was numbered among the
Pope s intimates, and was ordered to found a museum of the
natural sciences at the Vatican ; he has described the
collection
in his " Metalloteca." 2
But Gregory XIII., always having before his eyes the whole
Catholic world, equally helped foreign scholars, among them
men of such great name as the Frenchmen, Marc Antoine
Muret and Pierre Morin; the Spaniards Francisco de Torres,
Pedro Maldonado, Francisco Pena, Alfonso and Pedro Chacon ;
the Portuguese Jeronymo Osorio and Achille Stazio. Of the
German scholars upon whom he bestowed his favour, the best
known are Peter Canisius, Christopher Clavius and Georg
Eder. Among the English Allen and Nicholas Sanders stand
out, among the Scots Ninian Winzet, and among the Nether-
landers Wilhelm Lindanus and Gerhard Voss. 3 Gregory
XIII. especially took under his protection* the celebrated
exegetist, Juan Maldonado [Maldonatus], threatening with
1 U. Aldrovandi had founded in 1567 the botonical garden in
his own country, Bologna, the third after Paris and Pisa to
be
established in Europe. On the occasion of the third
centenary
of his death MATTIROLO published a series of valuable works
:
L opera botanica di U.A., Bologna, 1897 ; Erbario di U.A.,
Genoa, 1899. Cf. L. FRATI, Catalogo dei Mss. di U.A.,
Bologna,
1907 ; Intorno alia vita ed alle opere di U.A., Bologna,
1907 ;
DE TONI, Spigolature Aldrovandine in Atti Mod., 1920.
* Published for the first time by the advice of Clement XI.
in
1717 ; see RENAZZI, II., 210.
* Cf. MAFFEI, II., 460, who here follows a manuscript of G.
Voss
(see App. n. 26). For the scholars of Spain see NIC.
ANTONIUS,
Bibl. Hisp. nova, Madrid, 1783, I., 459 seq., 487 seq., II.,
179 ;
HURTER, I., 27, 104, 105, 188, 200 ; TRIPEPI, Papato, II.,
49 seq.,
III., 56 seq. For Eder see PAULUS in Hist, polit. Blatter,
CXV.,
13 seq., 85 seq., and CARD SCHRAUF, Der Reichshofrat Dr.
Georg
Eder, I. : 1573-78, Vienna, 1904 ; for Allen, Sanders, and
Lin
danus see further infra Chapter X. ; for N. WINZET see Hist,
polit. Blatter, CVII., 704 seq. ; for G. Voss see FOPPENS,
Bibl.
Belgica, I., Brussels, 1739, 362 seq.
GREGORY XIII. AND SCHOLARS. 261
severe excommunications the adversaries who were persecuting
him, and summoning the deserving scholar to Rome to take
part in the work upon the new edition of the Septuagint. 1
The learned canonist, Martin Azpilcueta, 2 and Pedro de
Fonseca, who bore the name of the " Portuguese
Aristotle," 3
were also highly esteemed by the Pope. The equally learned
and pious exegetist, Angelo del Pas, of the Order of Minors,
also enjoyed the special favour of the Pope. 4
In the autumn of 1578 Gregory summoned to Rome the
celebrated humanist, archeologist and historian, Carlo
Sigonio ;
there he was assigned a residence in the palace of Giacomo
Boncompagni, who took a lively interest in the learned
writer
of Italian medieval history. 5 Sigonio, who had already
given
proof of his severely objective treatment of history, was,
in accordance to the wishes of the Pope, to write a history
of
the Church, in strict conformity with the truth, a task con
nected with the work of refuting the Centuries of Magdeburg,
1 Cf. PRAT, Maldonat et 1 universite de Paris au XVI. me
siecle, Paris, 1856, and RAICH in the introduction to the
Com-
mentarii in 4 evangelia of Maldonado, Mayence, 1874.
2 See supra p. 54. The tomb of M. Azpilcueta with the splen
did bust which shows in a wonderful way the characteristic
head of the scholar in S. Antonio dei Portoghesi. The
epitaph
in FORCELLA, III., 538.
3 For Fonseca cf. Katholik, 1864, I., 602.
4 See NIC. ANTONIUS, loc. cit. I., 91 seq.
5 See *Avviso di Roma of September 20, 1578, Urb. 1046,
p. 34ob, Vatican Library. For Sigonio cf. his life in
MURATORI,
Sigonii Opera omnia, I., Milan, 1732 ; TIRABOSCHI, Bibl.
Mod;,
V. ; WACHLER, I., 100 seq. ; FUETER, 131 seq. ; KREBS, C.
Sigo-
nius, einer der grossten Humanisten der 16 Jahrhunderts,
Frank
fort, 1840 ; FRANZIOSI, Delia vita di C.S., Modena, 1872 ;
P.
Vettori et Sigonio, Corresp. avec F. Orsini, pubi. par P. DE
NOLHAC,
Rome, 1890 ; TACCHI VENTURI, I., 100 ; PATEITA, Atti e Mem.
Mod., 5 ser., VI. (1912) ; HESSEL, De regno Italiae libri
viginti
by C. Sigonio. Fine quellenkritische Untersuchung. Berlin,
1900. For the difficulties of Sigonio concerning the
censorship
see REUSCH, Index, II., 1223.
262 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
for which Philip Neri found the one capable man in Baronius.
1
While Baronius was making use of the manuscript treasures
of the Eternal City for his great work, a discovery was made
in Rome, which was to be of epoch-making importance
for the primitive history of the Church and for Christian
archeology. In June, 1578, 2 some labourers who were
quarrying pozzolana two miles outside the gate near the Via
Salaria Nova, in the vigna oi the Spaniard Bartolomeo
Sanchez, came upon important traces of subterranean Rome,
which, with its extensive and intricate net-work of the
tombs
of the early Christians, forms, in a manner all its own, a
special
archivium of that wonderful city round which for more than
two thousand years the history of the world turns as its
axis.
The Roman catacombs, which until the IXth century had
been the object of veneration to pilgrims, had after that
time
fallen almost entirely into oblivion, and had become to a
great
extent filled up with earth and debris. Until the XVth
1 For the advice given by Lindanus to the Pope in February,
1585, to establish a Catholic international college for
defence
against the attacks of the Protestants see BROM, Archivalia,
I.,
306.
1 Bosio (Roma sotterranea, Rome, 1632, 511) places the dis
covery on May 31, 1578. He refers to the accounts of Alfonso
Chacon, but says frankly that he was only three years old at
the time. Therefore De Rossi (I., 12) and all subsequent
writers
have placed the discovery on that date. But this is wrong,
because the *Avvisi di Roma, which are in every way reliable
and
exact, say on June 28, 1578 : " A Porta Salara si
scoperto il
cimiterio di S. Priscilla, matrona Romana, dove, mentre
visse,
raggiuno molti corpi santi, fra quali Leonida, padre d
Origine
et uno degli apostoli di Cristo, et per ricognoscere il
luogo il
Papa n ha mandato il card. Savello, il generale de Giesuiti
et
Mons. Marc Antonio Mureto " Urb. 1046, p. 232, Vatican
Library.
This is the earliest notice so far discovered. Hitherto the
notice
published by SAUERLAND in Rom. Quartelschrift, II. , 210,
which
is dated " the dog-days " had been looked upon as
the earliest.
DE Rossi, loc. cit. 216 has already drawn attention to the
fact
that the notice, though very valuable, is not contemporary
with
the discovery.
THE CATACOMBS. 263
century almost all that was known of this buried world were
the narrow sepulchral chambers under some of the ancient
basilicas, such as St. Sebastian and S. Pancrazio. With the
return to a normal state of affairs the flocking of pilgrims
to
Rome again began ; besides the above named cemeteries
they sometimes also visited the catacombs of S. Callisto.
The earliest inscription found there dates from the year
1432.
From that time the number of visitors increased ; the
greater
number of them were the pious Friars Minor of Rome, and with
them also some foreigners. All these visited these sacred
tombs from motives of piety. 1 On the other hand it was zeal
for pagan antiquities as well as curiosity, which in the
time
of Paul II. led the humanists and the members of the Acca-
demia Romana of Pomponio Leto to the catacombs of S.
Callisto, S. Pretextato, S. Priscilla and SS. Pietro e
Marcellino.
With the exception of a dry notice of Platina, none of these
scholars thought it worth while to speak of places of such
importance, or to pay any attention to the Christian inscrip
tions which were to be found there. It is characteristic ol
the
outlook of " these modern pagans " that they even
attached
frivolous inscriptions to their own names in these venerable
underground places where the very stones preach the Gospel.
2
While during the Renaissance period excavations were
eagerly carried out everywhere in the search for pagan anti
quities, the catacombs remained entirely untouched ; only
those attached to the basilica of St. Sebastian, S.
Pancrazio and
S. Agnese, which had always remained accessible, were
visited at that time by pilgrims and foreigners, 3 but the
writings
of the humanists are silent in their regard. Among the
numerous collections of inscriptions in Rome, and among
the many drawings of its monuments, one looks in vain for
a single trace of the ancient Christian monuments. 4 After
1 See DE Rossi, I., 2 seq.
2 Cf. Vol. IV. of this work. p. 63.
3 C/. Vols. VIII., 137, and XIII., 414, of this work, which
corrects De Rossi, (I., 9), who only mentions S. Pancrazio.
4 Cf. DE Rossi, I., 7 seq., and Bullett. di archeol. crist.,
1876,
129 seq., 132 seq.
264 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the indifference with which the Renaissance period., which
cared only for antiquity, had treated the subject, the epoch
ot Catholic restoration was destined to bring about an
import
ant change. The day of resurrection was at hand for the
cemeteries of the early Christians, hitherto unexplored and
almost forgotten, because now the spirit of the times was
ripe
for such a thing. After the Apostle of Rome, Philip Neri,
had, for purely religious purposes, directed the attention
of a
wide circle towards the catacombs, 1 their scientific
exploration
soon followed. The attacks of the religious innovators
forced men to the study of the history of the primitive
Church.
Face to face with the great work of Flacius Illyricus, which
between the years 1559 and 1574, unfolded in the so-called
Centuries of Magdeburg, published in thirteen volumes,
" the
origins, progress and evil machinations of Antichrist, or of
the
Popes," 2 learned Catholics of the various nations of
Christen
dom had immediately come forward with refutations. Thus,
among the Germans, there was first Conrad Braun, and
Wilhelm Eisengrein, and then Canisius and Surius ; with them
were the Englishman, Nicholas Harpsfield and the Italian,
Onofrio Panvinio, who, however, never published his work. 3
Besides him other distinguished Italian scholars devoted them
selves to research among Christian antiquities, like Antonio
Agostino and Ottavio Pantagato. 4 Aldus Manutius, in his
collection of classical inscriptions, also takes Christian
ones
into account, namely those upon the pavements of the
basilicas.
Like Antonio Agostino he too once made his way into an
underground cemetery, in order to copy certain inscriptions
there. 5 Cardinals Vitelli, Mula, Santori and Sirleto
applied
their talents as well as their interest to the study of
ecclesias
tical history.
1 See supra p. 185.
1 In greater detail in JANSSEN-PASTOR, V. 15 16 , 346 seq.
3 Cf. ibid. VII. 15-16, 316, where there is also given
special
literature. For Panvinio see PERINI, 126 seq.
4 DE Rossi (I., n) A. Agostino and his epistolary, published
by Andres (Parma, 1804) and Pantagato (cf. TIRABOSCHI, VII.,
2, 244) was the first to draw special attention to them.
Cf. DE Rossi, Inscript christ., I., xvi* and Roma sott. I..,
u seq.
THE ECCLESIASTICAL ANNALS. 265
Like Pius V., 1 Gregory XIII. took an active part in the
efforts being made to refute the historical falsehoods per
petrated by the Centuriators of Magdeburg ; together with
the Cardinals of the German Congregation he wished for a
refutation on similar lines, especially with reference to
the
affairs of Germany. 2 Many in Rome were of the opinion
that such a work was beyond the powers of a single man. 3
While the discussions were still going on the inspired zeal
of Philip Neri had chosen the man who by himself was to
carry
out the great work : Cesare Baronius. On May i6th,
i.577>
the latter wrote to Sirleto that with the help of God and
the
lavour of the Pope he hoped to be able once more to revise
his ecclesiastical history from the beginning and to give it
the
finishing touches. In 1578 Baronius wrote to his father of
the important help being given him by Sirleto in obtaining
the necessary materials from the treasures of the Vatican
Library. 4 On April 25th, 1579, he was able to announce
that he had completed the first volume of his great Annals,
which, however, he wished to correct and polish. 5 This
work,
together with the other tasks entrusted to him, delayed the
publication so long that Gregory XIII. did not live to see
the appearance of that monumental work, the " Annals of
the
Church."
Besides the refutation of the " fables against the
Papacy " 6
spread by the religious innovators, it seemed to be
specially
necessary to answer the inventions of the Protestants
against
the veneration and invocation of the saints, and the cultus
of their relics and images. In 1575 Martin Eisengrein
devoted
a " polemic discourse " to the defence of the
veneration of
1 See Vol. XVII. of this work, p. 129.
2 See THEINER, Ann ales, I., 201, 318, 410; Nuntiaturberichte
edit, by SCHELLHASS, III., 258 n. ; SCHMID in Hist.
Jahrbuch,
XVII., 84 seq. ; ibid. XXXI., 89, and supra p. 261 for
Sigonio.
3 See SCHMID, loc. cit.
4 See LAEMMER in A nalecta iuris pontif., 1 860, 273 . Cf.
MERCATI
Bibl. Vatic., Baronio bibliotecario, 88.
5 See LAEMMER, Melet., 353 seq.
6 Cf. JANSSEN-PASTOR, V. 15 16 , 349 S eqq.
266 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Madonna, and in 1577 Canisius devoted the second part
of his great work of positive dogmatics on the falsification
of the inspired word to the same subject. 1 The question of
the veneration of the saints led to the study of hagiography
and Christian archeology. Two men were deserving of special
merit in this regard : the Italian, Luigi Lippomano, the
successor of Ghiberti in the see of Verona, and the German
Carthusian, Laurentius Surius. The works of Lippomano
marked a great advance in historical criticism. The
scientific
and versatile labours of the Augustinian, Onofrio Panvinio,
were of great value both to the Roman churches and Christian
archeology. 2 In 1568 this indefatigable man published a
special work upon the manner of burial in use among the
early
Christians and their cemeteries. He gives the names of
forty-
three of these, but says that only three, namely, those of
St.
Sebastian, St. Lawrence and St. Valentine, were still in
existence. 3
In addition to this revival of Christian literature, it was
of
decisive importance for the appreciation of the monuments
of Christian antiquity that there should also have been a
spiritual change which brought about a reawakening of reli
gious life in every class of society. Above all Philip Neri,
the saintly founder of the Oratorians, saw the necessity of
instilling into his disciples a burning love for the Acts of
the
Martyrs and the holy places. 4 All these circumstances
1 Cf. WERNER, IV., 526 n. ; RIESS, Canisius, 420 seq. ;
TACCHI
VENTURI, I., 109 seq. ; Surius dedicated to Gregory XIII.
the
IVth volume of his lives of the saints ; cf. THEINER, I., 96
seq. ;
SCHELLHASS in Quellen und Forschungen, XIV., 292 seq., 308.
* Cf. PERINI, 120 seq., 180 seq.
PERINI (Panvinio 168 seq.} tries to show against De Rossi
that Panvinio knew of other catacombs besides the three
named,
but leaves the final judgment to archeologists.
* That this circumstance must be taken into account has
already
been brought out by de Rossi (I. 12), and then one need no
longer
wonder at the impression made by the discovery of 1578, as
does
Nik. Miiller in his otherwise excellent article on the
cemeteries
in HERZOGS Real-Enzyklopddie, X., 796.
THE CATACOMBS. 267
explain the extraordinary sensation made by the ancient
Christian cemetery which was discovered in the Via Saiaria
Nuova, near the pozzolana quarries. The marvellous
arrangement of that system of corridors crossing each other,
and divided into several levels, the tombs in the form of
niches, the little chambers and chapels, the fragments of
the
sarcophagi and the touching simplicity of the inscriptions
excited as great interest as the rich fresco decorations.
Men
saw with devout wonder the pictures of the Good Shepherd,
of Daniel in the lions den, at first thought to be St.
Ignatius
of Antioch, Moses making the water flow from the rock with
his rod, the three children in the fiery furnace and many
pictures of the saints, all bearing eloquent witness to the
antiquity of the doctrines of the Church, which the
religious
nnovators were calling in question.
Gregory XIII. at once realized the importance of the new
discovery which was at first thought to be the catacomb
of S. Priscilla. He sent the Cardinal Vicar, Savelli, the
General of the Jesuits, and the learned Muret to make an
exact
survey. 1 The news of the wonderful discovery was soon
spread
throughout Rome, where the population was in a state of
enthusiasm similar to that roused on April i5th, 1485, by
the
discovery of the body of a girl on the Via Appia. 2 In spite
of the oppressive heat of the summer, the Romans flocked
in great numbers to the Via Saiaria Nova and broke down
the barricade which the Cardinal Vicar had had erected
round the excavations. 3 Among the visitors were to be seen
representatives of every class, and Cardinals and prelates
mingled with the scholars. " The place," so states
an account
oi August, 1578, "is so venerable by reason of its
antiquity,
1 This hitherto unknown fact is made known to us by the
earliest
notice of the excavations referred to on p. 262, n. 2.
2 See Vol. V. of this work, p. 331.
3 *" Vicino al cimitero di S. Priscilla trovato di
passato si
sono scoperte sotto terra alquante cappellette et oratorii
di
stucco ornati con vaghissimi lavori, dove concerre tutta
Roma
rompendo li steccati fatti li attorno per ordine del card.
Savello."
*Avviso di Roma of August 2, 1578, p. 272, Vatican Library.
268 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
its religion and sanctity, as to excite emotion, even to
tears,
in all who go there and contemplate it on the spot. There
men can picture to themselves the persecutions, the sufferings
and the piety of the saintly members of the primitive
church,
and it is obviously a further confirmation of our Catholic
religion. One can now see with one s own eyes, how, in the
days of the pagan idolaters, those holy and pious friends
of Our Lord, when they were forbidden public assemblies,
painted and worshipped their sacred images in these caves
and subterranean places ; those images which blinded
Christians to-day seek, with sacrilegious zeal, to remove
from the churches. A
Amid the general enthusiasm aroused in Rome by the
discovery of the catacombs of the Giordani, for that is the
true
name of the cemetery which had been found, 2 the only man
to dissociate himself was an Englishman, a secret agent of
Queen Elizabeth of England. His wrath at the important
apologetic authority for the Catholics which had been dis
covered found expression in the bitter terms in which he
mocked at the pious joy and credulity of the Romans, who,
as he said, thought that they had found the relics of a
martyr
in every tomb. 3
Among the scholars who were filled with enthusiasm by the
new discovery, an outstanding figure was Baronius. The
way in which he speaks of it in various places in his Annals
shows that he fully realized its value, and what capital
could
be made out of it for the history of the primitive church.
He describes the prevalent idea of that time in glowing
words :
" It is with wonder that we have seen and several times
visited
the cemetery of Priscilla, as soon as it was discovered and
excavated. We can find no better words to describe its
extent and its many corridors than to call it a subterranean
city. All Rome was filled with wonder, for it had had no
idea
1 See SAUERLAND in Rom. Quartalschrift., II., 211 seq.
2 See DE Rossi, Bullett. di archeol. crist., 1873, 6 seq.
8 See A. MUNDAY, English Roman Life, London, 1581, new
edition in Harleian Miscellanies, II., 194. Cf. Bullett. di
archeol.
crist., 1876, 130, n. 2.
THE CATACOMBS. 269
that in its neighbourhood there was a hidden city, filled
with
tombs of the days of the persecutions of the Christians.
That which we knew before from written accounts and from
a few cemeteries which were only partially opened out, we
can
now realize fully, and, filled with wonder, see with our own
eyes the confirmation of the accounts of St. Jerome and
Prudentius." 1
Baronius, occupied as he was with so many other tasks,
had to leave to others the detailed examination of the new
discovery. Such were the three foreigners : the Spaniard
Alfonso Chacon [Ciaconius] and the Netherlanders Philip de
.Winghe and Jean 1 Heureux (Macarius), who were the first
to trace out the passage ways of the catacombs. They
explored, not only the cemetery of the Giordani, but very
soon others as well, and first of all the catacombs of S.
Priscilla,
which were discovered at ten minutes distance from the Ponte
Salaria, and made drawings of the pictures there. De Winghe
was not satisfied with this, for he also prepared a detailed
explanation of the pictures in the catacombs. In the midst
of his work, however, he was overtaken by death at Florence
in 1592, whither he had gone for further studies. His loss
was a severe blow to the infant science, which was just
taking
its first steps. 2 In the meantime, a year later, Bosio, the
" Columbus of the Catacombs," began his
researches, for
which these men had prepared the way by their labours,
however imperfect. The catacombs of the Giordani had
already disappeared ; they had been closed again, no doubt
in order to prevent abuses in visiting them. But the
Cardinal
Vicar had taken efficacious steps to save the inscriptions
and relics. 3
1 BARONIUS, Annales ad a. 130, n. 2 ; cf. ad a. 57, n. 112,
a.
226, n. 8, 12.
* See besides DE Rossi, I., 14 seq., the beautiful work of
WIL-
PERT, Die Katakombengemalde und ihre alten Kopien, Freiburg,
1891, i seq., 18 seq.
3 See the account published by SAUERLAND in Rom. Quartal-
schrift, II., 212. The inscription of Felix II. "
discovered " in
1582 (cf. SANTORI, Autobiografia, XIII., 151 ; MAFFEI, II.,
275
270 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Gregory XIII. gladly recalled the years he had passed as a
professor at Bologna, and as Pope he devoted his special
atten
tion to that university. The institution owed to him the
appointment of many learned men, among others the. jurist
Giacomo Menocchio, the philosopher Federico Pendasio and
the Dominican Ignazio Danti. By means of a particular
privilege the Pope made an effort to recall to Bologna the
German students who had ceased to attend there, and the
foundation of the Gregorian College was a subject for
gratitude
to the Pope. 1 The attention which the Pope devoted to the
university at Perugia was also of great value to the
progress
of learning. 2 It was the defence of the faith which
specially
prompted him to show favour to the universities of Louvain,
Bescangon and Wiirzburg. 3
In Rome Gregory furthered the building of the Sapienza 4
and increased the number of the professors, 5 among whom
the jurist Camillo Planzio owed his appointment to him.
seq.), and hailed by Boisius (Roman sotterr., II., 13) as a
marvel
was a false one ; see CARD. THOMASIUS, Opera, IV., Rome,
1749, 104. At the end of 1921 the catacombs of the Giordani
were again opened out.
1 Cf. THEINER, I., 202 ; CAVAZZA, Le scuole dell antico
studio
di Bologna, Milan, 1896, 279. seq. ; Acta nationis
Germanicae
universit. Bonon., Berlin, 1887, 28 ; La fondazione del
Collegio
Gregoriano, in Studi e Mem. p. la storia dell univ. di
Bologna,
III., Bologna, 1912.
* See MAFFEI, I., 62 ; TIRABOSCHI, VII., i, 112.
3 Cf. Bull. Rom., VIII., 505 seq. ; CRAMER, Gesch. der
Erziehung
und des Unterrichts in den Niederlanden, Stralsund, 1843,
329 ;
THEINER, III., 365 ; WEGELE, Universitat Wiirzburg, 52, 523
seq. DE RAM, Considerat. sur L hist. de 1 universite de
Louvain,
Brussels, 1854, 92.
4 Giampaolo Maggi was " architetto dello studio"
under Gregory
XIV. ; see *Borghese, II., 27-28, p. 44, Papal Secret
Archives.
6 The number of professors was increased in 1576 to 35 ; in
1582 to 39 ; see Carlo Cartari, *report to Alexander VIII.
on
February I, 1658, in Cod. H., III., 62, of the Chigi
Library,
Rome. Cf. also RENAZZI, II., 149 seq.
See RENAZZI, II., 185.
THE SAPIENZA. 27!
Cardinal Santori recommended the Greek scholar, Federico
Metio, 1 and the celebrated jurist Gian Angelo Papio was
summoned from Bologna to Rome, where he was given an
appointment at the Consulta and the Segnatura. 2 The Pope
also tried to obtain for the university the eminent
physician
Girolamo Mercuriale. 3
The most illustrious of all the professors of the Sapienza
was the Frenchman Marc Antoine Muret. 4 This celebrated
master of latinity taught at the Roman University from 1563,
where he first lectured in philosophy, then in civil law,
and
lastly in rhetoric. When, in 1576, Stephen Bathory tried to
obtain the services of the illustrious professor, the Pope
and
the senate succeeded in keeping him in Rome. When Muret
resigned his chair, Gregory XIII. gave him an annual
pension.
Muret, who died on June 4th, 1585, had received sacred
orders
nine years before. During the last years of his life he
devoted
himself exclusively to ecclesiastical studies and to works
of
charity, and when he was buried, in the church of the SS.
Trinity al Pincio, his pupil, the Jesuit Benzi, delivered
the
funeral oration. The funeral was made the occasion of an
impressive demonstration by the scholars of Rome. 5
Gregory XIII. formed the idea of establishing in Rome a
1 SANTORI, Autobiografia, XIII., 157.
2 This is reported by Odescalchi in a *letter of June 28,
1583.
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. also TIRABOSCHI, VII., 2, 139.
3 See THEINER, I., 317, for the invitation to Costanzo
BaroJo
(died 157.5) as professor of medicine, see Bibliografia
Romana,
I. (1880), 239 seqq.
4 " eximium nostri temporis decus " he is called
by Mucantius,
*Diarium, June 19, 1576, Papal Secret Archives.
5 With regard to Muret see the beautiful monograph by DEJOB,
Paris, 1 88 1 ; DE NOLHAC in Mel. dedies a la mem. de Ch.
Graux,
Paris, 1883, BERTOLOTTI, Lettres ined. de M. A. M., Limoges,
1888. Cf. also MAREES, De M. A. Mureti in rem scholasticam
meritis, Berlin, 1849 ; DE NOLHAC in Mel. d archeol., III.,
202
seq. ; DELAGE in Bull, de la Soc. hist, du Limousin,
LV.-LVI.
(1906-07). The *Motuproprio on the pension of Muret in
RENAZZI, II., 274 seq.
272 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
university for all classes, which was to be staffed by
professors
from the various Catholic nations ; x his death, however,
prevented him from carrying out this design. On the other
hand, he devoted himself successfully to the publication of
ecclesiastical works in the Latin tongue, as well as of
other
works, especially catechisms, in the various Eastern
languages.
The notes of Cardinal Santori upon his audiences bear
witness
to the great interest which he took in this undertaking,
which
was of such great importance for the missions. 2 Gregory had
in view nothing less than the establishment of a universal
printing press, an undertaking for which he set aside
100,000
ducats. 3 These efforts obtained a solid foundation as well
as a special direction in 1584 with the Oriental press which
was set up by Cardinal Ferdinando de Medici under the
direction of Gian Battista Raimondi, and enriched with wide
privileges by Gregory XIII. ; its first production was an
1 See the *report of Odescalchi, dated Rome, April 21, 1584,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
To complete the dry work of MAFFEI, II., 477 seq., see the
*Avviso di Roma of May 17, 1578 (" Nella nuova stampa,
che
elfa in casa di mons. Cotta, vescovo di Novara, sarano sei
deputati
della Sede Apost. per stampare libri pertinenti alia S.
Scrittura
et gli umcii si venderano al piu offerente "), Urb.
1046, p. 156,
Vatican Library. SANTORI, Autobiografia, XII., 366 ;
*Audienze
del card. Santori, 1578, novembre 13 : " Delia stampa
arabica,
ch e in poter de Gesuiti " ; 1578, novembre 20 : "
Delia stampa
arabica, havuto e quella ch e in Venezia che si consegni a
Domenico
Rosa stampatore, subito che potra servire " : 1579,
maggio 14 :
" Della stampa armenica che li piace " ; 1580,
novembre 9 :
a " Della stampa arabica nuova finita e che si &
gettata per 100,000
lettere, sopra la quale S. S td> presto 200 sc. d oro
" ; (b) " Delia
stampa illyrica " ; (c) " Del catechismo e
dottrina Christiana
in lingua schiavonica." LII. 17 and 18, Papal Secret
Archives.
Cf. also the *Memorie of Cardinal Galli, Boncompagni
Archives,
Rome. The publication " Concilio Florentine per uso del
collegio " is mentioned by the *Avviso di Roma of
January 28,
1579, Urb. 1047, p. 25, Vatican Library.
* Cf. R. MOLITOR, Die Nachtridentinische Choralreform, I.,
37, 41 seq.
THE LITURGICAL CHANT 273
Arabic translation of the Gospels printed in an edition of
4,000 copies. 1
With the setting up of a pontifical printing press in Rome
there coincided the first plans for the reform of the books
used
in choir, or a new edition of the melodies of the liturgical
chant. The first step was taken in a brief of October 25th,
1577, which charged Pierluigi da Palestrina and Annibale
Zoilo to revise the books of liturgical chant, taking into
account the changes in the Missal and Breviary which had
been introduced by the Council of Trent, and to remove the
musical errors which had crept into them. The two artists
set themselves first to the reform of the Gradual,
Palestrina
the Proprium de Tempore, and Zoilo the rest. In the short
space of a year, at the end of 1578, the manuscript was
ready
for the press, and the publication might have been proceeded
with. This, however, was not done. The two musicians,
instead of adhering exactly to their instructions, had
produced
an entire rearrangement of the Gradual, which was not so
much a reform as a revolution, and to such a work, which was
by no means in accordance with his intentions, Gregory
refused his approval and protection. The Pope, who showed
his favour to the Academy of St. Cecilia, did not wish for any
innovations in liturgy. 2 A proof of his severely
conservative
1 Cf. MAFFEI, II., 160; SALTINI in Giornale degli Archivi
Toscani,
IV., 259 seqq. ; MOLITOR, I., 43 seq. ; Cf. also BERTOLOTTI,
Le tipografie oriental! e gli orientalisti a Roma, Florence,
1878.
The Jesuit P. Eliano took to Venice in 1578 " polsoni e
madri di
caratteri de la stampa arabica, che e de la Camera
Apostolica,
per farli nettare e rinfrascare. Galli in his *letter of
December
6 to the nuncio in Venice presses for their return. A
*letter of
Galli of April 19 ,1578, had authorized the nuncio to pay as
much
as 150 ducats for the " stampa arabica."
Nunziatur. di Venezia,
XXIII., Papal Secret Archives.
8 According to the profound researches of MOLITOR, I., 47
seqq., 236 seqq., 250 seq., 259 seq., already mentioned. An
*Avviso di Roma of May 17, 1578, states, after mentioning
the
" nuova stampa " of the Pope, that the latter had
given Palestrina
the charge " di riformare il canto fermo et levare via
la longhezza
et parti estreme di quello." Urb. 1046, p. I57b,
Vatican Library.
VOL. XIX. l8
274 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
intentions is afforded by the brief of January 25th, 1575,
which confirmed " for ever " the rite of the
Church of Milan. 1
It is with special joy that the historian remembers the
efforts of Gregory XIII. for the restoration of the
pontifical
Acta from Avignon and Anagni, 2 and his attempts to recover
the correspondence of Adrian VI. 3 The losses in the matter
of archives, against which preceding Popes had already
struggled, are described to us by Giovanni Carga in a
memorial
of 1574. The changes which he suggested naturally remained
without result, 4 but nevertheless so great attention was
directed to the preservation of contemporary Acta that the
registers of the secretariate of State of the time of
Gregory
XIII. are preserved far more perfectly than had ever been
the case in any earlier epoch. 5
Gregory gave to the Vatican Library not only his own
collection of precious books, 6 but he also sought to enrich
it
in many other ways. 7 The administration of this
institution,
under the learned and distinguished Cardinal Sirleto, left
nothing to be desired. 8 With him was associated his
faithful
secretary, Federigo Ranaldi, who had been custos of the
The often repeated statement (cf. WICHMANN, Gesch. Aufsatze,
II., Leipzig, 1887, 2 seq.) that Gregory XIII. was the
founder
of the Congregation of St. Cecilia is wrong ; see A. DE
SANTI
in Civ. catt., 1919, I., in seq.
1 See MAGISTRETTI, Cenni sul rito Ambros., Milan, 1895, 55 ;
MOLITOR, I., 57 seq.
1 Cf. Studi e documents, VIII., 12 seq. ; Neues Archiv fur
dltere
deutsche Gesch., XIV. (1889), 350.
8 See Vol. IX. of this work, p. 226.
* See SICKEL in Sitzungsberichten der Wiener Akad.,
CXXXIII.,
14 seq.
6 See HANSEN, Nuntiaturberichte, I., v. ; cf. Rev. d hist.
eccles.,
X., 527. See also KARTUNNEN, Gregoire XIII., p. 78.
See Archiv. fiir dltere deutsche Gesch., XII., 213 seq. ;
CARINI,
Bibl. Vaticana, Rome, 1873, 63.
7 See CIAPPI (ed. 1596), 44. For the manuscripts which were
brought from Anagni to Rome see BoRATYrisKi, Caligarii
Epist.,
XXXI.
8 See PANSA, 29 ; Rev. d. Bibl., XXIII. (1913), 3&9 seq.
THE VATICAN LIBRARY. 275
Vatican Library since 1559". 1 One of the most learned
book-
lovers of his time, Fulvio Orsini, was appointed as
corrector
for Greek in 1581. 2 Giuseppe Capobianco worked for a long
time in the library on the restoration of ancient
manuscripts. 3
The Vatican Library was easily accessible ; printed books
were lent and the use of the catalogue of manuscripts
allowed
to scholars. 4 Montaigne says that the library was at that
time open almost every day ; he describes the rarities of
the
collection, divided into five halls, the codex of Virgil of
the
fifth century, the manuscript of the Acts of the Apostles
given
to Innocent VIII. by the Queen of Cyprus, the scarcely
legible
notes of St. Thomas Aquinas, and the work of Henry VIII.
on the holy sacraments against Luther. 5
The great reputation enjoyed by Gregory XIII. among
scholars and men of letters appears in the very large number
of works dedicated to him. The greater number of these are
works of theology. 6 Besides these there are many books
1 See MERCATI in the commemorative publication Per Ba/onio,
159 seq. Cf. the letter of Steph. Arator to F. Ranaldi of
September
21, 1581, which VERESS has published in Fontes Rerum
Transilv.,
L, 199-
* See Studi e documenti, V., 260 n. ; cf. DE NOLHAC, F.
Orsini,
US-
1 Cf. the *letter of Galli to the nuncio at Venice, May 4,
1582,
Nunziat. di Venezia, XXIII., Papal Secret Archives.
4 See MERCATI, loc. cit. 135, 139, 145.
5 MONTAIGNE, II., 9 seq. ; cf. MUNTZ, La Bibl. du Vatican,
Paris, 1886, 131 seq.
6 See the list in Ciaconius (IV., 34), which however is not
com
plete ; thus there are missing the editions by Sirleto of
the ten
homilies of Chrysostom (Rome, 1581, cf. PASCHINI, Gugl.
Sirleto,
Naples, 1918, 62) and the Vita S. Gregorii Nazianzeni by C.
Baronius, original manuscript in Cod. B, 3 of the
Boncompagni
Archives, Rome. In the Vatican Library I have noted : (i)
Vat. 5470 : *" Allegationes iuris pro ecclesia Lateran.
per loh.
Bapt. Pontanum eius advocat. in s. Rotae auditorio " ;
(2) Vat.
5497 : *" Hieronymi Manfredi [see HURIER, I., 122] De
maiestate
Rom. Ecclesiae et victoriis contra omnes mundi haereses
" ; (3)
Vat. 5672 : *" Nic. Ammiani (Ord. erem. S. Aug.)
Expositio
2j6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
on other sciences, 1 and some which owe their origin to
special
in psalmum LXXV." ; (4) Vat. 5009-11 : *"
Christoph. Cabrerae
Evangelicae Bibliothecae seu meditat. evangelicae " ;
(5) Vat.
6121-27 : *" G. Eisengrein, Harmonia Ecclesiae
historica ad-
versus centurias Magdeburg, et omnes et singulos S. R. Eccl.
apostatas " (since the work, from Spires in 1576, was
dedicated
to Gregory XIII. and was continued until 1572, the author
cannot have been dead in 1570, as is generally asserted [see
PFLEGER in Hist. Jahrbuch, XXV., 791], indeed his epitaph,
which has not been noticed, but which still exists, assigns
1584
as the year of his death, see FORCELLA, III., 386) ; (6)
Vat. 6432 :
Gerardi Vossii [see HURTER I., 203] *Epistola ad Gregorium
XIII. cui offert comment, in evang. s. loan. Chrysostomi ab
ipso
latinate donari coeptum iussu card. Sirleti ; (7) Vat. 6280,
p. 44 f :
*Ioannis Dei Epistola ad Gregorium XIII., about a second
" Auctarium " written by him for the Index
librorum prohib. ;
(8) Vat. 6217 : *Andr. Fabritii Leodica [see HURTER I. 64]
Epistola
ad Greg. XIII. in libros de Eucharistiae participatione ;
(9)
Ottob. 582 : *Assertiones catholicae contra praecipuos
aliquot
haereticorum errores a fratre Didaco Valades, written at the
suggestion of Sirleto ; (10) Barb. XXII., 38 : *De Graecorum
recentiorum haeresibus ad Greg. XIII. Ant. Cauci patritii
Veneti
et archiepisc. Corcyrae liber. The Bibl. Vittorio Emanuele
in
Rome contains in Cod. 75 : Flaminius nobilis Lucensis, *De
peccato original! liber ad Gregorium XIII. Bonif. Stephanus
Ragusinus, Ord. Mn., episc. Stagm, dedicated to the Pope his
Liber de perenni cultu Terrae Sanctae ac de fructuosa
peregrina-
tione, Venetiis, 1573 (.cf Marcellino da Civezza,
Bibliografia 483).
Lor. Belo *Enchiridion sacri Cone. Trid. ex his quae ad
curam animarum et morum reformationem atque ad potest. et
omcia praelatorum pertinent dedicated to the Pope on 10
September, 1574), which Marini (Lettera al M. Muti
Papazurri,
Roma, 1797) quotes from the Albani Library in Rome (p. 55)
has perished with that library. The work of Antonio
Transcosa
on the Mass among the Chaldeans, dedicated to Gregory XIII.
in
Cod. S. h. 107, of the Alessandrina Library, Rome ;
Alpharanus
*de Basilic. Vatic, liber, p. i seqq. dedication of this
work to
Gregory XIII. In BORATYNSKI, Caligarii Epist., 463, the
dedication to Gregory of the *" Censura ecclesiae
orientalis " by
Sokolowski " (Cracow, 1582).
1 Thus it can be understood how some jurists such as Franc,
loannettus, *Consilia legalia germanica, Cod. H. 12
Boncompagni
GREGORY XIII. AND SCHOLARS. 277
questions of the moment, such as the war against the Turks,
the Jubilee of 1575, and the reform of the Calendar ; l
lastly,
there are a number of poetical works. 2 Many of these
writings
Archives Rome ; Vat. 5678 : *Agapeti Diaconi Praecepta
ad lustinianum imp. graece reddita per Christ. Laurenbergum
Germanum ad Greg. XIII. ; Vat. 5471 : *Ioh. Bapt. Pontani
De elections summi pontif. libri 3 ; Vat. 5675 : *Aug.
Fivizani
(Ord. erem. S. Aug.) De consuetudine s. Corpus Christi
deferendo
ante Rom. Pontif. iter agentem ; Ottob. 387 : *Iosephi
Stevani
Valentini De adoratione pedum Rom. Pontif. ; Barb. XX., 16 :
*Franc. Mucantii De s. apost. Petri et Pauli imaginibus
(Vatic
Bibliotheq) ; Cod. A. 9 Boncompagni Archives, Rome :
*Flaminii Nobilii Liber de Christiana republica. Urb. 836,
p.
381 seq. contains : *Io Bapt. Leoni, Relazione di Malta a
Gregorio
XIII., 1582 ; the " Transilvania " of Posse vino
ed. 1584, was
dedicated to the Pope (ed. VERESS, Budapesth, 1913). Also
the
" Moscovia " of Posse vino was dedicated to
Gregory XIII. (see
CIAMPI, II., 291) ; the learned Jesuit was on this account
called
the discoverer of Russia (see BRUCKNER, I., 404). Some
printed
copies bound in red and given to Gregory XIII. are still
preserved
in the Vatican Library ; I would call attention to the Hist,
de
principi d Este, Florence, 1570, by G. B. Pigna, since in
this copy
the quotations from the authorities were added in manuscript
by
the author.
1 With regard to the works on the Jubilee see supra p. 198,
n. 4,
for the war against the Turks, App. n. 33. The works on the
reform of the Calendar are dealt with more fully in the two
works
already cited by Kaltenbrunner and Schmid. Mention may also
be made here of : *" Tractatus de peste seu febri
pestilenti ad
Gregorium XIII.," by Pietro Simone, Cod. I., 53, of the
Boncom
pagni Archives, Rome ; Vat. 6198, p. 33 seq. ; *" Marci
Antonii
Georgii Bonon. Epist. duae ad Greg. XIII. de statua d. Pauli
ad
Petri dexteram posita non removenda " ; Vat. 6280, p.
84 seq. ;
*" Fratris lo Bapt. Braveschi (Ord. Pr.), Symbola
quaedam de
dracone selecta ad nomen et insignia Gregorii XIII. ,"
Vatican
Library.
2 G. GAUGETII, Ad Greg. XIII. P.M. panegyricus, Bologna,
1572. CES. SACCHETTI, Per la nuova creat. del P. Gregorio
XIII.,
Bologna, 1572. HIPP. CAPILUPI, Ad Greg. XIII. versus, Rome,
J574- Vat. 6212, p. 58 : *" Epigramma ad Greg. XIII. de
S.
278 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
remained unpublished ; the important work of Tiberio Al-
farano on the church of St. Peter has been published
recently. 1
The authors belong to many different nations and conditions
of life. Even the College of Cardinals is represented by
Hosius
who dedicated to the Pope the collection of his works, 2 and
Montalto, his edition of St. Ambrose. 3 The new edition of
the Collations of John Cassian, prepared by the Spaniard,
Pedro Chacon, was due to the initiative of Gregory XIII. 4
Gregory also interested himself in an edition of the Greek 5
and Latin Fathers and a new edition of the Roman Ritual. 6
The noble enterprise of Philip II., which had given rise to
the
Greg. Nazianz." ; p. 114 seq. ; " Fabiani (linguae
hebr. praecep-
tor) * Versus hebraici in laudem Greg. XIII. collegii
Neophit.
fundatoris " ; Vat. 5682 : *" Marci Titi Vespani
poetae
laur., Carmen panegyricum ad Greg. XIII. " ; Barb.
XXIX., 202 : *" Italian poems, by Giacomo Fabri, on the
election of Gregory XIII. (Vatican Library). See also the
3rd
vol. of the Carmina ill. poet. Italor., Florence, 1726, and
ARTAUD
DE MONTOR, Hist, des Souverains Pontifes, IV., Paris, 1847.
1 T. Alpharani, De basilicae Vaticanae antiquissima et nova
structura liber, ed. M. CERRATI, Rome, 1915.
2 See EICHHORN, II., 461.
8 See MAFFEI, II., 76. For the correspondence of Montalto
with Charles Borromeo with reference to the edition of St.
Ambrose
see the periodical : XV Centenario della morte id sant
Ambrogio,
p. 2 (1895-7) n - 4 an d 6.
4 See MAFFEI, II., 159. Cf. 1. NICII ERYTHRAEI,
Piriacotheca,
I., 191. The epitaph of Chacon (died 1581) in FORCELLA,
III.,
238 ; cf. also MERCATI in Studii Rom. vol. II. The *Avviso
di
Roma of February 17, 1580, mentions in connexion with the
edition of St. Ambrose by Montalto a work of Cassian
published
at the suggestion of Cardinal Carafa. Urb. 1048, p. 22,
Vatican
Library.
5 See THEINER, II., 342 ; MAFFEI, II., 76 seq. ; SERASSI, J.
Mazzoni, 49 seq.
6 See SANTORI, Autobiografia, XII., 154 seq., 157; cf. the
*Audienze of Santori, November 13, 1578, Papal Secret
Archives,
LI 1-17. The work by Santori, printed in 1584, but not
published
(see ZACCARIA, Bibl. Ritualis, I., Rome, 1776, 145 ;
MOLITOR, I.,
45) was taken into consideration in the time of Paul V.
THE CANON LAW. 279
polyglot of Antwerp, was praised in a special brief. l The
Pope
also was responsible for the continuation of the work on a
new
edition of the Septuagint, the commission for which
included,
among others, Antonio Carafa, Franceso de Torres, Pedro
Chacon, Fulvio Orsini, Bellarmine, Toledo and J. Mal-
donatus. 2
In the time of Pius V., as a Cardinal, Gregory XIII. had
worked upon a critical revision of the Decretals of Gratian.
3
As Pope, he did all he could to bring this work to a speedy
conclusion. Bishops and scholars, not only in Italy, but
also in France, Spain, Holland and Germany were asked to
give their assistance in promoting the edition of a good
text
of this important collection of documents bearing upon the
Canon Law. 4 A brief of July ist, 1580, announced the publi-
ation of a new edition of the whole Corpus iuris canonici,
for
bade any change in text now prepared, and granted to the
printing press of the Popolo Romano, where the work was to
be
published, editorial privileges for ten years. Two years
later
the promised work appeared, but without the general title,
and only with the particular titles of the various parts of
the canonical text and the glossary. Besides the above
mentioned brief, a second one was printed on June 2nd, 1582,
1 In THEINER (I., 80) is to be found the brief of thanks to
Philip II., October 25, 1572, for having sent the polyglot
of
Antwerp, which was brought by the director of the institute
himself, the celebrated Benedict Arias Montanus. Still unpub
lished is the brief of thanks of August 23, 1572, which
refers to
the Polyglot, Papal Secret Archives ; see the text in App.
n. 2.
Cf. HOPST, Beitrage, 102 seqq., 309 seqq.
2 See MAFFEI, I., 373 ; HURTER, L, 200. Maldonatus, who
died in January, 1583, enjoyed a great reputation in Rome ;
see
*Avviso di Roma of January 8, 1583, Urb. 1051, p. n, Vatican
Library.
3 See Vol. XVII. of this work, p. 199.
4 See the letter in THEINER, I., 81 seq., 200 seq., which de
Nolhac has omitted in Mel. d archeol., V., 285 seq., and
THEINER,
Disquisit. criticae in praecip. canon, et decret.
collectiones,
Rome, 1836, App. I., p. n seq., 24 seq., 33 seq. For the
share
taken by L. Latini see RENAZZI, II., 220.
280 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
which, however, only referred to the Decretals of Gratian,
in the case of which the prohibition of any change was
renewed.
Although this Roman edition gives a text that is emended
in many important respects, it nevertheless, in spite of all
the diligence applied to its preparation, has several defects
which naturally enough were inevitable in the state of
learning
which had then been attained. 1
The lack of subsidies for scientific purposes also rendered
difficult another no less opportune design of Gregory s, the
systematic collection and arrangement of all the pontifical
constitutions which, since the appearance of the Clementine
collection of 1317, now numbered several thousand, 2 as well
as an improved edition of the Roman Martyrology. Cardinal
Sirleto was entrusted with the last named task. He ap
pointed d commission of ten distinguished authorities,
Silvio
Antoniano, Cesare Baronius, Luigi Giglio, Curzio Franco,
Antonio Agelli, Ludovico de Torres, Pedro Chacon. Gerhard
Vossius, Latino Latini and Antonio Geronio ; the Spanish
Minorite Giovanni Salon was also employed by Sirleto. 3
1 See PHILLIPS, IV., 202 seq., 206, 344, 373 ; SCHERER in
Freib.
Kirchenlex. III. 8 , 1121 ; Corpus iuris canonici, ed. Lips,
secunda,
Leipzig, 1879, I., xc, II., xlii. The brief of June 2, 1582,
also in
THEINER, III., 380.
2 He charged with this Cardinals Alciati, Orsini and A.
Carafa,
who, however, did not complete their task during the
lifetime of
Gregory XI 1 1., in spite of the fact that the Pope
personally shared
in the work ; see SENTIS, Clementis P. VIII. Decretales.,
Freiburg,
1870, Proleg. viii. and LAEMMER, Kodification, 8 ; cf. the
*report
of Odescalchi of July 28, 1582, in App. n. 19, Gonzaga
Archives,
Mantua. See also the *Avvisi di Roma of July 13 and
September
24, 1583, Urb. 1051, p. 297, 418, Vatican Library.
8 vSee the exhaustive study by LAEMMER, De Martyrologio
Romano, Ratisbon, 1878, 10 seq., 15 seq. ; LAEMMER,
Diatriba,
55 seq., and BAUMER, Gesch. des Breviers, 475 seq. ; cf.
also
MERCATI, Giambatt. Bandini e le correzioni del Martirologio
Rom. sotto Gregorio XIII. in Rassegna Gregor., IV., 256 seq.
;
Idem, Un voto di A. Agellio per la correzione del
Martirologio
Rom., ibid. 1914, n. i. See also LE BACHELET, Auctuar.
Bellarm.,
THE ROMAN MARTYROLOGY. 28l
In its labours the commission relied especially upon the
highly
esteemed Martyrology of the Benedictine Usuard, the Martyr-
ology of S. Ciriaco alle Terme in Rome, and the works of
Bede, Florus and Ado. It also made use of the Greek and
Latin Menologies translated by Sirleto, the Dialogues of St.
Gregory the Great, the Italian calendars, and various manu
script authorities. 1 In 1582 the work seemed to be so far
advanced that it was thought that it might be handed over
to the printers. However, both the editions of 1583 con
tained so many errors that it had to be withdrawn. 2 In
January 1584 a better edition appeared with a brief of
Gregory
XIII., which ordered that this edition alone should be em
ployed. 3 Persuaded that this task had been undertaken
with insufficient data, during the summer of 1583 Sirleto
charged the learned Baronius to emend it with explanatory
notes and corrections. Gregory XIII. wished to give Baron
ius pecuniary help, but the latter refused it on the ground
of
a vow of poverty ; then the Pope assigned him at his own
544 seq. The work of IOH. SALON, *Mai tyrologium Rom., iussu
Gregorii XIII. collectum, locuplet. ac castigatum per fr.
loh.
Salon, Rome, 1578, with a preface by Gregory XIII., in
Regin.
373, p. 28 seq., Vatican Library. Cf. DEJOB, 384.
1 See LAEMMER, De Martyrol. Rom., 18 seq.
2 See I. VEITH, Die Kirchlichen Martyrologien in
Hist.-polit.
Blatter, CXVII., 471 seq. Cf. LAEMMER, loc. cit., 24 seq.
3 See THEINER, III., 618. The copy of the Martyrology offered
to the Pope bound in red velvet, is to be found in the
possession
of the princely family of the Boncompagni. Baumer (loc. cit.
468 seqq.) rightly calls attention to the fact that the work
of the
commission must be judged in accordance with the state of
learning at that time. See as to that also Matagne in DE
SMEDT,
Introd. ad hist, eccles., Ghent, 1876, 142. This history of
heorto-
logy tells of the arrangements made by Gregory XIII.
concerning
the Feast of the Rosary (see Vol. XVIII. of this work, p.
423,
444) and the bull of May i, 1584 (Bull. Rom., VIII., 454
seq.)
which orders the annual celebration on July of the Feast of
St.
Anne, the mother of the Blessed Virgin; cf. Bull. Rom.,
VIII.,
458 ; *Avviso di Roma of May 19, 1584, Urb. 1052, p. 196,
Vatican Library.
282 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
expense a secretary ; l the tireless scholar was still at
work
upon his task when Gregory XIII. died. 2
1 See P. Pateri in CALENZIO, 175.
*See LAEMMER, loo. cit. 25 seq., 29 seq., by whose profound
researches into manuscripts the opinion of Dollinger (Janus,
412 seq.) is corrected.
CHAPTER VIII.
REFORM OF THE CALENDAR. THE ROMAN INQUISITION.
THE INDEX.
IN conjunction with the work on the Marty rology there was
another undertaking, the result of which has rendered the
name of Gregory XIII. immortal. For a long time past
theologians and mathematicians had realised how necessary
it was to improve the Julian calendar, according to which
the
solar year was reckoned at n minutes and 14 seconds too
long. The surplus thus obtained amounted to a complete
day in every 128 years, and owing to the continued mounting
up of this surplus the calendar of the feasts of the Church
had
been thrown into disorder. Easter, which by the decrees
of the Council of Nicea, was to be celebrated on the first
Sunday after the full moon of spring, 1 had in course of
time
got further and further away from the true spring full moon.
Extrinsic circumstances as well as internal difficulties
had combined to shipwreck all attempts to correct the calen
dar. 2 In the Xlllth century Joannes Campanus and the
Franciscan, Roger Bacon, had laid their suggestions for a
reform before the Holy See. In 1344 Clement VI. had the
question examined by a body of scientists. Pierre d Ailly
and Nicholas of Cusa brought it before the Councils of Con
stance and Basle, but the matter did not then seem to be
ripe
1 Namely the full moon occurring on March 21 or immediately
after.
2 Cf. for what follows KALTENBRUNNER, Die Vorgeschichte der
Gregorianischen Kalenderreform in Sitzungsber. der Wiener
Akad.,
Hist. K i, LXXXIL, 289 seq., and SCHMID, Gregorianische
Kalenderreform, V., 52 seq. See also MARZI in Atti d.
congresso
internaz. di scienze star., III., Rome, 1906, 645 seq.
283
284 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
for decision. The plans of Sixtus IV., who summoned to
Rome the celebrated Johann Muller (Regiomontanus) for
the reform of the calendar, unfortunately came to nothing
owing to the premature death of that scholar (1476). l Again
in the time of Leo X., who energetically reopened the
question,
no decision was arrived at. 2 The fathers of the Council of
Trent, who had to deal with more important questions, left
the matter to the Holy See at their last session. Neither
Pius IV., in spite of requests which came from many
quarters, 3
nor Pius V., arrived at any solution of this difficult
question.
With all the greater energy, therefore, did Gregory XIII.
take up the matter of a reform which was daily becoming
more necessary. He first charged the mathematician Carlo
Ottaviano Lauro, to lay before him his ideas as to the
reform
of the calendar ; it is not altogether clear why his work,
which was completed in 1575, met with no consideration. 4
The matter was only carried forward when Antonio Giglio
presented to the Pope the corrected calendar, drawn up by
his
brother Luigi, who had died in 1576. 5 Gregory XIII. con
signed this work for examination to a commission at the
head of which he placed his fellow-countryman Tommaso
1 See Vol. IV. of this work, p. 441. For Clement VI. see
also
Mel. d archeol, IX., 135 seq.
* See Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 399
8 See KALTENBRUNNER, loc. cit. 403 seq., and SCHMID, loc.
cit.
55 seq.
* See KALTENBRUNNER, Beitrage, 13 seq. An *order for
payment to " Carlo Lauro per le fatiche circa la
reforma del
Calendario " of July 3, 1575, in Cod. Vat. 6697,
Vatican Library.
The epitaph of Lauro in FORCELLA, XIII., 429.
8 Cf. for what follows, besides KALTENBRUNNER, Beitrage,
13 seq., the important supplements and corrections of
SCHMID,
III., 390 seq., V., 57 seq. See also FERRARI, II Calendario
Gre-
goriano, Rome, 1882 ; BOCCARDINI, L. Giglio e la riforma del
Calendario, in Riv. stor Calabrese, 1893 ; I. G. HAGEN, Die
Gregorianische Kalenderreform in Stimmen aus Maria Laach,
LXXXVII. (1914), 47 seq. With regard to L. Giglio cf. ANT.
MARIA DI LORENZO, I Calabresi e la correzione del
Calendario,
Rome, 1879.
THE CALENDAR. 285
Giglio, Bishop of Sara. But the latter was not a man who was
competent for so difficult a task; therefore, in 1577, at
the
request of the commission, he was replaced by Cardinal
Sirleto.
Sirleto was assisted, as his legal adviser, by the
Frenchman,
Seraphinus Olivarius, Auditor of the Rota ; his theological
adviser was Vicenzo Laureo, Bishop of Mondovi. On the
commission there were, besides Antonio Giglio and Giovanni
Battista Gabio, the celebrated mathematician, Ignazio Danti,
of the Dominican Order, the German Jesuit, Christopher
Clavio, the Spaniard, Pedro Chacon, and Ignatius, the Patri
arch of Antioch. 1
If this commission, thus constituted, had an international
character, corresponding to that of the Church, no less did
it
avail itself of inquiries addressed to scholars and the univer
sities. To these, as well as to the Catholic princes,
letters
were sent on January 5th, 1578, in which their support for
the
proposed reform was asked for. 2 As a basis for the opinions
of
mathematicians and astronomers there were sent a summary
of the plan of Giglio, written by Chacon, as to which the
com
mission had arrived at an agreement. In order to correct
the Julian leap-year, this suggested a cycle of four hundred
years, leaving open, however, the question of the date of
the
equinoxes. Suggestions from scholars arrived in great num
bers from France, Hungary, Spain and. Portugal, and above
all from Italy. The most important came from the pen of
the auxiliary bishop of Siena, Alessandro Piccolomini, who
had published in 1578 a special work upon the reform of the
1 See TIRABOSCHI, VII., i, 435 seq. ; KALTENBRUNNER,
Beitrage,
12 seq. ; SCHMID, loc. cit. III., 391 seq., V., 58 seq. ;
ANT. MARIA
DI LORENZO, loc. cit. For the tomb of Chacon (now in S.
Maria
di Monserrato) see FORCELLA, III., 238. According to SERASSI
(Mazzoni, 50) Giacomo Mazzoni also took part in the work.
2 The brief to the Emperor in THEINER, III., 444, and in
Arch,
fur Oesterr. Gesch., XV., 210 (for the autograph minutes of
Sirleto
see SCHMID, loc. cit., III., 593, n. 2) is in exact
agreement with the
letter to the Doge of Venice. Original in State Archives,
Venice.
The brief to the LTniversity of Cologne in BIANCO, Die Alte
Univer-
sitat Koln, I., 699.
286 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
calendar. In many points Piccolomini adopted different
views from those of Giglio, and insisted upon the utter im
possibility of adapting any ecclesiastical calendar to
celestial
phenomena. After about two thousand years, he thought,
men would once again have to turn their attention to the
reform of the calendar. Opinions of every kind were revealed
in the proposals which were sent by the universities of
Paris,
Vienna, Padua, Louvain, Cologne, Alcala and Salamanca.
Every kind of correction of the calendar which could be imag
ined found its place among these replies, the examination of
which became a very wearisome task for the commission ;
the only thing that was not touched by any one was the re
tention of the week of seven days. 1 It even happened that
the scholars of the same university could not agree, as
occurred
in the case of Louvain. Only the opinion of the university
of
Alcala was entirely favourable, while that of the Sorbonne
was completely adverse. The Paris theologians imagined
that the Church, by a reform of the calendar, would become
subject to and the slave of the will of astronomers ; if she
intended to carry out this suggestion it would have to be
admitted that the ancient Church had been mistaken on the
subject of Easter, and the consequences which that would
involve were painted in the most gloomy colours. These
groundless fears were not shared in Rome, and it is to the
credit of Gregory XIII. and his collaborators that they did
not
allow themselves to be frightened by these narrow-minded
remarks, and calmly carried their useful work to a
successful
issue. 2
1 See KALTENBRUNNER, Beitrage, 22 seq., 30 seq. ; SCHMID,
Kalenderreform, III., 396 seq., V., 60 seq. ; HAGEN,
Kalenderre-
form, loc. cit. 48 seq. In many cases the replies were sent
very
late ; a *letter from Galli of October 21, 1578, begs them
for the
last time to send a reply (Nunziat. di Venezia, XXIII.,
Papal
Secret Archives).
2 The opinion of KALTENBRUNNER, Beitrage, 40. The Sienese
Teofilo, a Benedictine of Monte Cassino, also reproved the
com
mission for a love of novelties, and a want of reverence for
the
Council of Nicea.
THE CALENDAR. 287
The various opinions and contradictory views which were
expressed in the observations sent to them, left the
commission
no other choice than to proceed independently. It was en
couraged in this course by the replies of the Catholic
princes,
who hailed with pleasure the carrying out of the reform. 1
The final draft was apparently the work of the Jesuit
Clavio,
who afterwards defended it in detail in several works. 2 The
commission, which had decided an all important point on
March lyth, by fixing the spring equinox for March 2ist, com
pleted its final report for the Pope on the feast of the
Exalta
tion of the Holy Cross, September I4th, 1580. 3 Gregory was
in
favour of proceeding immediately, and the commission shared
his view. 4 Various circumstances, among others a long
illness
of Cardinal Sirleto, led to an unfortunate delay. The
original
plan of introducing the reform of the calendar in 1581, had,
therefore, to be abandoned, and it seemed, moreover, that
the wish to treat first with the Patriarch of Constantinople
on
the subject of the acceptance of the calendar, would lead to
yet further delay ; fortunately, the commission would not
agree to this. 5
1 See SCHMID, III., 394, V., 67.
a With regard to Clavius, cf. DE BACKER, I., 1291 seq. ;
JANSSEN-
PASTOR, VII., 13-14 329 ; Allg. Deutsche Biographie, IV.,
298 seq. ;
CANTOR, Geschichte der Mathematik, II., Leipzig, 1892, 512
seq. ;
VALENSISE, Nella terza ricorrenza (see infra p. 296, n. 2),
20 seq. ; BALAN, VI., 6n. Clement VIII. in his bull of March
17,
1603 (HAGEN, loc. cit., 50) describes Clavio as the
principal author
of the reform. For the Padua professor, Moleto, who was an
adversary of the reform represented by Giglio and Clavio,
see
DUCHESSE, Un document relatif a la reforme du calendrier,
Paris, 1911.
8 Published in KALTENBRUNNER, Beitrage, 48-54.
4 See *Audienze of Cardinal Santori, April 28, 1580, Papal
Secret Archives.
5 See KALTENBRUNNER, Beitrage, 21 ; SCHMID, Kalenderreform,
III., 407, V., 71. Cf. also P. Tiepolo in MUTINELLI, I., 133
seq.
On October 10, 1580, Odescalchi ""reported from
Rome the accept
ance on the part of the princes of the " nuovo lunario
con la
riforma dell anno " ; the accceptance had again been
postponed
288 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In February 1582, Antonio Giglio, by the command of
Sirleto, went to the Pope, who was staying at Mondragone, 1
and the latter, on the 24th of the same month, signed the
bull
concerning the reform of the calendar. 2 In this document, 3
which was drawn up by Sirleto, 4 and published on March 3rd,
5
Gregory gave a survey of the development of the question
up to that time, and together with the suppression of the
old
calendar, ordered the general acceptance of a new and cor
rected one, which, by omitting ten days in October, 1582
the 5th was to become the I5th restored the agreement
between the civil and ecclesiastical chronology and the real
date ; by a new rule for leap-years fresh errors in the
future
were provided against, and a more exact lunar equation (the
cycle of the Epacts) was introduced.* Consequently Easter
could never come before the spring full moon, nor upon it.
because the replies of all the princes was desired, and it
was hoped
that even the " infedeli " would accept it ;
Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua. By the word " infedeli " the Japanese are
certainly
meant. Seb. Werro warned the Pope in May, 1581, of the neces
sity of an early correction of the calendar ; cf. supra, p.
43.
1 See SCHMIU, loc. cit., III., 407.
* The signing was known on the same day in Rome ; an *Avviso
di Roma of February "24, 1582, states : " Presto
vi vedr& in luce
una bolla risolutione per la riforma et brevit& del anno
" Urb.
1050, p. 65, Vatican Library.
8 Published in CLAVIUS, Calend. Gregor., Rome, 1603, 15
seq.,
and in Bull. Rom., VIII., 386 seq., but with an error in the
date
(see NISIUS in Zeitschrift filr kathol. Theol., 1901, 14
seq.}. In
Bull. Rom., III., 390 seq. See also dated November 7, 1582 :
" Declaratio super observatione calend. nuper editi pro
illis qui
de mense octobris 1582 illud servare non coeperunt."
Cf. ARETIN,
Max, I., 310 seqq.
4 The minute in *Cod. Vat. 7093, p. 432, Vatican Library.
6 The remarks concerning publication which are wanting in
Bull. Taurin. are to be found in Bull. Rom. (Lyons, 1692,
II., 455).
The sending of the first printed copies of the new calendar
to the
nuncios and governments began at the end of May ; see the
*letter of Galli to the nuncio in Venice, dated May 26 and
June 6,
1582, Nunziat. di Venezia, XXIII., Papal Secret Archives.
See GROTEFEND, Handbuch der historischen Chronologie,
THE CALENDAR. 289
The improvement which the Pope, with great caution and
conscientiousness, had introduced after mature examination
by a commission composed of the representatives of the
various nations, is so important and advantageous that the
defects which still remain have entirely fallen into the
back
ground. 1 The Pope had every reason to expect that this
work, which had been waited for for centuries, which was of
such general and great utility, and had now happily been
brought into existence, would meet with acceptance without
any particular opposition. The privilege of publishing the
new calendar was given to Antonio Giglio, in recognition of
the services which had been afforded to the commission by
the work of his brother Luigi. As seven months had to elapse
before the bull came into force, it might be hoped that that
would allow ample time for the preparation of a sufficient
number of copies of the new calendar. Its immediate carrying
into effect in the States of the Church goes without saying.
2
The greater number of the Italian states also accepted it at
once, 3 as did Philip II. for his dominions, and Bathory for
Poland. Difficulties and delays only occurred in those
nations
Hanover, 1872, 48 seq. ; F. K. GINZEL, Handbuch der mathe-
matischen und technischen Chronologic, III., Leipzig, 1914,
257
seqq. For the cycle of the epacts discovered by Giglio and
cor
rected by the commission ; cf. also KALTENBRUNNER in
Sitzungs-
berichte der Wiener Akad., Hist. K. i, LXXXVIL, 500 seq.,
and
RUHL, Chronologic, Berlin, 1897, 225 seq.
1 The precision is so great that an error of one day would
only
occur after 3333 T 3 years. For the defects of the Gregorian
calendar see L art de verifier les dates, I., 85 seq. ;
RUHL, Chrono
logic, 234 seq. ; LERSCH, Einleitung in die Chronologic,
Freiburg,
1899, 158 seq. ; GINZEL, Handbuch, 217 seqq.
* For its introduction in Rome see Mucantius in THEINER,
II.,
379-
3 For Venice see the information from the archives in G.
dalla
Santa in the periodical La Scintilla, 1898, n. u and 15.
With
regard to Florence see SCHMID, Kalender reform, III., 415,
n. i.
For a pictorial representation of the reform of the calendar
see
PAOLI, Le tavolette dipinte della Biccherna e della Gabella
nelT
Archivio di Stato di Siena, Siena, 1891.
VOL. XIX. 19
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in so far as owing to the negligence of the Roman printer
and
slowness in the means of communication, copies of the new
calendar were lacking at the appointed time. Philip II. met
this inconvenience by means of manuscript copies, and the
Primate of Poland by copies published by himself. Some
editions were produced in France, where, however, the royal
decree of introduction was partly not made known at all, and
partly came too late, which led to a certain amount of con
fusion. Giglio s privilege was at length withdrawn on
account
of his delays, and it was enacted that anyone might reprint
the new calendar so long as he did so correctly. 1
Violent opposition to the new calendar was raised by the
schismatic Greeks. The reasons adduced by the schismatic
Patriarchs of Constantinople, Alexandria and Armenia, as
to the errors of the Gregorian computation, were unfortunate
in the extreme. "It is enough only to read their
observa
tions in order to understand and realize the ignorance
1 See MAFFEI, II., 271 seq., who follows the "notes of
Cardinal
Galli (Boncompagni Archives, Rome), part of which were
printed
in the Voce della Verith, 1883, n. 129. Cf. SCHMID,
Kalenderre-
forni, III., 412 seq., V., 82. With regard to Spain and
France
see the information from the State Archives, Venice,
published
by G. BELLA SANTA, loo. cit. n. 14. See also SERRANO,
Archivio
de la Embajada de Espana cerca la S. Sede, I., Rome, 1915,
52.
As to Poland see SPANNOCCHI, 283 ; Mitteil. des Oesterr.
Inst.,
VI., 626 seq. ; SCHMID, Kalender reform, III., 560 seq. ;
RUHL,
263, n. 2. For the opposition by the schismatics in Poland
see
THEINER, III., 737. For the disturbances at Riga on account
of the calendar (1585-90) cf. the monographs by BERGMANN
(Leipzig, 1806) and DFIRNE (Riga, 1867), as well as REICHEN-
BERGER, I., 350. For the introduction of the Gregorian
calendar
at Dorpat in 1617, and its fresh rejection by Gustavus
Adolphus
in 1625, cf. FEUEREISEN in Sitzungsberichte der Gel.
Estnischen
Gesellschaft, of March 13, 1902, 69 seq. With regard to
France
see the Lettres de P. de Foix, 623 seq. The decree of
acceptance
by Henry III., which assigned the beginning of the new style
to
December 9, 1582, as well as the calendar for
October-December,
1582, in the rare work : Calendrier perpetuel de N.S. Pere
le Pape
Gre"goire XIII. traduit de latin en fran9ois, Lyons,
1583.
THE CALENDAR.
of these supreme heads of the Eastern Church, and the low
level to which culture in the East had sunk. But for this
very reason all the more eagerly did they hurl their
anathemas
at Rome." 1
In the German Empire Duke William of Bavaria and many
of the ecclesiastical princes introduced the corrected
calendar
without delay. 2 The Emperor Rudolph II., although the
Pope, by means of the Cardinal Legate, Madruzzo, had
repeatedly pressed him, at first maintained an attitude of
hesitation, before he at length decided (on September 4th,
1583) upon the publication of the reform. One by one the
other Catholic states followed his example. 3
Out of consideration for the Protestants, Rudolph II., on
the 4th (September I4th, 1583), had published his ordinance
on the strength of the Imperial authority, without making
any mention of the Pope, and avoiding anything at which
the innovators could in any way take scandal. 4 Since Luther
had in his day expressly asserted that the question of the
reform
of the calendar was not a religious question, but pertained
solely to the civil authority, there was every reason to
expect
x The opinion of W. MILKOWICZ in the Allgem. Zeitung, 1896,
Beil. n. 67.
2 See RIEZLER, VI., 279 ; WIEDEMANN, I., 430 seq. ; Hist.
Zeitschrift, XLII., 135 seq. For Salzburg see Mitteilungen des
Oesterr. Inst., 1899, 107 seq. ; for the diocese of Miinster
see the
Festgabe fur H. Finke, 371 seq.
8 See THEINER, III., 377 seq., 418 seq. ; HANSEN,
Nuntiaturber-
ichte, II., 422, 457, 465, 504, 507, 517 seq., 532, 548,
550, 553,
562 seq., 566 seq., 570, 571 ; KALTENBRUNNER, Polemik, 504
seq. ;
Hist. Zeitschrift, XLII., 128 seq. ; STIEVE, Der
Kalenderstreit,
in the dissertations of the Academy of Munich, Hist. K i,
XV., 3,
21 seq. ; HIRN, I., 459 seq. ; G. DALLA SANTA in the
periodical
La Scintilla, 1898, n. 15. That the new calendar was
introduced
in the marquisate of Baden on November 17 (old style), 1583,
and
not on October 16, is shown by KRIEGER in the Zeitschrift
fur die
Gesch. des Oberrheins, N.F. XXIV. (1909), 365 seq. In
Hungary
the introduction only took place in 1587 ; see MITTEILUNGEN
DES
OESTERR. INST., III., 628 seq.
4 See KALTENBRUNNER, Polemik, 505.
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
that the Protestants would adapt themselves to this so neces
sary change, thus promulgated by the head of the Empire,
and which fully satisfied all the most obvious requirements,
and marked an important step forward. Some Protestant
voices, indeed, as for example the theologian Martin
Chemnitz,
and the Patrician of Gorlitz, Bartholomaeus Scultetus, were
raised in favour of the acceptance of the new calendar, but
they were entirely drowned by a fierce agitation which, al
together brushing aside the matter itself, was directed
solely
against its author, the Pope, who was overwhelmed with vulgar
insults as the incarnate Antichrist. 1 The Protestant
theolog
ians of southern Germany especially distinguished
themselves.
The object of the calendar, so declared Lucas Osiander, the
court preacher of the Duke of Wurtemberg, is the destruction
of religious peace. From the Pope s coat of arms, the
dragon,
this doctor of Holy Scripture deduced that Gregory wished to
prepare for Germany a bath of blood. Jakob Heerbrand, a
professor of theology at Tubingen, declared that Satan was
lurking behind the calendar ; Antichrist had constructed it
in order to promote idolatry, and therefore no attention
must
be paid to the civil authority when it enjoined its
observance.
Other preachers opposed it on the ground that the date of
the end of the world was clearly at hand. 2 A dialogue in
1 Cf. for what follows, besides KALTENBRUNNER, Polemik,
514 seq., 518 seq.y 523 seq., and STIEVE, KALENDERSTREIT,
loc. oit.
n. 24 seq. JANSSEN-PASTOR, V. i 5 - 19 , 138 seq. and
SCHUSTER,
Kepler, 41 seq. For the question of the responsibility for
the
struggles about the calendar, STIEVE, loc. cit. in his zeal
as an old
Catholic, has allowed himself to be led into making
assertions
which are quite untenable. To their complete refutation by
SCHMID, Kalenderreform, V., 83 seq., Stieve has not dared to
reply. For the way in which in Transylvania the Calvinists
fought against the Gregorian calendar, and tried to prove
that
the Pope was Antichrist, cf. the account in VERESS,
Epistolae et
Acta lesuitarum Transilvaniae, II., Budapesth, 1913, 92.
1 This argument had already been made use of by Mark Volmar,
a former preacher, in his remonstrance to the deputies of
Lower
Austria, Niklas von Puchheim, Wolf von Liechtenstein, Achaz
von Hamming and Franz von Gera, dated Vienna, December 16,
OPPOSITION TO THE CALENDAR. 2Q3
verse against the Gregorian calendar, probably written at
Augsburg, and printed in 1584, explains the reform of
Gregory
XIII. as a rebellion against the divine arrangement of the
universe. 1 The Protestant theologians, by means of this
agitation, induced their princes to follow their lead, and
thus
new disputes broke out in Germany, in addition to those
already existing. Not satisfied with rejecting the corrected
calendar for their own fellow religionists, in some places
the
Protestant magistrates forcibly prevented the Catholic
clergy
from adopting the new computation. 2 More and more did
the opinion gain ground that the Pope " with the mind
of a
serpent and the cunning of a wolf " was stealthily
seeking once
again to introduce his ascendency by means of the calendar.
Even astronomers and learned bodies, such as the University
of Tubingen, expressed themselves against it in the most
violent terms, saying that by accepting the Papal calendar
men would be reconciling themselves with Antichrist. The
popular excitement, which was fanned, not only from the
pulpits, but also by means of pamphlets, soon bore fruit,
and
in many places the Protestant population fell into grave
excesses and serious disturbances. 3
Some people expected that a defence of the new calendar
1583. Manuscript in the possession of the antiquarian
Gilhofer
and Ranschburg in Vienna (Auktionskatalog, XV., 1904).
Another
similar remonstrance of 1585 by seven Protestant preachers,
written in Lower Austria, in WIEDEMANN, I., 438 seq.
1 See the Zeitschrift fur Volkskunde, XXIII. (1913), 81 seq.
2 See KALTENBRUNNER, Polemik, 536 seq.
3 Cf. JANSSEN-PASTOR V. 15 - 16 , 390 seq. To the literature
there cited must be added : Archiv fiir Oberfraken, XV., 2,
17 ;
Zeitschrift fiir Schwaben und Neuburg, VII. (1889), 157 seq.
On
the opinion of the university of Tubingen sent to Duke Louis
of
Wurtemburg against the introduction of the calendar of
Gregory
XIII., BREITSCHWERT (Keplerbiographie, Stuttgart, 1831, 27)
whom nobody could suspect of any Catholic prejudices,
remarks :
" how cunningly this academic senate knew how to
frighten the
pious Duke Louis with the devil who ruled over the Catholic
Church, so as to be able to rule over the Duke by means of
the
devil ! "
294 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
would be issued by Rome, but at first this was not the case.
All the attacks and insults were ignored with noble
serenity,
and it was only when real opposition broke out that this
reserve was cast aside. 1 Christopher Clavio, who, as the
leading spirit of the whole reform, and the author of the
new
calendar, was undoubtedly the best fitted to do so, answered
all the accusations exhaustively. After various apologies,
this he did in his Explicatio or " declaration
concerning the
Gregorian calendar," which was published by command of
Clement VIII., and in which he, like the Pope in his brief
of
March 7th, 1603, expressly admits that the new work contains
several defects, the inevitable result of the calculation of
the
cycle. 2 Two great Protestant astronomers, the Dane, Tycho
Brahe, and the German, Johann Kepler, 3 declared their con
currence with the reasons set forth by Clavius and the other
Catholic champions of the Gregorian calendar. Above all,
Kepler, in word and writing, took up the cause of the
reform,
by means of which Gregory had only met a pressing need.
The new calendar, he said, is by no means altogether free
from
errors, but is nevertheless far more accurate than an old
Julian calendar and the errors which it still contains are
in
significant, and purposely retained from motives of utility,
and therefore even strict science may rest content with it.
The religious motives which have been adduced against it are
without foundation, both in their nature and in their
practical
effects ; political motives are not only not opposed to it,
but
favourable to the introduction of the new calendar. The
greater number of the nations have already accepted it, and
it is a disgrace to the Germans that they, who produced the
scientific skill for the correction of the calendar, should
still be
opposed to the reform. 4
1 See KALTENBRUNNER, Polemik, 530 seq. ; cf. also SCHMID,
Kalenderreform, V., 74.
8 For the writings of Clavio, and especially his Explicatio
Romani calendar! a Gregorio XIII. P.M. restituti, Rome,
1603,
cf, KALTENBRUNNER, Polemik, 568 seq., and SCHUSTER, Kepler,
51 seq.
3 See KALTENBRUNNER, Polemik, 573 seq.
4 Cf. SCHUSTER, Kepler, 55 seq.
ACCEPTANCE OF THE CALENDAR.
The words of Kepler at first led to no result, and it was
only
in 1700 that the Protestant states of the German Empire and
Denmark, with the greater part of Protestant Switzerland
and Holland, abandoned their opposition to the advance
represented in the new style. A discrepancy which still
remained in the reckoning of festivals was removed in 1775
at the instance of Frederick II. of Prussia by means of the
Corpus evangelicorum. In England the new calendar was
adopted in 1752, and in Sweden in 1753. l Thenceforward all
Christian peoples have adhered to the Gregorian calendar,
with the exception of those states which belong to the Greek
schism, especially Russia, for which reason they have been,
since March ist, 1900, thirteen days behind the true chrono
logy. 2 During the world war, Bulgaria, first among the
1 Cf. IDELER, Handbuch der Chronologic, II., 321 seq. ;
RUHL,
Chronologic, 236 seq. ; GROTEFEND, Chronologic, 50, and
MEISTER,
Grundriss, I., 307 seq. ; MENZEL, Neuere Gesch, der
Deutschen,
IX., 260 seq. The prince elector of Brandenburg in 1611, in
order
to obtain the investiture and duchy of Prussia from Poland,
had
had to promise to introduce the Gregorian calendar, which he
did in 1612. This was done in the Palatinate in 1615 (see
MENZEL,
VI., 68, 115). In Switzerland the Catholic cantons accepted
it
in 1584, the other subject territories accepted it in
1585-6, while
the remaining Protestant districts only did so in 1700. A
few
small valleys in the Grisons only gave up their opposition
to the
new " Zyt " at the beginning of the XlXth century.
Cf. BOTT,
Die Einfuhrung des neuen Kalenders in Graubiinden, Leipzig,
1863 ; MOOR, Gesch. von Graubiinden, II., 233 seq. ;
DIERAUER,
III., 355 ; THOMMEN in the Festschrift zur 49. Versammlung
deutscher Philologen, Basle, 1907, 279. In the Low Countries
some provinces had already adopted the new calendar in 1582,
subject to the superior ecclesiastical authority of the Pope
(see
STIEVE, 64). Cf. also GOLDSCHEIDER, Ueber die Einftihrung
des
neuen Kalenders in Danemark und Schweden (Progr.), Berlin,
1898.
2 For the fruitless negotiations with the Eastern Church con
cerning the acceptance of the reform, see SCHMID, III., 545
seq. ;
V., 76 seq. : PIERLING, Le St. Siege, II., 224 seq. Cf. also
the
Archiv fur kath. Kirchenrecht, VII., 196.
296 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Orthodox Greek peoples, introduced the Gregorian calendar,
and the Greek-Catholic dioceses of Galicia and part of
Turkey
have followed her example.
A recognition of the service rendered by Gregory XIII. by
his reform of the calendar 1 is to-day no longer withheld by
any
civilized person. This achievement is generally extolled as
an historical and educational fact of the greatest
importance. 2
Even the bitterest enemies of the Papacy admit that the cor
rection of European chronology introduced by Gregory is one
of his most glorious titles to fame. 3
Although under his predecessors, Paul IV. and Pius IV.,
Gregory XIII. had been a Consultor of the Inquisition, 4 he
did not attach such great importance as Pius V. had done
to the influence of that body for the renewal of
ecclesiastical
1 Two contemporary inscriptions in praise of the calendar in
CIACONIUS, IV., 22. Cf. BONANNI, I., 368 seq. for the com
memorative medals. How modestly Gregory XIII. disclaimed
the praises he had deserved is seen in his brief to Piero
Vettori
contained in the Epist. ad P. Victorium, ed. A. M.
Bandinius,
Florence, 1758, Ixxix. seq.
2 See SCHMID, Kalenderreform, III., 388. Cf. CARD. ALIMONDA,
L aureola della scienza nella riforma del Calendario, Rome,
1883 ;
VALENSISE, Nella terza ricorrenza della riforma del
calendario,
Reggio-Emilia, 1883. See also Etudes religieuses, XLVIII.
(1889),
480 seq.
8 See BROSCH, I., 265 seqq., who says : " The Gregorian
reform
of the calendar may be overrated as to its value, but
nevertheless,
in spite of the difficulties inherent in the subject itself,
and in
spite of the opposition which it encountered from a
narrow-minded
Protestantism, blinded to its true mission of progress, it
has been
to the common advantage of all -civilized peoples. To have
given it to humanity is a service which must not be denied
to this
Pope [Gregory XIII.]
4 See the *Vita di Gregorio XIII. in Barb. 4749, Vatican
Library.
Cf. SANTORI, Autobiografia, XIII., 163. The *"
inventarium
librorum et scripturarum in scrinio et studio Gregorii XIII.
a
C. Vastavillani S.R.E. camerario repertarum." (Cod.
671,
p. 171 seq., Cprsinj Library, Rome) contains many notices of
the
Holv Office,
THE INQUISITION.
discipline. Of the edicts of the Holy Office, the
composition
of which remained unchanged, 1 few appeared in his name, and
it may be looked upon as characteristic that of these ordin
ances the most important concerned the economic administra
tion of the Inquisition, and was obviously aimed at bringing
out the disinterestedness of the officials of the Holy
Office, and
safeguarding them from suspicion. 2 Certain other enactments
of the Cardinals of the Inquisition are framed on the same
lines. 3 On the other hand Gregory took care that the In-
1 See the "report of Fr. Gerini of May 30, 1572, State
Archives,
Florence.
2 The money belonging to the Holy Office was to be in the
hands of trustworthy bankers, but was to be administered
accord
ing to the wishes of the Inquisitors. Edicts of January 7,
1574,
March 10, 1575, in PASTOR, Dekrete, 32 seq.
3 Decrees of May 28, 1578, February 15, 1581, January 4 and
December 19, 1584, ibid. 34, 37 seq., 39. See also the
*Memoriale
fiscalis S. Officii ad Greg. XIII. super locatione tenementi
Conchae
1576" with two briefs from the Pope in Arm. 3, caps. 2,
n. 59,
of the Papal Secret Archives. At the beginning of the pontificate
of Gregory XIII. the Inquisitors General were Cardinals
Rebiba,
Pacheco and Gambara ; cf. Synopsis, 60. Rebiba died on July
2 3> I 577 " con estremo dolore della corte
" says the *Awiso di
Roma of July 24, 1577 (Urb. 1045, p. 440). Mucantius also
says
of Rebiba : " vir doctrina et experimento rerum
Celebris et vitae
integritate universae curiae gratus " (Vatican
Library). Cf. also
SANTORI, Autobiografia, I., 329 seq. Cardinal G. Savelli
then
took the place of Rebiba ; see AMABILE, I., 329. According
to
the *report of 1574 (Corsini Library, Rome, see App. n. 9).
Chiesa and Madruzzo also belonged to the Inquisition at that
time ; cf. in App. n. 38, the *list of the Cardinal
Inquisitors in
1566. Montalto and Santori were also added on account of the
affair of Carranza. At the death of Gregory XIII., according
to
the bull of Sixtus V. of January 22, 1588, the Cardinals of
the
Inquisition were Madruzzo, Santori, Deza, Facchinetti,
Castagna,
Bernieri and Sarnano. We are told by Serguidi in 1581 of the
high esteem in which Santori was held : * S. Severino e
tenuto
il primo cardinale del collegio e di vita esemplare."
State Ar
chives, Florence. Med. 3605, p. 112. " Comrnissarii S.
Ufficii "
under Gregory XIII. were the Dominicans Antonio Balducci
298 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
quisition of Portugal should be endowed with sufficient
revenues, 1 and that proper respect for the representatives
of
the most important ecclesiastical tribunal should be main
tained ; 2 against usurpations on the part of the other tri
bunals, 3 as well as of the civil authorities, 4 the Holy
Office
was able to protect its own rights, and only the strained
relations with the Inquisition of Spain seemed to call for
any
intervention in the name of the Pope. 5 Two other ordin
ances of the Cardinal Inquisitors received the special
approval
and confirmation of the Pope ; one of these forbade or re
stricted correspondence between those imprisoned by the
tribunal of the faith, 8 the other ordered the consignment to
the flames of the great accumulation of books of necromancy,
which, as the result of so many trials, choked the archives
of the Holy Office. 7 Moreover, the course of time brought
(1572-6), Tommaso Zobbio (1576-82), and after 1582 Lattanzio
Ransoldi ; see FONTANA, S. Theatrum Dominican., Rome, 1667,
542 seq. ; TAURISANO, Hierarchia ord. Praedic., Rome, 1916,
71 seq. According to his biographer SERASSI (53 seq.)
Giacomo
Mazzoni was also employed in various ways by the
Inquisition.
1 Brief of June 28, 1583, Bull., VIII., 426 seq.
"Decrees of February 18 and 26, 1579, and January 12,
1581,
in PASTOR, Dekrete, 35, 36 seq.
8 Decrees of April 4, 1582, and October 24, 1584, ibid. 37
seq.,
39. Of. decree of October 5, 1583, ibid. 38.
* Decree of January 28, 1579, for Piacenza, ibid. 34 seq.
6 Decree of June 19, 1578, ibid. 34. For a dispute between
the
Roman Inquisition and that of Spain (a Spaniard who had been
tried in Rome, was arrested while on a journey to Naples,
and
handed ovei to the Spanish Inquisition) see the brief of
June 25,
1582, in THEINER, Annales, 1582, n. 51 (III., 361). Of
special
importance for Spain was a *" Breve declarationis, quod
in vim
privilegiorum Cruciatae sanctae concessorum nemo poterit a
crimine haeresis absolvi." Barb. 1502, p. 223 seqq.,
Vatican
Library.
Decree of October 3, 1573, and November 5, 1573, in PASTOR,
32.
Decree of February n, 1573, and on November 25, 1574,
ibid. 32, 33.
THE INQUISITION. 2Q9
it about in the Inquisition as elsewhere that greater
attention
was paid to the rearrangement of its archives, to a great
extent
owing to the labours of Borromeo. 1
On the other hand, a concession to the spirit of the times
was seen in the fact that torture still retained its place,
and
that considerable liberty was allowed to the inferior
officials
in its use. 2 As against this it was considered a mitigation
when, at anyrate at the public promulgation of sentence, the
condemned were no longer obliged to wear the customary
dress, which, as a mark of disgrace, or to suggest violent
death,
was painted with flames and the like. 3 As far as the Pope
himself was concerned, it showed a sincere good will when,
in
the first year of his pontificate, he personally visited the
prisons
of the Inquisition and inquired of each prisoner concerning
the duration and reason of his detention. 4
On the whole Gregory XIII. left a free hand to the tribunal
t
of the faith, and he fully appreciated its necessity for the
1 Decrees of May i and November 22, 1573, December 22, 1578,
September 18, 1581, January 4, 1584, ibid, 33 seq., 37 seq.
"Decree of September 4, 1577, ibid. 33.
3 Decree of February 15, 1583, ibid. 38. The penalty
inflicted
on September 20, 1572, by the Inquisitor of Milan, Angelo da
Forli, at the trial of the monk, Ambrogio da Lodi, was
mitigated
in Rome after the acta of the trial had been sent thither,
" attenta
eius gravi aetate et longa carcerum maceratione " (A.
BATTISTELLA
in Arch. stor. Lomb., XXIX. [1902], 134 seq). The
self-accusation
of Torquato Tasso, already deranged in mind, made before the
Inquisition, and which had no consequences for him, see in
A.
BAUMGARTNER, Gesch. der Weltliteratur, VI. (1911), 337, 379.
A great impression was made by the trial of Paul de Foix,
who
came to Rome as a candidate for one of the French dioceses,
was
there accused of heresy, but acquitted. *Avvisi di Roma of
May 15, 1574, April 23, 1575, March 26 and April 2, 1580,
Urb.
1043, p. 105 ; 1044, pp. 397, 411 ; 1048, pp. 65, 67, Vatican
Library ; Lettres de Cath. de Medicis, VII., 257 ; THEINER,
Annales, I., 116; RICHARD in Annales de St. Louis, II.
(1898),
422, n. 2.
4 *Avviso di Roma of November 15, 1572, sent to Vienna by
Cusano, State Archives, Vienna.
3OO HISTORY OF THE POPES.
destruction of heresy and the maintenance of the purity of
the
faith, 1 and in some cases encouraged its intervention. Like
his predecessor, he was especially vigilant that Lutheran
doctrines should not make their way into Italy by way of
Venice and Padua. 2 The report which was made to him
at the beginning of his pontificate by the nuncio in Venice,
Facchinetti, as to the views held by the most influential
persons in the city of the lagoons, was certainly
satisfactory ;
the government of Venice, this report states, favours the
Inquisition just as the other princes of Italy do ; with
some
of them their motive is zeal for the faith, and with others
the
interests of the state, for they clearly recognize that
nothing is
so dangerous as innovations in matters of faith. 3 Gregory
1 See the ""letter to the nuncio at Venice of
February n, 1576,
Nunziat. di Venezia, XIII., Papal Secret Archives. Cf. also
the
*Instruttione al vescovo di Hondo vi, nuncio in Savoy, Barb.
3744,
p. 91. See also AMABILE, I., 317 seg. and ibid. 321 seq. the
furtherance of the Inquisition in Malta.
8 In the instructions for the nuncio at Venice, Campeggio,
dated
April 12, 1581, it is stated : *" Vi e bisogno di buona
vigilanza
per esser la citta di Venezia tanto grande et aperta et dove
si da
cosi facil receto a futte le nationi particolarraente di
Germania."
It is further stated that in Padua too is " piu
pericolosa ad in-
fettarsi per la vicinanza di paesi heretici et per il
concorso de le
nationi allo studio." Barb. 5744, p. 144 seq. Vatican
Library.
The nuncio Bolognetti had reported concerning the Protestant
students at Venice on March 12, 1580 ; see Nunziat. di
Venezia
XXL, 65, Papal Secret Archives.
8 *Et quanto al favorire le cose del S to Offitio, trovai
quelli
Sig ri cosi saldi et confermati che S.S td> si pu6
promettere che le
favoriranno al pari di qualsivoglia prencipe dTtalia. Molti
si
muoveno per la pietk et debito, altri per interesse di
stato, che
veggiono chiaramente che nessuna peste e tanto contagiosa et
pericolosa come e questa della heresia. Report of
Facchinetti to
Galli, dated Venice, July 5, 1572, Nunziat. di Venezia,
XII., 25,
Papal Secret Archives. In 1578 Gregory XIII. demanded the
handing over of the heretic Cornelio Socino, who was
imprisoned
at Venice. See the ""letters of Galli of November
15 and December
20, 1578, ibid, in the year 1578.
GREGORY XIII. AND HERETICS. 30!
wished that the " Sacramentarians " should be
condemned
to the galleys. 1 Magicians who sought for treasure by means
of enchantments, or made use of them for other purposes,
were, as long as the Pope should live, to feel the whole
weight
of his anger. 2 He succeeded in obtaining from Philip II., k
in October, 1584, that the Prince of Scalea at Naples, who
was
suspected of heresy, should be thrown into the prisons of
the
Inquisition. 3
Although not so frequently as in the time of his
predecessor,
trials before the Inquisition, and condemnations of heretics
and magicians, repeatedly took place under Gregory XIII.
Such was the case on May 24th, 1573 ; eleven men and two
women had to make their abjuration ; one of these was con
demned to death, four to imprisonment, and the others to the
galleys. 4 Two monks and several magicians, nine in all, had
to appear on October 2gih in the following year before the
tribunal of the Inquisition at St. Peter s ; one of them was
condemned to the stake, but on the following day he was
converted at the sight of the gibbet and begged for a delay,
and a mitigation of his sentence ; he was hanged and his
body
was burned. 5 In the November of the following year, how
ever, an obstinate heretic actually ended his days at the
stake. 6 On Sunday, November lyth, 1577, there was another
1 *Letter of Camillo Capilupi of February 10, 1573, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
2 For the case of Tiberio Crispi, who had to make his
abjuration
at the Holy Office on August 13 (Avvisi Caetani, 106), and
who
was condemned to 10 years in the galleys, see *Avvisi di
Roma of
January 15, April 3, August 14 and 21, 1574, Urb. 1044, pp.
2,
6gb, 203-25, Vatican Library ; BERTOLOTTI, Martiri, 63. Cf.
also Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XLIII., 201.
3 CARD. D OSSAT, Lettres, I., n (November 5, 1584); see
PASTOR, Dekrete 39.
4 Avviso di Roma of May 30, 1573, in BERTOLOTTI, 62.
6 *Avviso di Roma of October 30, 1574, Urb. 1044, p. 285,
287b, Vatican Library.
s *Avviso di Roma of November 20, 1574, Urb. 1044, p. 296,
Vatican Library ; cf. ORANO 54.
3O2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
abjuration by ten heretics at St. Peter s ; a canon of the
Pace
aged sixty-five years was condemned to imprisonment, while
a sorcerer of Genoa, who had in writing sold his soul to the
devil, and had erected an altar to him, was only sentenced
to be whipped through the city. 1 Eight Lutherans had to
make their abjuration on June 8th, 1579 ; two of them, a
Sienese and a Bolognese, had relapsed, but as they showed,
themselves repentant, only their dead bodies were consigned
to the flames on June I3th. 2
A greater stir was caused by an autodafe of February I3th,
1583, at the church of the Minerva, when sixteen accused men
received their sentence, 3 among them two Portuguese, who
1 *Avvdso di Roma of November 23, 1577, Urb. 1045, p. 63 8b,
Vatican Library.
2 Cf. *Avviso di Roma of June 10 and 13, 1579, Urb. 1047,
pp. 188, 1 93, Vatican Library ; cf. ORANO, 63 seq. Of the
many
names which Orano mentions at the same time, we are only
taking
into consideration those few who were really concerned with
heresy. According to MAFFEI (II., u), about twenty were
handed
over to the secular arm in 1579.
3 *On Sunday 17 heretics were brought to trial at the
Minerva,
among them two guards of the Palace : II Paleologo Sciotto,
che
prese 1 habito di S. Domenico in Geneva insieme col card.
Justi-
niano dato al Papa clall Imperatore, et che da Massimiliano
(del
quale era consighero) non volse essere dato a Pio V. mai per
molte
instanze, che ne facesse, hebbe il voto, che vivus
comburatur per
ostinato Trinitario et per pertinace di infinite falsissime
sue
opinioni et ladrone del cognome de Paleologhi, essendo egli
della
famiglia Masselara detto Jacomo ; 2 Portughesi Marani, che
iudaizzavano in Ferrara et circoncidevano de gli altri
battezzati
con un frate Siciliano dell ordine Carmelitano, saranno
abbrugiati
morti ; Bartol. signore de Castelli macchiato di heresie con
2
Hebrei Spagnuoli et un frate Senese, il quale essercitava 1
episco-
pale autorita havuta dal Patriarca de Greci, et secondo lui
uguale
a quella del Papa, sono condennati a care. perp. The others,
searchers for hidden treasure and sorcerers, were condemned
to
the galleys, or to a whipping or to banishment (Avviso di
Roma
of February 16, 1583, Urb. 1051, p. 52, Vatican Library).
Cf.
*Alaleone, February 13, 1583 (Barb. 2814, ibid.} : "
Multi haeretiu
abiurarunt in Ecclesia S.V. s. Minerva, quorum quatuor
relapsi,
PALEOLOGUS. 303
had had themselves circumcised and had propagated Judaism
at Ferrara, a Sicilian Carmelite, Bartolomeo Lord of
Castelli,
two Spanish Jews, and a Sienese monk who had exercised
the functions of a bishop, because he had been recognized
as such by the Greek Patriarch, who claimed to be equal to
the Pope. More important than any of these was the Domini
can, Giacomo Massilara, known as Paleologus, a native of
Chios, who, after being several times condemned as a
heretic,
had saved himself by taking to flight ; l he then wandered
through Germany and France, and had preached as an anti-
Trinitarian in Poland and Transylvania, but had at length
been sent back to Rome in 1582 by Rupolph II. 2 On Feb
ruary i Qth, Paleologus, who had himself adopted this dis
tinctive name, was taken, together with the two Portuguese
fuerunt consignati curiae saeculari et statim ducti ad
carceres
Tunis Nonae." See also the reports of Odescalchi of
February
ii and 19, 1583, in BERTOLOTTI, 69 seqq. ; ORANO, 68 ;
MUTIN-
ELLI, I., 139. The sentence on Castelli in BERTOLOTTI, 72-6.
It
is signed by Cardinals Savelli, Gambara, Lodovico Madruzzo
and
San tori as " inquisitori general!." Savelli was
head of the In
quisition from 1577 (*Odescalchi, July 27, 1577, Gonzaga
Archives,
Mantua ; Lettres de Paul de Foix, 20 aout 1582) ; Madruzzo
had
been called to the Inquisition at the beginning of 1573
(*Aurelio
Zibramonti, January 13, 1573, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
1 He was one of those who was released from the prisons of
the
Inquisition after the death of Paul IV. See Vol. XVI. of
this
work, p. 319.
z With regard to Paleologus cf. MAFFEI, II., 251 seq. ;
QUETIF-
CHARD, II., 340 ; REUSCH, I., 437 ; GILLET, Crato von Kraff-
theim, II., 238 seq. ; HANSEN, Nuntiaturberichte, I., 452 ;
II.,
411, 414, 419, 422, 426, 448; MUTINELLI, 77; the *notes of
Musotti in the Boncompagni Archives, Rome ; see BEZOLD in
Abhandl. der Miinchener Akad. Hist., Kl. XVII., 2, 351 ;
Freib.
Kirchenlex., IX 2 , 1274 seq. ; Mitteilungen des Oesterr.
Instituts,
1918, 181. Some details are also given by the *"
Relazione
d alcuni strani avvenimenti occorsi in persona di Pietro
della
Massiliara alias Paleologo " in Cod. 38, Arm. 30, p.
29, of the
Corsini Library, Rome, and Cod. Bolognetti 243, Papal Secret
Archives.
304 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and the Carmelite, to the Campo de Fiori, to be burned
alive.
In the case of one of the Portuguese Marani who proved
obdurate, the penalty was carried out ; the other repented
at the sight of the scaffold, and only his body was
consigned
to the flames. 1 Paleologus too, as he was being led to exe
cution, declared himself ready to abjure at the instance of
Philip Neri, and was allowed with the Pope s permission to
return to his prison. 2 He gave, however, further occasion
to doubt the sincerity of his conversion, and was beheaded
1 *Avviso di Roma of February 19, 1583, Urb. 1051, p. 87,
Vatican Library. Odescalchi in BERTOLOTTI, Martiri, 70.
BLUS-
TEIN, Scoria degli Ebrei di Roma, Rome, 1921, 138.
2 Odescalchi in BERTOLOTTI, Martiri, 70 seq. ; CAPECELATRO,
II., 156 seqq. See *Avviso di Roma of February 19, 1583.
To-day
Paleologus with three others was taken to the Campo di Fiori
;
a Portuguese abjured with many tears, while his companion
was
burned with others ; " il suo compagno con altri fu
abbruciato ;
il Paleologo combattuto di continue dal teologo del S. card.
d Este,
adimando finalmente perdono a Dio mentre era al palco, et al
Papa suo vero vicario in terra con 1 assolutione de suoi
gravi
errori, et fu ritirato in una case vicina, mentre dal Papa
veniva
altr ordine, il quale e state, che istessa piazza, sopra un
palco
abiuri alta voce, et che per mano di notaro si scriva tal
atto, et
che ci6 di sua mano facci, sapere in Alemagna a tutti della
sua
setta, et che si riconduca in prigione." Now the
"mastro di camera"
the "scalco " of the Pope and others are disputing
with him, " man-
tenendo con sue false ragioni la opinione delle sue eresie
con
eloquenza incredibile." Urb. 1051, p. 87, Vatican
Library.
*Avviso di Roma of February 26, 1583, ibid. p. 95. Although
Paleologus had been so long a heretic, the Pope nevertheless
wished for mature reflection with the help of a special
congregation,
as Paleologus, if he should persevere in recognizing his
errors,
might be very useful to those whom he had seduced by his
writings.
Ibid. p. 96 : On Wednesday there was a great difference of
opinion
at the Inquisition on the subject of Paleologus ; some of
the
Cardinals were for his death, and some were opposed to this
;
finally the view of the Pope prevailed, that the execution
should
be deferred, so that Paleologus might write to his
followers, which
he has begun to do. Cf. also the Avviso di Roma of February
19
1583, in BELTRAMI, Roma, 42.
ABJURATIONS. 305
two years later, but he died as a Catholic and was assisted
at the end by Baronius. 1
The abjuration of February I3th, 1583, was made into a
solemn act to which the whole College of Cardinals was in
vited, 2 but as was always the case, Gregory XIII. was not
much
inclined to such demonstrations. The Pope feared that a
public confession of error, especially in the case of
persons of
high rank, might seem too difficult, and might drive the un
fortunate victims to despair ; moreover, he feared least the
people should be scandalized, since in these scenes the spread
of heresy even among distinguished priests, was made mani
fest. 3 Several times during the pontificate there were ru
mours of secret abjurations, and of the carrying out in
secret,
in the prisons or in the monasteries, of the sentences
imposed. 4
In spite of this, however, there were several trials which
caused a greater stir than that of Paleologus ; this was due
to
1 On March 22, 1585 ; see ORANO, 73 seg. ; *Avviso di Roma
of March 23, 1585, Urb. 1053, p. 127!), Vatican Library. Cf.
CALENZIO, 219 seq.
2 *Avviso di Roma of February 12, 1583, Urb. 1051, p. 69
Vatican Library.
3 A canon of the Lateran was burned in effigy on July 26,
1581
BERTOLOTTI, 64) ; the same was done in the case of another,
canon (ibid).
4 *" Questo Papa ha interlasciato quel tanto rigor di
Pio Quinto
nel far abiurar quelli capitano al S. Officio dell
Inquisitione et lo
fa far secretamente si come si fece giovedi in San Pietro d
alcuni
huomini di qualche conto confinandoli poi in prigione o in
monas-
teri de frati a far le penitentie li sono impost!, per non
disperar
la povera gente ne dar scandalo al mondo." Cusano,
October 29,
1574. State Archives, Vienna. " Nella congregatione
della quale
[Inquisizione] fatta la settimana passata in case del
cardinale di
Gambara abiur6 secretamente un gentilhuomo Genovese ricco di
150 mille scudi et gli fu dato per penitenza che debba dare
6
mille scudi d elemosina a luoghi pii in Geneva,"
Odescalchi,
February 12, 1583, in BERTOLOTTI, 69 seq. The former Bishop
of Vence, Luigi Grimaldi, also made his abjuration in secret
; see
as to him, DOUBLET in the Annales du Midi, XVI. (1904), 63.
How carefully the Inquisition at Bologna preserved the
secrecy
of its acts, see BATTISTELLA, 70 seq.
VOL. XIX. 2O
306 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the fanaticism of certain Protestant sectaries. On Sunday,
July 23rd, 1581, while a priest was saying mass at St. Peter
s,
and was elevating the sacred host, a Protestant who had come
from England threw himself upon him in order to snatch the
host from him, and failing in this, upset the chalice. The
faithful who were present dragged the madman to the In
quisition, where he boasted that he had conspired with
twenty-
eight others to do the same thing. 1 It appeared that they
were dealing with an anabaptist who looked upon himself as
a prophet, and wished to die as a martyr ; he always carried
a Bible with him, but was an entirely uneducated man ; by
profession he was a nail-smith. 2 On August 2nd the un
happy man was taken on a donkey to the piazza of St. Peter
s,
which was driven along by burning torches. Before he
mounted the scaffold his right hand was cut off. All Rome
assembled for the spectacle, and even the boys strove to
assist
in burning him. 3
The inquiry brought out the fact that the supposed con
spiracy to outrage the mass had no existence, 4 yet in the
sequel similar acts were repeated. In the November of the
same year, another Englishman, this time at S. Maria del
Popolo, made an attempt to strangle the priest, so as to
1 *Avviso di Roma of July 26, 1581, Urb. 1049, p. 281,
Vatican
Library.
2 *Avviso di Roma of August 2, 1581, loc. cit. *"
Costui era
homo idiota portava sempre in seno la bibia, intendeva
qualche
cosa et era della setta anabattista." Odescalchi to
Mantua,
August 5, 1581, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
8 *Avviso di Roma of August 2, 1581, loc. cit. *" Fu
condotto
alle 12 hore sopra un asino su la piazza di s. Pietro,
stimulate con
torce accese, et condotto quivi gli fu mozzato la destra et
poi
abruciato vivo et la cennere fu lasciato a vento."
(ORANO, 67,
who has included this Richard Atkins among his Liberi
Pensatori !).
Cf. MUTINELLI, I., 131.
4 Paul de Foix on March 16, 1582, tells of English heretics
who
were in prison : " On n a peu tirer des Anglois qui ont
este mis
prisonniers aux prisons de 1 Inquisition, sinon qu ils sont
here-
tiques." Lettres, 353.
OUTRAGES BY HERETICS. 307
snatch the chalice from him. 1 Some months later, a Castil-
lian, by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, as he said,
dashed
forward in St. Peter s to snatch the chalice from the hands
of
the priest ; it was currently reported that this man had
died
a cruel death, but that the execution had taken place in
secret, in order to avoid scandal ; 2 perhaps the contagion
which might follow upon such crimes was feared. A similar
case actually occurred once more in November, 1582 ; a
Frenchman from the Dauphin^ threw himself upon a friar
at S. Maria del Popolo, after he had begun his mass, and
tried
to knock him down. This time it was a case of a real madman,
who had shown himself the day before at S. Maria del Popolo
with a paper mitre on his head, painted all over with
pictures
of animals ; he cried out that he was the Pope. 3
1 *Avviso di Roma of November 15, 1581, Urb. 1049, p. 429
Vatican Library.
2 *Avviso di Roma of January 20, 1582, Urb. 1050, Vatican
Library.
8 *Domenica mattina nella chiesa del Popolo intervenne un
strano caso, et fu in questa maniera, che mentre uno frate
sta
all altare dicendo 1 introito et la confessione per seguire
la messa
ecco che un Francese del Delfinato lo piglia di dietro aH
improviso
pel collo et lo scote tre o quattro volte per gettarlo a
terra, ma il
frate che era gagliardo et ben disposto della vita si tenne
sempre
in piedi, il che vedendo li circostanti che stavano ad udire
la
messa s avventarono adosso al detto Francese et lo presero
et lo
condussero prigione in una stantia dentro del convento, di
dove
e stato poi condotto prigione al Santo Ufficio dell
Inquisitione.
Questo heretico pazzo era pur stato la mattina inanzi in
detta
chiesa del Popolo con una mitra di carta in testa piena de
varie
sorte de pittura d animali, gridando che anch esso era Papa,
a
quale si crede interverra come intervenne a quello Inglese
che
volse gettare in terra il santissimo sacramento nella chiesa
di
S. Pietro che fu condotto per tutta Roma sopra un somaro et
poi
abbrusciato nella piazza. Dicono siano stati presi cert
altri dell
humore di costui che se saranno in dolo gli faranno
compagnia.
Odescalchi on November 18, 1582, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
For the action of the Inquisition at Bologna against the
suspected
preachers see BATTISTELLA, 133 ; ibid. 52 for the questions
at
issue there between the Inquisitors and the archbishop.
Execu
tions at Bologna in 1579, 1581 and 1583, ibid. 105 seq.
308 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In the time of Gregory XIII. the Inquisition was often en
gaged with relapses into Judaism ; J these renegades, who
had accepted Christianity in Spain and Portugal, and had
then
secretly returned to their former religion, frequently took
refuge from the power of the Inquisition in Spain and Portu
gal, and overran the whole of the north and centre of Italy.
Gregory XIII. addressed letters on the subject to the nuncio
at Venice, 2 and to many of the Italian princes. He warned,
for example, the republic of Genoa against receiving
refugees
of this kind, without finding out definitely who they were,
whether they could produce certificates of good conduct, and
where they intended to stay ; once they had been admitted
they were not to be sent away, so that they might not take
refuge among the unbelievers. 3 From an inquiry held in
Rome in 1578 it appeared that the Marani from Portugal
were more numerous there than had been thought, and on
August I3th in that year no less than seven were put to
death
at the Porta Latina. 4 Probably it was to a great extent
such
occurrences as these which determined the Pope to regulate
exactly the relations between the Inquisition and Judaism. 5
1 See supra p. 304; RIEGER-VOLGENSTEIN, II., 175.
2 See *Nunziat. di Venezia, XIII., in 1574, Papal Secret
Archives.
8 Brief of May 27, 1581, in THEINER, Annales, III., 308 seq.
*" Accepimus multos a ludaica perfidia ad Christi fidem
recenter
converses rursumque Christo repudiate ut canes ad vomitum
suum ad ludaismum reverses quotidie ex multis regionibus
praesertim vero ex Hispania et Lusitania in Italiam
confluere,
etc." To Venice, May 27, 1581, State Archives, Venice.
A
similar brief to the Duke of Mantua, dated Rome, May 27,
1581,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. MAFFEI, I., 245.
4 *Avvisi di Roma of August 9 and 13, 1578, Urb. 1046, pp.
289,
296, Vatican Library. The names of the seven, one of whom
must have been an Albanian, in ORANO, 55-61. The Avvisi only
state that they were burned, and that this does not
generally
mean burned " alive " is clear from Orano. From
the information
which he has published concerning the confraternity of S.
Giovanni
Decollate, in tlu s case as well as in that mentioned on p.
302, it
does not appear for what reason they were condemned.
6 By a bull of June i, 1581, Bull. Rom., VIII., 378.
GREGORY XIII. AND THE JEWS. 309
According to the words of the Apostle 1 the Church naturally
did not claim the same judicial authority over unbaptized
persons as over those who by means of baptism had been ad
mitted into the family of Christ, yet she deemed that she
had
been given a certain authority by Christ, as the head of the
human race, even over the infidels. 2 Gregory XIII. now
decided the special cases in which the Jews were to be sub
ject to the tribunal of the faith. According to this
ordinance
the Inquisition might take proceedings against them if they
denied the truths of faith which Christians and Jews held in
common, for example the unity and omnipotence of God, and
also if they worshipped the devil or led Christians to do
so, if
they pronounced blasphemies against God or the
BlessedVirgin,
if they led Christians into apostasy, or prevented their con
version, if they gave refuge or other assistance to the
heretics,
if they possessed or propagated prohibited books, if they in
sulted the Christian religion, or if, contrary to the
ancient
prohibition of Canon Law, they employed Christian women
as nurses. From the reports of the ambassador of the Duke
of Ferrara it is clear how strongly Gregory XIII. insisted
that
the Portuguese Marani who were affected by this bull should
not be tried in Ferrara but in Rome. 3 In a special brief 4
the
Pope once more insisted upon the prohibition of summoning
or admitting Jewish doctors to attend Christian invalids. In
opposition to the heretics Gregory renewed the right to the
free preaching of the Gospel, by ordering all the bishops
and
1 " For what have I to do to judge them that are
without ? " ;
(I. Cor., 5, 12).
2 Cf. PHILLIPS, II., 392 seqq. ; HINSCHIUS, VI., 35 seqq.
3 See the *reports of Giulio Maretti and G. B. Laderchi,
dated
April 19, 22, and July 29, 1581, State Archives, Modena.
4 Dated February 28, 1581, in THEINER, Annales, 1581, n. 67
(III., 309), cf. Bull. Rom., VIII., 371 (dated May 30, 1581)
;
see *Bandi V., 10, p. 40 (dated March 30, 1581) ; also the
*Avviso
di Roma of April 15, 1581, Urb. 1049, p. 160, Vatican
Library.
The Duke of Mantua was not allowed, in spite of the request
of
Farnese, to suffer any Jews to practise medicine. *Letter of
Bernerio to Vienna, June 24, 1581, State Archives, Vienna.
3IO HISTORY OF THE POPES.
prelates to institute weekly sermons for the Jews. 1 In Rome
these conferences, which were already held regularly, re
sulted in numerous conversions of Jews ; the baptism ol a
rich Roman Jew named Samuel made a very great impression. 2
In the introduction to the bull regulating the relations of
the Inquisition with the Jews, the Pope reminded them that
nowhere in the world had they enjoyed such kindly treatment
as among the Christian nations, and especially in the States
of the Church. 3 Gregory himself acted in the same sense ;
in
spite of the protests of Cardinal Galli he allowed them to
return
to the Venaissin. 4 A decision on the question whether the
1 On September i, 1584, Bull. Rom., VIII., 487 seq. In the
*Diario of Santori concerning his audiences with the Pope on
January 19, 1581, he remarks : " Del predicare per gli
Hebrei ;
che non si lasci e se facci seguitare da qualche frate. Di
far
vedere a S.S. alcune bolle sopra la predica, da farsi agli
Giudei
per tutto e farsi una bolla che dovunque sono si predichi ;
si
consenta." On June i, 1581, Santori again urged sermons
for the
Jews (ibid.). Arm. 52, t. 18, Papal Secret Archives.
2 According to RIEGER-VOLGENSTEIN, II., 172 seq. The baptism
of the wealthy Samuel is placed in the year 1582 by the
Avvisi
(*Avviso di Roma of April 21, 1582, Urb. 1050, pp. 119, 121,
Vatican Library) . A converted Jew, Guglielmo Sirlet, is
mentioned
in the *briefs to the Doge of Venice on July 1 1, 1579 and
December
6, 1582. State Archives, Venice. The Bishop of Ferrara wrote
to Cardinal Sirleto concerning the Jews on May 18, 1582 :
" Ben
spesso habiamo . . . di quei che vengono al santo battesimo,
cosi huomini come donne. E se la casa de cathetumeni havesse
un poco di sostanza, . . . son sicuro che ne havessimo molti
piu."
Vat. 6182, p. 654, Vatican Library. A work based upon an
examination of the many manuscript sources on the missions
to
the Jews in Rome
Society of Missions.
8 " In omnes dispersi orbis terrarum regiones
servitutique
perpetuae mancipati, non maiorem in cuiusquam ditione cle-
mentiam, quam in christianorum provinces, maxime vero in
apostolicae pietatis gremio invenerunt." Bull. Rom.
*THEINER, Annales, I. , App.
351. At Naples
not tolerated by the Spanish government (see HUBNER, I. , 108).
For the great interest that they were able to exact, see
*Bandi,
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