THE CASE OF CARRANZA. 31 1
Pope ought to tolerate the Jews advised him to do so ; in
the time of Pius V. severity had been employed, but now on
the contrary a renewal of mild treatment was advisable. 1
When in 1573 some riotous soldiers had made a raid upon the
Ghetto in Rome
they were travelling or taking part in the annual fairs the
Jews
were allowed to lay aside their distinctive marks if they
were
not going to remain in a place longer than one day. 3 The
Jews
in Rome
community by a brief of January loth, 1577. 4
Even greater excitement than that aroused by the measures
taken against the Jews, and the execution of the fanatical
Englishmen and the Portuguese Marani, was caused in Rome
by the final conclusion of a trial which had been carried on
for
years at the secret sessions of the Inquisition, in such a
way
that nothing but uncertain rumours had reached the public
during its course : 5 this was the trial of the unfortunate
Archbishop of Toledo
had already dragged on for more than ten years. 6 In the
middle of 1575 it was loudly proclaimed in Rome
the Pope was absolutely determined that the affair should
now be brought to an end, and was personally devoting
his attention to it for three hours every day. 7 Twice a
V., 10, p. no: " Tolerantia Bancheriorum Hebraeorum
Urbis
ad quatr. 6 pro scuto sing, mense a 3. VIII. 1575
observanda."
Decree of February i, 1577, Papal Secret Archives. Cf. ERLER
in A/chiv fur hath. Kirchenrecht, LIII., 57.
1 *Cod. D. 5, 20, Varia n. 10. Boncompagni Archives, Rome
2 RlEGER-VOLGENSTEIN, II., 170.
8 Decree of the Apostolic Camera of April 21, 1581, Bull. Rom.
VIII., 788, n. 9.
4 RIEGER-VOLGENSTEIN, II., 172. For the relations of Gregory
with the Jews, cf. MAFFEI, I. ,
252 ; II., 66, 221 ; RODOCANACHI,
Le St. Siege et les Juifs, Paris
5 Cf. Vol. XVI. of this work, p. 328, ; Vol. XVII., p. 344.
6 A *letter to the nuncio at Venice
to the writings on Carranza among the papers of the dead
Cardinal
Aldobrandini. Nunziat. di Venezia, XIII., Papal Secret
Archives.
7 *Avviso di Roma of May 7, 1575, Urb. 1044, p. 423, Vatican
Library.
312 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
week 1 , or as was stated later, three times, and on each
occasion for four or five hours, 2 the congregation
concerning
Carranza was held in the presence of the Pope, and it was
wagered at the end of January, 1576, that the matter would
very soon be concluded. 3
This time rumour spoke truly. On April I4th, 1576, the
last solemn session of the congregation was held, at which,
the Pope himself pronounced the sentence. 4 Carranza was
not condemned as a heretic ; the inquiry into his writings
had given no sufficient grounds for such a course. On the
other hand there still remained against him the suspicion
that he had adopted certain non-catholic views. In such
cases Canon Law demanded that the accused should clear
himself of those suspicions by an abjuration of the
propositions
in question. Carranza accordingly had to comply with this
requirement. As a Spaniard, who had worked in some
measure to preserve the purity of the faith, and as a
Dominican
and archbishop, who had inscribed its defence upon his banner,
the humiliation involved in such a confession must have been
felt two-fold and three-fold, and it was with bitter tears
that
he did what was required of him. The Pope then imposed upon
him by way of penance that he should make the pilgrimage
to the Seven Churches of Rome
to the Dominican convent at Orvieto, during which time he
was forbidden to exercise his archiepiscopal functions. Then
1 *Avvisi di Roma of April 30 and July 23, 1575, ibid. pp.
427,
497-
2 *Avvisi di Roma of February i and 4, 1 576, Urb. 1045, pp.
32,
41, Vatican Library.
8 *Avviso di Roma of January 28, 1576, ibid. p. 3ob. *Avviso
of December 17, 1575, ibid. p. 64 2b, predicts that Carranza
will
be set at liberty by Christmas. Pompeo Strozzi *wrote on
January 28, 1576, to Mantua
liberty. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
had been common since 1573 ; see the ""letters to Vienna
November 21, 1573 (from Mendoza
1574 (from Cusano), State Archives, Vienna
4 LAUGWITZ, 99 seq. A detailed account of the abjuration in
the *Diario of Mucantius, April 14, 1576, Papal Secret
Archives.
DEATH OF CARRANZA. 313
the Pope embraced him, and for safety s sake, in case he
should have incurred any ecclesiastical censure, gave him
absolution. 1
Carranza was spared the banishment to Orvieto ; during
the pilgrimage to the Seven Churches, which, against his
will,
he had to perform without any exterior marks of distinction,
he was seized with a fatal illness, to which he succumbed on
May 2nd, 1576. 2 Before he received the Holy Eucharist at
Viaticum he made oath that from the time of his entry into
his Order, and during the whole period of his labours as a
professor, writer and preacher in Spain ,
Germany and England
he had had no greater aim than to exalt the faith, and to
fight the heretics according to his abilities. The doubt
that
had been cast upon his good faith rested entirely upon false
information, but he accepted the Pope s sentence as a just
one,
and pardoned all his enemies. 3
On April 3Oth, when he heard of Carranza s condition,
Gregory XIII. sent his own confessor to him to dispense the
sick man from the penances which had been imposed on him,
and to comfort him. 4 This man, who had been so sorely
tried,
was buried without pomp in the church of the Minerva. 5
As far as it is possible to form a judgment, the errors of
Carranza were only the corollary of his virtues ; in his
efforts
to reconcile the heretics to the Church, and to smooth away
the obstacles which they met with in Catholic doctrines, he
went too far to meet them, at anyrate in the form of the
1 LAUGWITZ, 101.
2 " Se mori quest anno tutto afflitto d animo e
consumato."
SANTORI, Autobiografia, XII., 362. Numerous *acta from the
papers left by Santori concerning the " causa Toletana
" under
Gregory XIII. in Miscell. Arm. 10, t. 4, of the Papal Secret
Archives.
3 LAUGWITZ, 103. THEINER, Annales, II., 243.
4 LAUGWITZ, 102. Cf. as to Carranza M. MENENDEZ PELAYO,
Historia de los heterodoxos espanoles, II., 359-415.
5 *" quia adhuc in eodem conventu detinebatur
carceratus,"
says Mucantius, *Diarium, Papal Secret Archives. Cf.
BERTHIER,
Minerve, 247 seq.
314 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
expressions he used, and therefore, without intending to do
so, imperilled the purity of the doctrines of the Church.
The
danger of this tendency was fully realized in Rome
Pius V. the trial of the archbishop was from the first
supremely painful ; it was said, in allusion to the disease
from which the Pope was suffering, that Carranza was one of
the stones which would cause his death, 1 but in spite of
that
he never for a moment thought of allowing the trial to drop.
The severity with which he behaved towards the unhappy
archbishop, or rather against the way he was tending, was
quickly justified by the events. The trial of Carranza was
still pending when, in the north, there sprang from that
very
tendency a heresy which, in the centuries that followed,
was to do indescribable harm to the Church. It was from his
desire to meet the innovators as far as possible that the
true
father of Jansenism, Michael Baius of Lou vain, had been led
into his views that were opposed to the teaching of the
Church.
What difficulties might arise when a scholar, at first full
of
the best intentions, and under the appearance of well-doing,
allowed himself to be led further and further along such a
course, had already been shown in the person of the Louvain
theologian in the time of Pius V., and was to be shown even
more clearly in that of Gregory XIII.
At the time of the death of the Dominican Pope the con
troversy raised by Baius might be said to have been brought
to an end. The behaviour of the celebrated scholar, which
was at first by no means blameless, had led to strong action
being taken against him ; at length it seemed that the whole
affair was ended, since Baius had submitted to all that was
required of him. 2 Again during the first months of the
ponti
ficate of Gregory XIII., on July 4th, 1572, the theological
faculty of Louvain
of Baius which had been condemned by Pius V. were also
1 Cf. Vol. XVII. of this work, p. 364. On May 24, 1572,
*Arco
states that Gregory XIII. regretted that Pius V. had left
him the
affair of Carranza to deal with. State Archives, Vienna
a C/. Vol. XVII. of this work, p. 375.
MICHAEL BAIUS. 315
prohibited by the university ; this was soon followed by an
order that this condemnation must be subscribed by everyone
who received the doctorate in theology. 1 Baius, in common
with all the other professors, signed this decision. As the
cele
brated scholar had thus, and under such solemn circumstances,
fulfilled his duty as a Catholic, this redounded to his
honour,
and his reputation at the university was enhanced. In 1575
he was even appointed chancellor, and in 1578 conservator ;
from 1575 he was also dean of the collegiate church of St.
Peter.
In spite of all this, however, Baius gave fresh reason to
doubt the sincerity of his submission. In 1575 ne main-
tained in a public discourse that opinion as to the origin
of
the episcopal power which had led to so much excitement at
the Council of Trent, 2 but which had not hitherto been sup
ported by the university
of Lou
view that jurisdiction came to the bishops, not from the
Pope,
but immediately from God, and that apart from the diocese
of Rome
the same time he caused scandal by his thesis that from the
words of Jesus Christ to Peter : "I have prayed for
thee,
that thy faith fail not " (Luke xxii., 32), Papal
infallibility
cannot be proved with certainty. 4 By such a setting forth
of his principles, the impression was bound to be given that
Baius wished to minimize the authority of the Pope, and to
deprive of their force the Papal decisions against his
cherished
opinions.
1 C. FLEURY, Hist. eccl. Continuatio, XLIX., August.
Vindel.,
1572, 126 ; LE BACHELET in the Dictionnaire de iheol. cath.
of
VACANT AND MANGENOT, II., Paris, 1905, 54 seqq. In what
follows we are in complete accordance, unless otherwise
stated,
with Le Bachelet. C/. also SCHEEBEN in Freib. Kirchenlex., I
2 ,
1852 seqq.
a C/. Vol. XV. of this work, p. 334.
8 Bonhomini to Cardinal Rusticucci, November 9, 1585, in
EHSES-MEISTER, Kolner Nuntiatur, I. ,
184.
4 He wrote a small book concerning this passa ge. LE
BACHELET,
54 ; FLEURY, Contin., XLIX., 493.
3l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Baius also showed his true colours in a controversy with
the champion of Calvinism in Holland
S. Aldegonde. 1 For reasons that are not known, perhaps in
order to embarrass the Catholics by means of Baius, Marnix
addressed to the rector of the university of Louvain
of questions as to the authority of the Church in matters of
faith, and on the Holy Eucharist. Baius replied, and ably
defended against Protestantism the doctrines of the Church.
But the principles on which he based his arguments gave
reason
for anxiety among the Catholics. The Franciscan, Orantes
y Villena (Horantius), afterwards Bishop of Oviedo, wrote
against him ; at the suggestion of the Grand Inquisitor of
sities of Alcala and Salamanca
tions. 2 Among other things Baius was found fault with be
cause, in spite of the Papal condemnation, he still adhered
in
his lectures and disputations to the propositions forbidden
by
Pius V. This was quite true in so far that Baius, at the
public disputations, by preference raised objections to
those
dogmatic propositions which were opposed to his own errors.
It also seems to be the truth that, after the death of Pius
V.,
he entertained the hope that the new Pope would be more
favourably disposed towards him, and addressed to Gregory
XIII. a defence in elucidation of the doctrines condemned by
Pius V. His followers spread the rumour that the bull
against
him had been fictitious, and that no one had seen an
authentic
copy of it, while others foretold the revocation of his con
demnation at the hands of the new Pope.
It seemed as though a renewal of the old controversy was at
hand ; in order to prevent this, Philip II., through his am
bassador in Rome , and the
theological faculty at Louvain
through the Jesuit Toledo, had recourse to Gregory XIII.,
and asked for a confirmation and renewal of the bull of Pius
V.
against the Louvain
1 FLEURY, Contin., XLIX., 493 seq., 589 seqq. LE BACHELET,
53-
3 The censure is printed in FLEURY, Contin., L., 86 seqq.
BAIUS AND TOLEDO
request and on January 29th, 1580, issued the bull asked
for. 1
The introduction to this states : it is the right of the
Pope
to place in the hands of the faithful the decisions of his
pre
decessors, as often as this may be necessary ; in this
decree
of his, therefore, he was following the bull of Pius V., as
it
appeared in the registers.
The above mentioned Jesuit, Francisco Toledo, was charged
with the difficult task of publishing the bull in Louvain
inducing Baius to submit to it, 2 for in Rome Toledo was
looked
upon as a prodigy of learning. 3 In March, 1580, Toledo
reached Louvain
friendly discussion, actually succeeded in satisfying and
win
ning over the chancellor. He then summoned a meeting of
the faculty, and explained why the Pope had decided to con
firm and publish the bull of Pius V. At a subsequent meeting
the bull of Gregory XIII. was read, after which Toledo
addressed to Baius the question whether several of the
rejected
propositions were not actually to be found in his printed
books,
and there defended in the sense in which they had been
1 Bull. Rom.
Dominicae, 1579, 4. cal. febr. pontificatus nostri anno
VIII."
The eighth year of the pontificate extended from May 26, 1579,
to May 25, 1580. The 29th of January in that year therefore
fell
in 1580. In Bull. Rom.
between December 16, 1579, and March 23, 1580. But the
" datum " on p. 320, as is not uncommonly the
case, is taken
incorrectly.
2 The briefs with which he was furnished (to Baius and to
the
absolve him, February 2, 1580) in THEINER, Annales, 1580, n.
79
(III., 206 seqq). The *Instructions for Toledo
20, 1580, in Cod. R. 3. 6, p. 51 seq. of the Angelica
Library, Rome
3 A brief of Gregory XIII. of November 22, 1575, recommends
to the Duke of Bavaria : " ne mendaciis credat contra
Franciscum
Toletum lesuitam, hominum omnium qui nunc sunt sine ulla
controversia doctissimum . . . cuius consilium in rebus
gravissi-
mis S. Poenitentiariae
omnibusque fere, quae ad animarum
salutem pertinent, adhibet [SS. Pontifex] . . . Synopsis
actorum
S. Sedis 77."
318 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
condemned in the bull. Naturally, this last remark was aimed
at the discussion on the so-called " comma
pianum." Baius
replied in the affirmative. Toledo
rejected these and the other propositions condemned by the
Pope. " I reject them," replied Baius, " in
the sense of the bull
and in the way and manner in which the bull condemns
them." 1
The same question was then addressed to the others present,
and all replied in the same way as Baius. In subsequent dis
cussions with the professor, Toledo
declaration of March 24th, 1580, signed by him. In this
Baius
states that the remarks of Toledo
upon him ; he was persuaded that the condemnation was
just and equitable, and the result of mature reflection and
examination. He confesses that in some of his earlier
writings
many of these propositions were to be found, and that they
are
there defended in the sense in which the bull condemns them
;
finally he declares that he renounces these opinions and sub
mits himself to the condemnation of the Pope. 2 Toledo
replied that nowhere had he found such wisdom, and nowhere
such humility, as in Baius ; in Rome
Pope in the most honourable terms, 3 so that Gregory XIII.
gave the chancellor a testimonial in a most benevolent brief
of June I5th, 1580. 4 Toledo
an original manuscript of the bull ; differing from the
printed
copy which he had taken to Louvain
in accordance with the usage of the pontifical chancery, in
this
there were no punctuation marks, a circumstance which, in
the later history of Baianism, in the years of 1618 and
1643,
figured largely in the controversy about the " comma
pianum."
1 LE BACHELET, 55 ; cf. ASTRAIN, IV., 47.
2 Published in THEINER, Annales, 1580, n. 80 (III., 208) ; a
version in LE BACHELET, 57.
8 The return of Toledo to Rome
calchi on May 14, 1580, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
4 THEINER, Annales, 1580, n. 79 (III., 208). The letters of
thanks to the university, the syndic, the assessors and the
council
of Louvain
THE INDEX. 319
In spite of all these declarations and subscriptions the
errors
of Louvain
quieting news reached Rome
the Bishop of Vercelli
nuncio to Germany
to this question. Bonhomini s reports from Holland
came to Gregory s successor.
The experiences they had had of Baius and the influence
of his writings and doctrines only made it more evident in
exercise all possible vigilance in order to exclude
anti-Catholic
doctrines. How convinced Gregory was for this reason of
the need for the Index of prohibited books is shown by
several
of his briefs. Bad books, he wrote to the Archduke Charles
at Graz
whole cities and provinces ; Councils and Emperors had
realized that nothing was better or more salutary for the
whole
Church than to employ the fire against this cancer. Maxi
milian II. earned the praise of the Pope for what he had
done
in proceeding with all severity against the books of the
inno
vators. 2 Rudolph II., 3 and before him, the Archduke Fer
dinand, 4 were begged by Gregory to do the same.
At the same time, side by side with zeal in restricting the
dissemination of heretical doctrines, it was necessary to
steer
clear of the danger lest by excessive severity in
prohibiting
books, men s consciences might be disturbed, and the very
observance of the Index itself made too difficult. In his
efforts to reconcile these two extremes, zeal for the faith
and
proper prudence, in the best possible way, Gregory XIII.
applied himself to the difficult task of giving the Index a
form
which would be satisfactory from both points of view. 5 For
1 On December 5, 1580, in THEINER, Annales, III., 135.
2 On May 15, 1574, A/chiv fur osterr. Gesch., XV., 209.
3 On March 15, 1581, in THEINER, Annales, III., 271.
4 On August n, 1576, ibid., II., 187.
5 " Ut pestiferarum opinionum diseminandarum omnis
tollatur
occasio, et conscientiarum tranquillitati, quantum in nobis
est,
consulatur, vehementer cupimus indicem librorum prohibitorum
320 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
this purpose the seven Cardinals of the Congregation of the
Index 1 were given very wide faculties ; they were to be
allowed in cases of uncertainty or special difficulty to
explain
and settle the meaning of the Index and its rules, to erase
from
heretical or suspect books the erroneous or scandalous
matter,
to permit or prohibit books, to put them on the Index or
remove them from it ; to grant or refuse permission to sell
productions of the press. So as to ensure uniformity of
action all other similar faculties were revoked ; moreover
all bishops, professors, teachers, booksellers, and the like
were
bound to obedience to the cardinalitial congregation of the
Index. 2
Indeed, under Gregory XIII. the work of preparing a new
edition of the Index was begun. An attempt was made
upon the difficult task of expurgating erroneous matter
from the works of Boccacio, Macchiavelli, 3 and the Jewsih
in earn formam primo quoque tempore redigi, etc." Bull
of
September 13, 1572, in Analecta iuris pontif. ist. Ser., Rome
2256. Cf, HILGERS, 514 seq.
1 Sirleto, Paleotto, Bonelli, Pelleve, Bianchi, Mental to,
Giustini-
ani (introduction to the same bull, Analecta, loc. cit.}.
For the
Congregation of the Index cf. MAFFEI, I. ,
23. For its secretaries
in the time of Gregory XIII., Giov. Batt. Lanci (1580-3) and
"incenzo Bonardi, see TAURISANO, Hierarchia ord.
Praedic.,
Rome., 1916, 115.
2 Bull of September 13, 1572, loc. cit.
8 SALV. BONGI, Annali di Gabr. Gioliti de Ferrari, II., Rome
1897, 414 seqq. REUSCH, Index, I. ,
387, 390. Two letters from
Vettori to Sirleto in DEJOB, 393, 396. *Epistola ad
Gregorium
XIII. super corrrectione novellarum Boccaccii
imperfecta," in
Vat. 6176, p. 282, Vatican Library. A *letter of June 20,
1573,
orders the nuncio at Venice
di Bocaccio non corrette." Nunziat. di Venezia, XIII.,
Papal
Secret Archives. For the expurgated edition of the "
Cortegiano "
of Castiglione (1584) cf. VITTORIO CIAN, Un episodic della
storia
della censura in Italia nel sec. XVI., Milan
translation of the Bible by Rene Benoist was condemned in a
brief of October 3, 1575 ; see REUSCH, I. ,
449 seq. ; cf. Studi e
docum. di storia e di diritto, XXIV., Rome
in
V:
THE INDEX. 321
books, 1 and an examination of the glossary of Canon Law was
made, 2 as well as of the writings of Erasmus. 3 But for the
moment all these preparatory labours were of no use for the
proposed new edition of the Index. 4
But if the above mentioned attempts prove an anxiety to
moderate the existing prohibitions of books, 5 there was
never-
1 REUSCH, I. , 50. At his
audience of June i, 1581, Santori
spoke to the Pope *" dei Talmud stampati in Basilea
venuti ;
che 1 Talmud sia impedito per tutto " (Notes by Santori
on his
audiences, Arm. 52, t. 17, Papal Secret Archives). Santori again
spoke to the Pope on July 27, 1581, *" del
tione de libri hebrei e spese fatteci e fatighe tenute ;
N.S. ordino
che con li primi riveditori de libri hebrei vi intervenisse
alcun
Giudeo, e quel che poi sara notato, si riferisca in
Congregatione "
(ibid.). The Duke of Mantua was *warned not to allow any
Jewish book to be printed, without its being first revised
(Zibra-
monte, January n, 1584, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
nuncio in Germany
come to an understanding with the Swiss government, "
acci6
operino con li loro confederati di Basilea che si impedisca
la
stampa del Thalmud intentendosi essere molto
sollicitata."
Barb. LXII., i, carte 42, Vatican Library. Cf. REINHARDT-
STEFFENS, Nuntiaturberichte, I. ,
269 seq., 347, 629 seq. BORATYN-
SKI, Caligarii Epist., 321.
2 REUSCH, I. , 440.
3 Ibid. 354-
4 An *Avviso di Roma of August 14, 1577, expects the
printing
of the new Index, and knows of a motuproprio obtained at the
request of the Theatines, " che si levano tutte le rime
lascive et
comedie obscene, le lettere amorose et le satire, che si
suspendano
saranno snervati e smembrati." Urb. 1045, p. 473, Vatican
Library. In an *Avviso di Roma of February 4, 1581, it is
stated :
" Si dice, che si prohibiranno I historie di
Guicciardino ponendosi
nell Indice delli libri proibiti, per quel che troppo
apertamente
tocca il Papa Alessandro Sesto." Ibid. 1049, p. 53 b.
5 An*Avviso di Roma of May 15, speaks of a congregation held
on May 14, 1574, at the house of Sirleto to mitigate the
Index.
Urb. 1044, p. io5b, Vatican Library. For the leniency of the
Congregation of the Index see MONTAIGNE, I. ,
27 seq., 59 seq.
Following the example of G. Voigt (Hist. Zeitschrift XX.,
23-53)
VOL. XIX. 21
322 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
theless one bull belonging to the beignning of the
pontificate
of Gregory XIII. in which the latter, in a way but little
less
severe than that of Pius V., intervened against one form of
publication which had recently been introduced. This was
the degeneracy of the press, at that time in its infancy.
Besides
the conscientious writers of the Avvisi, there were also, to
use the expression of Gregory, men who with curiosity and
effrontery speculated concerning everything that they could
find out bearing on private or state affairs, or could
freely
invent out of their own heads, compiling their information
without any regard to its truth or falsity, so as to spread
them
everywhere for the sake of a few miserable pence, and to
publish as news, statements which were spread about outside
will to comments on the past and conjectures as to the
future.
How much harm this evil practice brought with it, when lies
were spread abroad as truth, and many were attacked in their
good name, could easily be foreseen, and experience had al
ready proved. For this reason Gregory forebade the writing
of such news, or its being received, copied or promulgated, and
that under the penalties of disgrace and the galleys. 1 Pius
V.
had spoken even more severely of the abuse of secret informa
tion bureaux, 2 which constituted a serious danger, since
crypto-Calvinists, such as Wolfgang Zundelin, made use ol
them to spread abroad the most disgraceful charges against
the Holy See. 3
some historians of literature have made the Inquisition and
the In
dex responsible for the misfortunes of Tasso (see supra, p.
299, n. 3)
and have put him forward as a victim of the counter-reformation.
This cannot be held in any sense ; see BAUMGARTNEK, VI., 379
seq.,
who justly remarks that Tasso found his most loyal,
disinterested
and generous friends among the secular and regular clergy,
and
among the prelates and Cardinals, namely among the circles
of the
" counter-reformation."
1 Bull of September i, 1572, Bull. Rom.
*report of Fr. Gerini of September 6, 1572, State Archives, Florence
2 Cf. Vol. XVII. of this work, p. 99.
3 Cf. BEZOLD in Sitzungberichten der Munchener Akad., 1882,
150 seq.
CHAPTER IX.
GREGORY XIII. AND THE LEAGUE AGAINST THE TURKS.
JUST as in the internal affairs of the Church, Gregory had
followed the traditions of Pius V., so he did in political
matters,
when, with all possible zeal, he sought to carry on his pre
decessor s warlike undertakings against the Crescent. On
the very evening of May i3th, 1572, in spite of the
excitement
of the election, and his great weariness after the long cere
mony of paying homage in St. Peter s, he summoned the
ambassadors of Spain
and Venice
your king," he said to the former, " that he has
every reason to
rejoice at our election, because we are determined to
support
him in all his glorious undertakings, especially the league
against the Turks, and not only will we maintain the
alliance
concluded with our predecessor, but we will double our con
tribution and armaments." Gregory expressed himself in
similar terms to the ambassador of Venice
In announcing his programme of government at the con
sistory of May 30th, he mentioned in the first place the
main
tenance and strengthening of the league against the enemy
of Christendom, who was now again taking up arms. 2 If he
promised, on that solemn occasion, that he would devote
ah 1 his efforts and all his thoughts to that difficult
task, 3 he
1 See the *notes of Musotti, Boncompagni Archives, Rome
Cf. App. n. 29.
2 Cf. supra p. 65.
8 The Pope had said : Pium suum praedecessorem ex tribus
lapillis interemptum sibi tres alios reliquisse qui se
statumque
suum in periculo ponerent. Horum autem lapillorum primum
dicebat esse difficultatem conservandi federis initi inter
Pontificem
Romanum, Regem Catholicum et Venetos
tana contra Turcas. Alter, titulum Magni Ducis cum corona
323
324 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
faithfully kept his word ; the thought of the league runs
like
a scarlet thread throughout the pontificate of Gregory
XIII.,
and to a great extent determined his attitude towards the
Christian powers. 1
In view of the zeal with which the Pope was animated, it was
specially painful to him that at the very beginning of his
reign all idea of an energetic following up of the glorious
vic
tory of Lepanto for the benefit of the whole of Christendom,
threatened to disappear in smoke. It was no matter for
surprise that grave difficulties should make themselves felt
on the part of the King of Spain, for already, in the time
of
Pius V., he had wished to direct the war against the north
of
to hope that he might win Madrid
his legation in 1565, he had won the esteem of Philip II.,
and
his court in the highest degree.* The decisive part played
by
Granvelle in his election, and the deference which the Pope
at once showed towards the King of Spain, 3 also justified
the
hope that the difficulties which had hitherto paralysed the
league might be removed. 4
Gregory displayed the greatest zeal. By means of letters,
as well as through his nuncios, and by conferences with the
Cosmo Medices concessa, quod principes christianos in
dissidio
ponere facile posset. Tertium archiepiscopi Toletani causam,
quae inextricabilis nee sine laesione auctoritatis et
existimationis
Sedis Apostolicae expediri posse videretur. Var. polit. 98
(later
97), p. 205, Papal Secret Archives.
1 See KARTTUNEN, Gregoire XIII., p. i.
* See the *notes of Venanzio da Camerino and *tbose of C.
Speciani in the Boncompagni Archives, Rome
8 How greatly the Pope esteemed Spain
attitude in 1572, on the occasion of a dispute about
precedence
between the ambassadors of Spain
43 seq. ; HERRE, 248.
4 Cardinals Galli and Mark Sittich were appointed to the
Congregazione della Lega " in the place of Bonelli and
Rusti-
cucci; see the report of Arco of May 24, 1572, State
Archives,
ambassadors in Rome , he
endeavoured to rouse Spain
at the same time he devoted his attention to pushing forward
to completion, and without delay, that part of the armament
which was expected from himself. As early as May i6th, 1572,
he addressed to Don John of Austria ,
who was at Messina
fiery exhortation to open the campaign. He at once sent
Marcantonio Colonna, the victor of Lepanto, to that port,
confirming him in his former office of commander of the
Papal auxiliary fleet. 1 The reports of this Roman prince
show that now, as heretofore, only the Holv See was
pursuing a really disinterested policy in regard to European
affairs. 2
At the beginning of June, 1572, Marcantonio Colonna, with
the thirteen Papal galleys, met Don John, who was assembling
his fleet at Messina Venice
which, by the wish of Spain
Giacomo Foscarini instead of Venier, was at Corfu ; twenty-
five galleys under the " provveditore," Giacomo
Soranzo,
had already reached Messina
seemed to be imminent when, on June I4th, Don John quite
unexpectedly postponed the departure of the fleet ; when
Colonna and Soranzo asked for an explanation of his conduct,
he was at length forced to admit that he was acting under
the express orders of Philip II. 3
The indignation in Rome
No one at the Curia felt any doubt that the jealousy of
Philip II.
for Venice
June 2ist, 1572, had personally taken part in a procession
of
penance to obtain protection from the Turks, 4 and had
1 See GUGLIELMOTTI, Colonna, 314.
2 See GOTTLOB in Histor. Jahrbuch, XVI., 394.
3 See SERENO, 271 seg. ; GUGLIELMOTTI, Colonna, 318 seq. ;
BALAN, VI., 570 seq. ; MANFRONI, Lega, XVI., 379 seq. ;
SERRANO,
Liga, I. , 207 seq. Serrano
must be given the credit of having been
the first to discover the text of Philip II. s order (I. , 298 seqq.).
4 See the "report of B. Pia, June 21, 1572, Gonzaga
Archives,
326 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
exhorted Don John to weigh anchor at once, 1 learned with
the
greatest grief that, at the very beginning of his
pontificate,
the treaty of the league had thus been seriously endangered
by
Philip II. on June 3oth, 1572, he, in his curt and concise
style,
made serious remonstrances, pointing out that not only
religious motives, but even more political ones, called for
the
cancelling of this disastrous command. At the same time he
announced the sending of a special envoy, Niccolo Ormaneto,
Bishop of Padua, to explain his views more fully. 3
The Pope s indignation was further increased when he
learned of a plan on the part of Spain
expedition for the conquest of Algiers
declared that the behaviour of the King of Spain involved
the
revocation of those monetary concessions which had been
made to him by Pius V. A hostile attitude visibly gained
ground in Rome
King of Spain had ruined the league, and violated the en
gagements which he had taken upon himself by oath. The
representative of Philip II. in Rome
himself in a very difficult position at that time. Against
the
attacks being made on the policy of his sovereign, he set
forth,
above everything else, one consideration : the threatening
attitude of France
nots to the insurgents in the Netherlands
expedition against Algiers ,
he maintained that if Spain
deliver an attack there, France
with the help of the Turks. But in spite of all his effort
Zuniga was not successful in bringing about any change in
public opinion in favour of the policy of his government. 4
** Brief of June 21, 1572, Arm. 44, t. 21, n. 97, Papal
Secret
Archives.
2 See GRATIANUS, De bello
3 We owe our knowledge of this letter to SERRANO (Liga, I.,
361 seqq.}. The latter remarks (p. 254) that the letter was
written
" en te>minos tan graves y energicos, que quizas
no ofrezca otra
semejante el epistolario particular de Gregorio XIII."
* See SERRANO, Liga, I. ,
242 seq., 250 seq., 254 seq., 334 seq. t
The Pope s representative in Madrid
strances against the orders issued by Philip II., had
remarked
that it was very strange that so powerful a sovereign had,
merely on the strength of a suspicion, arrived at so
important
a decision without consulting his allies ; if it were true
that
formed against the Turks, she had attained her end with very
little trouble, since the orders sent to Don John in
themselves
involved the breaking up of the league. The legate was told
in
reply that the suspicions against France
founded, and that Philip II. had had to act at once so as
not to
be taken by surprise. 1
Gregory XIII. and Cardinals Morone, Galli, Cesi and Aldo-
brandini, whom he had called into consultation, had pro
posed at the end of June that at any rate a part of the
Spanish
fleet should be placed at the disposal of the allies against
the
bold Uludsch Ali, who was commanding the Turkish fleet,
because otherwise there was reason to fear that Venice
conclude a separate treaty with Turkey
realized this danger. His position was as delicate as it
could
be. He was eager for glory, he realized the justice of the
demands of the Pope and the Venetians for the observance
of the. treaty oi the league, yet in spite of this his hands
were
absolutely tied by the orders of Philip II. and the
counsellors
whom the king had associated with him. " The
Pope," he
wrote to the Duke of Terranueva, "is breathing fire and
flames,
and Venice
On July yth, 1572, Colonna had left Messina
fleet consisting of 56 galleys, thirteen of which belonged
to the
374 seq. Serrano strongly defends, against the view hitherto
held, the conduct of Philip II., whom he excuses on the
ground
of his fears of France and the Protestants (cf. Rev. hist.,
CXXXVI.
[1921], 100) ; he strongly supports, here as well as in the
intro
duction to his " Correspondencia," the Spanish
point of view.
1 See SERRANO, Liga, I. ,
378 seq.
2 See MANFRONI, Lega, XVI., 390 seq., 399 seq. ; SERRANO,
Liga, I. , 345 seq.
3 See ROSELL, 230 ; HAVEMANN, Don Juan, 153.
328 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Pope, while on the same day Don John had gone off in anger
with the Spanish fleet towards Algiers
with the 70 galleys of Foscarini, which had reached Corfu in
the middle of July, he could successfully attack the Turkish
forces, though they were superior in numbers, deeming that
his own ships were superior in quality and armament. 1 In
the meantime, on July 4th, 1572, Philip II. revoked his ori
ginal orders, and allowed Don John to rejoin the allied
fleet. 2
Colonna, as well as Foscarini, did not allow themselves to
be
kept back by this from their advance against the enemy.
Uludsch Ali avoided a decisive engagement. When Colonna
returned to Corfu on
September ist, 1572, he found Don John
there with 53 galleys and 13,000 men. Don John, who had
reached Corfu on August
loth, took offence as generalissimo at
the arbitrary action of the allies, so that there was a
heated
dispute between him and Colonna. The old rivalry between
ness. At length the united fleet set sail on September 7th,
but without accomplishing anything of importance. 3 When
the advancing season of the year made any further operations
impossible, they separated with mutual recriminations. Don
John got back once more to Messina
while a short time afterwards Colonna brought back the
Papal forces to Civitavecchia
1 See MANFRONI, Marina
2 This hitherto unknown letter of Philip II. has also been
discovered by SERRANO (Liga, I. ,
363).
8 MANFRONI, Lega, XVI., 427 seq., XVII., 23 seq., and MARINA
513 seq. Cf. aso MANFRONI, Don Giovanni d Austria
Contarini, Citta di Castello, 1903, in which he withdraws
his
previous opinion. The events of that time, says a critic
(Riv.
Slor., 1905, 227) are not yet quite clear. Recently SERRANO
(Liga, vol. II.) has given a full account, in which he
brings out
some hitherto unnoticed points, which tell in favour of his
fellow-
countrymen.
4 The earlier accounts of Manfroni and Guglielmotti, upon
which
BALAN (VI., 578 seq.) relies, are substantially added to by
the
learned account of Serrano, who eloquently and heatedly puts
forward the Spanish point of view (Liga, vol. II.).
SALVIATI IN FRANCE
The grief of Gregory XIII. at the unhappy issue of the
expedition 1 was all the greater in that for his part he had
done
all that was in his power to counteract the sterility of the
league. To this end he had above all made every effort to
put an end to the jealousy between Madrid
and Venice
to prevent any attack on Spain
on the part of France
was one of the principal tasks entrusted by him to Antonio
Maria Salviati, who had been appointed nuncio in Paris
June nth, 1572. Like Ormaneto, who had been appointed
nuncio in Madrid
and Giovanni Antonio Facchinetti, the representative of
Gregory XIII. at Venice
Pius V. By the employment of these men the new Pope
showed how much he had at heart the welfare of Christendom.
2
Salviati s instructions spoke of the adherence to the league
on the part of France
If this attempt had been successful, not only would there
have
been an important strengthening of the league, but Turkey
would have been deprived of a strong moral support. 3 How
ever, it was obvious that such an adherence could not be
brought about. In the existing state of affairs, Gregory
XIII.
would have to be satisfied if the French government could be
held back from supporting the insurrection in the Netherlands
for otherwise war between France
and Spain
a complete abandonment of the league on the part of Philip
II.,
would have been inevitable. In the opinion of Salviati 4
such an intervention by France
strongly inclined, would have actually occurred, if at the
last moment an unexpected event had not taken place ; this
was the massacre of St. Bartholomew. At the same time a
fresh attempt to win over France
1 See the brief to Don John, October 27, 1572, in THEINER,
I.,
77 seq.
2 See in App. n. 31 the *notes of Salviati, Boncompagni
Archives, Rome
3 See SERRANO, Liga, II., 276.
4 See in App. n. 31 the *notes of Salviati, Boncompagni
Archives, Rome
33O HISTORY OF THE POPES.
means of the mission of Cardinal Orsini. The same end was
also aimed at in the project put forward by the nuncio in
and Spain
of Philip II. The mission of Orsini was entirely without
result. 1 At the same time the Pope s plan of directing the
united forces of France
and Spain
of England
Equally unsuccessful were the efforts made by the Pope
to induce the Emperor Maximilian II. to join the league. 3
The
Archbishop of Lanciano, Niccolo Marini, who was sent to
who was followed almost at once by MarcantonioColonna, 4 was
instructed to secure an auxiliary Portuguese fleet which had
been promised in the preceding year, but it was brought home
to him at Evora that this was not possible, as Portugal
need of her ships for her own defence against the corsairs
from the west of Africa ,
and for the protection of her over
seas possessions. 5
Thus the final result of all the Pope s diplomatic activity,
great though it was, was negative. In the end, as before,
Gregory XIII. saw no other hopes except Venice
and Spain
The declarations of Philip II. seemed to justify the highest
hopes ; the king was willing to increase the number of his
ships, and to give up every private enterprise, such as that
against Algiers
attitude of Venice
increase of the ships to be contributed by the republic. 6
Even
more serious was the ever-growing rumour that Venice
1 See SERRANO, Liga, II., 277 seq.
*Cf. the "report of Arco, Rome
Archives, Vienna
3 See SCHWARZ, Gutachten, VII. seq. ; T6RNE, 140 seq. ; SER
RANO, Liga, II., 282 seq.
4 For both missions see HINOJOSA, 259 seq. ; SERRANO, Liga,
II.,
253 seq., 260 seq.
6 See SERRANO, Liga, II., 259 seq.
* Ibid. 209 seq., 216 seq.
THE ATTITUDE OF VENICE
negotiating a separate peace with Turkey
tion of France
an act of treachery, and, as was announced in Rome
ber, 1572, had granted to the republic for the duration of
the
war the right to sell ecclesiastical property to the amount of
100,000 scudi. 2 The Venetian ambassador, as well as the
Doge himself, absolutely denied the negotiations with the
Turks to the nuncio, who was growing more anxious every
day. 3 Since the rumour persisted, Gregory XIII. thought it
opportune, through the nuncio Salviati, to call the
attention of
the French government to the shameful effects of their media
tion between the Porte and Venice
Domini, which was published on March igth, 1573, contained
a special decree against all those who busied themselves
with
undermining the league against the Turks. 5
Grave suspicions as to the intentions of Venice
during the conferences which were held in Rome
ning of 1573 to discuss the campaign which was to be launched
against the Turks. At these Spain
nal Pacheco and Zufiiga, and Venice
the command of the Pope, Cardinals Morone, Galli, Mark
Sittich, Chiesa, Cesi, Aldobrandini and Guastavillani also
took
part. During the negotiations the intention of Venice
avoid a decision as far as possible was obvious, yet in
order
to arrive at a conclusion it was very necessary to take into
account the demands of the representative of the Republic of
St. Mark. 6
1 Ibid. 219 seq.
2 See the *report of Arco, November i, 1572, State Archives,
3 See SERRANO, Liga, II., 236, 305 seq. The report of the
nuncio cited in. the first place has the date : Venice
J 573. which is lacking in SERRANO. Nunziat. di Venezia,
Xll., 217,
Papal Secret Archives.
4 Cf. in App. n. 31 the *notes of Salviau, Boncompagni
Archives
5 See SERRANO, Liga, II., 249.
6 See ibid.
332 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The principal decisions of the conference, which was finally
brought to an end on February 27th, 1573, arranged that the
Papal and Spanish fleets should assemble at Messina
the end of March, and should then join the Venetian fleet
at Corfu , after which they
were to attempt to strike a blow
against the Turks in the east. The total number of the
galleys
was to be if possible as many as 300 ; at the lowest, Spain
The preparations for carrying out this undertaking were
begun at once. 2 Don John was on the point of setting out
for Corfu ; the suspicions against Venice
tradicted by the fact that the Republic of St. Mark
paring in Sicily
when all of a sudden terrible tidings were spread through
the
country which destroyed all hopes of common action against
the enemy of Christendom.
Quite secretly, on March 7th, 1573, the Venetian Bailo,
Marcantonio Barbaro, and the grand vizier, agreed at Con
stantinople upon a separate peace between the Republic of
St. Mark and the Porte. Almost at the same moment the
Venetian ambassador in Rome
Cardinals, for definite action against the Turks in the Levant ! 4
In order to stir up the Spaniards Gregory XIII. had sent
urgent briefs on March 27th, 1573, to Don John and Gian
Andrea Doria. 5 It was in the midst of all these
preparations
1 Ibid. 407 seq., where the full text of the agreement is to
be
found.
2 In Rome
*report of C. Capilupi, February 7 and 22, 1573, Gonzaga
Archives,
STEICHELE, Zur Geschichte des Bistums Augsburg, II. (1852),
96.
8 See SERRANO, Liga, II., 285.
4 See YRIARTE, Vie d un patricien, 211, 213, 215; TORNE 143 ;
JORGA, III., 156. The nuncio in Venice
conclusion of the peace on April 4 ; see GUGLIELMOTTI,
Colonna,
428 seq. ; THEINER, I. , 405
seq. ; VALENSISE, 177 seq.
6 See THEINER, I. , 197 seq.
; cf. *Avviso di Roma of March 21,
J 573> State Archives, Vienna
for the great undertaking 1 that there came the news of the
pact which put an end to it. And how pitiful were the con
ditions of that pact ! By it the Republic of St. Mark
its conquests on the coasts of Albania
within three years 300,000 ducats as a war indemnity, and
abandoned the island
of Cyprus
" the Turk had won the battle of Lepanto ! " 2
It was upon the shoulders of Paolo Tiepolo that the burden
fell of informing the Pope of the conclusion of the peace
which
broke up the league. In the afternoon of April 6th, 1573,
Tiepolo repaired to Frascati, where the Pope was staying for
a
few days at the villa of Cardinal Mark Sittich. The ambassa
dor was admitted immediately. He had hardly begun to
speak when the Pope realized the purpose of his visit. Ap
parently sunk in deep thought, he listened to the
ambassador,
and then interrupted him so frequently, that he had great
difficulty in coming to an end. When he said that the peace
had been concluded by the Bailo, the Pope bade him go. Tie-
polo made one more attempt to justify the action of his
govern
ment, but the Pope got up from his seat and went to the
window, turning his back on the ambassador. When the
latter again begged him to listen to him, the Pope turned
and
once more bade him go ; he would hear the rest in Rome
but the ambassador must remember that Venice
under excommunication . 3
1 Cf. the *reports of Capilupi of March 7 and April 4, 1573,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
nuncio in Spain
2 See CHARRIERE, III., 361 n.
3 See the report of Tiepolo in TORNE ,
253 seq. Cf. also the
*letter of C. Capilupi, April 7, 1573, and the *report of
Odescalchi
of the same date, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
imaginary embellishments of the scene in HUBNER, I. , 141,
rightly disputed by C. ROBINSON (Nicolo Ormaneto, London
1920, 75 n. i). Gondola too, in his report of April 8, 1573
(Archiv
fiir osterr. Gesch., XCVIII., 636 seq.) says nothing about
the Pope
having followed the flying ambassador through the
apartments.
This detail probably came from a misinterpretation of a
passage in
GRATIANUS, De bello
334 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Tiepolo had hardly gone when the Pope ordered an immedi
ate start for Rome
arrival at the Vatican
Colonna, but the latter was at Paliano. When he arrived on
the following day, the Pope immediately summoned the
Congregation of the League. 1 This resolved upon the dis
banding of all the troops gathered for the war against the
Turks, with the exception of the garrisons of the strategic
points in the States of the Church, the disbanding of the
galleys placed at their disposal by Cosmo I.
ment of all the concessions which had been made to Venice
in support of the expenses of the undertaking of the league.
2
In the evening couriers were sent in all haste to Spain , France
and the Emperor. 3 The nuncios were sent a letter declaring
that the Pope s sorrow on account of the defection of Venice
from the league was greater than if he had lost the whole of
the States of the Church. 4
On April 8th all the Cardinals were summoned to a con
sistory, an altogether extraordinary proceeding ; the decree
of excommunication against Venice
be seen from the Pope s look what serious thoughts filled
his
mind. On this occasion, as was his wont, he adhered to his
custom of receiving each Cardinal in audience before the
consistory ; Cardinal Cornaro, who took the opportunity of
trying to excuse his country, was clearly given to
understand
how offended and disappointed he had been with Venice
1 See the *report of C. Capilupi of April 7, 1573, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua
2 See the "report of Cusano of April n, 1573, who says
that the
Venetians had drawn three to four millions from the Papal
con
cessions. State Archives, Vienna
vol. 5 (1898-9), 252.
8 See the "letter of Odescalchi, April 7, 1573, Gonzaga
Archives,
4 See the letter of Galli to Fachinetti, April 7, 1573, in TORNE ,
256 ; the reply of the nuncio in THEINER, I. ,
406 seq ; VALENSISE,
181 seq.
8 See P. TIEPOLO, 236.
See the *report of C. Capilupi, April 1 1, 1573, Gonzaga
Archives,
ANGER OF THE POPE. 335
In the Pope s speech to the Cardinals he expressed his
sorrow at the desertion of the league on the part of Venice
which had occurred quite unexpectedly during the gathering
of the armaments for a fresh campaign against the Turks,
and which destroyed all hopes of being saved from them.
" You have learned," he began, " what, to our
greatest sorrow,
the Venetians have done ; how they have acted against the
decisions of the holy alliance ; against their promises and
against their oath they have concluded a shameful peace with
the tyrants of Turkey ,
to the harm of the Holy See, of Spain
of themselves and the whole of Christendom. Since we were
afraid of this, we have often warned their ambassador, who,
however, repeatedly assured us that the Venetians would
hold firmly to the league." Gregory then went on to
point
out the fact that the desertion of Venice
very moment when the Christians were making every possible
preparation for the campaign, and when the enemy was not
yet completely prepared, and was, moreover, threatened by
peace, which could not have been less favourable had the
They had reason to fear the punishments of God, and lest the
Turks also should punish the treachery of Venice
and seek the utter destruction of the republic. Overcome by
grief, the Pope ended with the words : " Let us pray
the
Lord to turn away His anger from us, and to have mercy
upon His Church." 1
All Rome Venice
has become hateful, even to the children, says the Mantuan
ambassador. 2 The indignation was so great that Paolo
Tiepolo
1 See SANTORI, Diario concist., XXIV., 126 seq., and the
"report
of C. Capilupi, April IT, 1573, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
the "letter of Cusano, April n, 1573, State Archives, Vienna
2 See the *report of C. Capilupi, April 15, 1573, Gonzaga Ar
chives, Mantua
credere V.E. quanto questo negotio della pace de Venetiani
habia
date alteratione alia corte di Roma et quanto odio et
murmurationi
habbia concitato contro detti Venetiani." Ibid.
33^ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
did not dare to leave the palace of S. Marco
and at first all the Cardinals, with the exception of
Cornaro,
avoided him like one who was excommunicated. 1
The Republic
of St. Mark
her in other parts of Italy
which had everywhere been built upon the victory of Lepanto,
the more bitter was the disappointment. This state of mind
explains the book by the Genoese Folieta " Of the
greatness
of the Turks " which recommends an agreement with the
Ottoman power, since any alliance among the Christians to
combat it had been shown to be impossible. 2 Outside Italy
the conduct of Venice
and employed against her. 3 News from Vienna
the resentment felt there was in no way less than that in
to be done to defend herself, and to back up the excuses of
the
Venetian diplomatists various works appeared with this
object
in view. 5 One of these apologists, Francesco Longo,
brazenly
1 P. TIEPOLO, 226, 237. *Report of C. Capilupi of April 15,
J573, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua bello
SERRANO, Liga, II., 291.
2 Cf. HERRE in the Deutschen Zeitschrift fur
Geschichtswissen-
schaft, 1906, 359.
8 See the report of Zuniga in Colecc. de docum. ined., CIL,
79 seq., 86 seq.
4 See Venez.
nunciature in SERRANO, Liga II., 314, n. 2, and 325 seq.
6 For the apology of A. Valiero see FOSCARINI, Lett. Venez.
The work of Longo was published in Arch. stor. Ital., App.
IV.,
n. 17. For the *letter of justification addressed to the
Holy See
in Vat. 5299, p. i seq., and the *reply on the part of Spain
same, GOTTLOB had called attention in Histor. Jahrbuch,
XVI.,
396. MOLMENTI treats of the " Difesa " of Cesare
Simonetti :
Un giudizio intorno a Venezia, Venice, 1898. See also Barb.
LVI., 24, *Difesa dei veneziaiii biasimati dalla maggior
parte
delle genti d Italia per aver fatto pace col turco nel 1573,
Vatican Library. Cf. also Cod. Ital. 6, pp. 160 seq., 202
seq.,
265 seq, State Library, Munich. Cod. 5627, p. i seq., 6003,
p. 72 seq., 6335, p. 406 seq., 6750, p. 431 seq. of the
Palatine
VENICE AND THE TURKS. 337
maintained that the carrying on of the war would have been
an evil, and that the conclusion of the peace ought not to
be
blamed but praised. 1
How little justification there was for such a view was
proved
by the dangerous position in which Venice found herself
after
the conclusion of the peace. The treaty had hardly been
signed when the Signoria, to its great dismay, was flooded
with tidings of the vast preparations being made by the
Turks for the coming spring. 2
The Republic of St. Mark had not only destroyed her
reputation as a great maritime power in the eyes of the
Turks,
but also in those of the whole of Christendom. The secretary
of the Venetian ambassador in Constantinople, Costantino
Garzoni, saj^s openly in one of his reports in J-573 3 that
it was
now abundantly manifest to the Porte that there was no
longer any reason to fear united action on the part of the
discordant Christian powers, and that the Turks considered
themselves strong enough to resist in every way any of the
powers, and hoped to be successful in so doing. Even though
the Venetians might in the future succeed in obtaining from
Turkey an advantageous and long enduring peace for their
Library, Vienna, and Cod. 940, n. 3, uoo, n. 13, of the
State
Archives, Vienna. Hortensi Tyriacensis had one of these
treatises copied for Duke William V. of Bavaria ; see his
*report,
dated Rome, January 15, 1575, State Archives, Munich. Lately
SERRANO has published (Liga, II., 422 seq.) from Cod. 1020,
Urb.,
p. 115 seq., the " Discorso a favore della Republica
Veneta sopra
la pace fatta col turco nel 1573," which he goes on to
submit to a
severe criticism (Liga, II., 319 seq.}. The " discorso
" in Cod. H.
331, Celsius, of the Upsala Library is dated : Venetia,
1573,
ottobre 4.
1 LONGO, 55 seq., 58. SERRANO (II., 318, n. i) speaks
severely
of Longo and the Italian historians who followed him.
Serrano
sums up his own opinion as follows : " La sagrada Liga
se deshizo
en virtud del agotamiento de Venecia, por incompatibilidad
de
intereses entre los coligados, per egoismo de los
Venecianos, por
falta de delicada solicitud y empefio en los
espanoles." (II., 344).
2 See ZINKEISEN, HI., 435 seq.
3 See ALBERT, III., i, 436.
VOL. XIX. 22
338 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
commerce, their political importance at Constantinople had
fallen so low that the little respect which was still shown
to
them was almost an insult. 1
In playing the traitor to the league founded by Pius V., and
breaking up the alliance, Venice had also inflicted grievous
injury on the Holy See. The Pope, said Garzoni in 1573, is
no longer held in the least consideration among the Turks ;
before the beginning of the last war even in Constantinople
the opinion was prevalent that the Holy See would be success
ful in forming an alliance of the Christian princes against
the
Porte, but nobody now believes in this, since the contrary
has been shown to be the case, both as regards the league,
and by the recent peace. 2
The indignation against Venice publicly expressed by
Gregory XIII. was altogether justifiable. 3 The Pope felt
himself all the more seriously injured in that he had now
reason to fear for his own territories, and had to take
immediate
steps for the safeguarding of the coasts of the States of
the
Church. 5 It was in vain that Tiepolo tried to justify his
government to the Curia ; he was at first refused an
audience
1 See ZINKEISEN, III., 413.
2 See ALBERT, III., i, 436. Also ibid. 332, M. Ant. Barbaro.
Giacomo Soranzo said (III., 2, 202) in 1576: "I turchi
non
temono il papa, la cui potenza terrena apparisce debole,
egli puo
al massimo incitare a parole ad una lega, da 1 esito ha dimostrato
che tali alleanze non possono venir attuate coll esortazione
di
altri, ma solo per la forza di interessi di Stato."
8 Cf. besides the "instructions to the nuncio in Venice
of April
7 and 8, 1573 (Nunziat. di Venezia, XIII., Papal Secret
Archives),
the *report of Aless. de Medici of April 10, 1573, State
Archives,
Florence, the briefs of April 12 and 13, 1573, in THEINER,
I.,
198 seq., and Corpo dipl. Portug., X., 472. Cf. CATENA,
Lettere,
313, and the *report of Zuniga of April 12, 1573, in Colecc.
de
docum. indd., CII., 91 seq.
4 See the "report of C. Capilupi of April n, 1573,
Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. How necessary such steps were was shown
by what happened in February, 1573, near Noto. Cf. SALOMONE
MARINO, Una scena di pirateria in Sicilia, in Arch. stor.
SiciL,
XXII. (1897).
THE POPE AND VENICE. 339
with the Pope. 1 In Venice they were afraid of the extreme
step being taken by the infliction of the censure of the
Church,
a thing that can easily be understood. That Gregory did
not allow himself to be driven to such an act is a proof of
his
statesmanlike qualities. However bitterly he had felt the
blow, 2 which destroyed all his hopes and efforts, he knew
how
to master his just indignation. Cardinal Galli made great
efforts to appease the Pope s anger, 3 and as time went on
he
became more calm. Tiepolo did all that was in his power
to bring about a reconciliation between the Pope and the
Signoria, and visited all the Cardinals ; Morone, who at
first
had been highly indignant, allowed himself to be appeased ;
later on he threw all the weight of his influence into the
cause
of reconciliation. 4
At the end of April, 1573, it was said that Venice was about
to send a special and solemn embassy to Rome, headed by
Niccolo da Ponte. As the latter was looked upon as the
principal author of the peace, the Imperial agent, Cusano,
was of opinion that the Pope " ad eterno ricordo "
would
make him a sharp reply. 5 This opinion, however, was in its
turn, to prove false. Zufiiga, who feared an alliance
between
Venice and Turkey, thought of a middle course which, without
humiliating Venice too much, would satisfy the Pope : a
private audience was granted to Tiepolo and da Ponte, at
which they explained and excused the conduct of their govern
ment ; the Pope asked for a written copy of these
explanations,
so that they might be examined by a commission to be ap
pointed by him ; the envoys then had to listen to a severe
reprimand, but were then dismissed kindly. 6 The skill and
1 Cf. SERRANO, Liga, II., 327.
2 See the "report of C. Capilupi of April 18, 1573,
Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. Cf. Venez. Depeschen, III., 524.
3 See SERRANO, Liga, II., 416.
4 See P. TIEPOLO, 226. GRATIANUS, De bello, 328 seq. ; ZIN-
KEISEN, III., 435. Cf. the *report of C. Capilupi of April
24,
1573, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
5 See the "report of Cusano of April 25, 1573, State
Archives,
Vienna.
8 See SERRANO, Liga, II., 331.
340 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
eloquence of da Ponte, however, though he was venerable by
reason of his 82 years, were not successful in obtaining a
fresh
concession of the ecclesiastical tithes, of which the
Republic
of St. Mark had been deprived, 1 though he was able to lay
the
foundations for a better understanding between Rome and
Venice. 2 The prudent and skilful Tiepolo was able to build
upon these foundations. Naturally the Pope could not
altogether forget the disappointment and the injury which
he had undergone, yet Paolo Tiepolo was able once more to
recover the Pope s favour, 3 and in course of time, in some
instances, to attain his end. 4
One of the means which Tiepolo used with advantage was
to call attention to the community of interests between Rome
and Venice. His successor, Antonio Tiepolo, worked upon
the same lines even more strongly. He was for ever harping
upon the former agreement between the Holy See and the
republic of the lagoons. He described this as the most
secure
defence which the Church had in earthly affairs ; if the present
Pope often showed himself difficult in dealing with
political
questions, this was the result of his personal character. 5
1 " leri " wrote Galli on June 13, 1573, to the
nuncio in Venice :
" e partito Ponte mal contento per non haver ottenuto
da S.B.
la restitutione del sussidio de le decime." Nun/iat. di
Venezia,
XIII., Papal Secret Archives.
2 See the *Memorie of Cardinal Galli, Boncompagni Archives,
Rome. Cf. P. TIEPOLO 237 ; GRATIANUS, De bello, 329 seq. ;
Colecc. de docum. ined., CIL, 136.
* See the *report of 1574 (Corsini Library, Rome), in App.
n. 9.
4 P. TIEPOLO (237 seq.} enumerates in this connexion in
1576;
(i) the appointment of a coadjutor for Aquileia ; (2) the
exchange
of prisoners with the Turks (cf. as to this matter, in which
Gregory
XIII., who was guided solely by humanitarian motives, met
with the opposition of Spain, the article by Rosi in Arch,
della Soc. Rom., XXL, 155 seq.) ; (3) the approval of the
subsidy
from the Venetian clergy, which came annually to 70,000 gold
scudi. TIEPOLO (238 seq.) speaks of the discontent caused by
" la cosa della cappella." For the good relations
in 1576 cf. also
MAFFEI, I., 255 seq.
6 See A. TIEPOLO, 263 seq.
THE POPE AND VENICE. 341
Since even in Rome the Venetians were treated with great
consideration, 1 mutual relations remained fairly
satisfactory, 2
and there would have been a wonderful change for the better
if Venice had listened to the renewed pressure of the Pope
to
bring about a fresh declaration of war against Turkey.
All Gregory XIII. s thoughts, now as before, were directed
1 Cf. the instructions of Galli in GOTHF.IN, Ignatius, 539
seq
Cf. also the remarks of the nuncio in Venice (November 1578)
in
State Papers, Venice, VII., London, 1890, 589.
2 In the year 1583 Venice was again given a Venetian
Cardinal
after 19 years ! There were undoubtedly disputes, which
explain certain erroneous opinions in the Venetian reports.
Specially acute was the question of Aquileia, which was
concerned
with the fief of Tageto in the territory of S. Vito. Gregory
XIII.
strongly upheld the claims of the Patriarch of Aquileia,
Giovanni
Grimani, but was nevertheless not successful, although he re
peatedly threatened excommunication. We have information
as to this dispute in which Gregory, as a strict jurist,
took the
greatest interest (see *Avviso di Roma of September 5, 1584,
Urb. 1052, p. 374 Vatican Library) in LE BRET, Gescbichte
von
Venedig, III., 1437 seq., IV., 26 seqq., though this is in
no way
objective. Cf. also as to this matter the *Memorie of
Cardinal
Galli, Boncompagni Archives, Rome. *Nunziat. di Venezia,
XXI.-XXI1L, Papal Secret Archives ; L. PRIULI, Relazione, in
Alberi, II., 4, 297 seqq. ; Lettres de P. de Foix, 72 seq.,
199 seq.,
354 seq., 444 seq., 456 seq., 500 seq., 549, 5^9 seq., 592
seq. , MUTIN-
ELLI, L, 150 seq., II., 139 seq. ; Lettres du card. d Ossat,
I., 2, 6,
10, 14 seq., 1 8, 21 ; the *reports of Serguidi of September
14, 1 6
and 22, 1581, State Archives, Florence. See also the * brief
of
May 27, 1581, State Archives, Venice ; the *report of
Sporeno of
October 14, 1581, Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck; the
*reports
of Cesare Strozzi from Rome, January 13 and 27, February 3,
10
and 17, March 3 and 24, May 19, June 16, July 14, August n
and
27, 1582 ; the "reports of Odescalchi of September 8
and 22,
1584, and of *Capilupi of January 19, February 16 and 23,
April 6,
1585, all in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Gregory was also
called upon to defend the liberties of the Church against
Duke
Emanuele Filiberto of Savoy : see THEINER, I., 354 seq., cf.
the
*istruzioni per il vescovo di Mondovi, nunzio per Savoia,
dated
Rome, September 24, 1580, Barb. 5744, p. 91 seq., Vatican
Library.
342 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to that end. Nothing shows better the tenacity of his
policy,
than his having remained faithful to the idea of an alliance
of the Christian princes against their hereditary enemy, in
spite of the terrible disappointment which he had
experienced
in the defection of Venice from the league. At once he
formed
the idea of a new alliance between the Holy See, Spain and
the Emperor, which was to be sincere and lasting, while any
understanding between one of these powers and the enemy
of the faith was unthinkable. The Pope was willing to supply
30 galleys if Spain would engage to provide 170 of her own.
1
As early as April I2th, 1573, a new plan for such a league
was
ready ; the army of the Emperor, reinforced by the troops
of Spain and the Pope, was to deliver a first attack on the
Turks from Hungary, while the galleys of Phillip II. and
Gregory XIII. were to remain on the defensive. It did not
prove possible, however, to win over to this project either
the
Emperor or Philip II., who was fully occupied with events
in the Netherlands. Nevertheless Ormaneto, the nuncio in
Madrid, was warned not to let the plan be entirely lost
sight of. 2
In the meantime Gregory, by providing galleys and troops,
assisted in the capture of Tunis, of which Don John took
possession on October 1573. 3 The establishment of a
Christian
kingdom in the north of Africa seemed to be at hand, the
crown of which was to be conferred on Don John. Gregory
XIII. was very favourably disposed towards this plan, but
Philip II. rejected it ; his attention was rather directed
to the
safeguarding of his Italian possessions, which were
threatened
by the disputes which had broken out in Genoa between the
new and the old aristocracies. Gregory left no stone
unturned
1 See ROSELL, 249.
* See T6RNE, 149 seq. ; SERRANO, Liga, II., 329 seq.
8 See THEINER, I., 199 seq. SERENO, 334 seq., 339 seq.
ALBERI,
I., 6, 471 seq., HAMMER, II., 427. CHARRIERE, III., 440
seqq.
The arrival of Don John at Civitavecchia is announced in an
*Avviso di Roma of July 28, 1573, Urb. 1043, p. 270, Vatican
Library. The news of the capture of Tunis was communicated
by Gregory XIII. to the Cardinals on October 26, 1573.
SANTORI,
Diario concist., XXIV., 212.
THE TURKISH ATTACK. 343
as far as he was concerned to restore the Genoese to
harmony. 1
When, in the summer of 1574, the Turks set themselves to
the recovery of Tunis, Gregory XIII. experienced no little
anxiety. He published a special indulgence, and ordered
prayers and processions in Rome. 2 Through his nuncio and
in an autograph letter he urged Philip to resist the Turkish
attack. 3 Great therefore was his sorrow when Spain aban
doned Tunis to its fate. 4 Once the Turks had captured the
fortress of Goletta, -which protected the harbour of Tunis,
the Pope feared an attack on Italy and Hungary. He sought
to avert this danger with all his might, exhorting Philip
II.,
the Emperor, and the Christian princes to resist the common
enemy, though he was very careful not to speak of a league,
as this word had become discredited. 5 The religious
divisions
in Germany and the rising in the Netherlands, however, made
the undertaking of any sort of crusade impossible for the
time
being. Equally fruitless were the attempts of the Pope to
induce the Republic of St. Mark again to oppose the Turks.
He had already in 1574 laid his plan before that government,
6
1 See THEINER, I., 189 seq.
2 See SANTORI, Diario concist., XXIV., 235, 245, 246, and
Giornale di casa Gaetani in SAGGIATORE, III., 195.
3 See Rosi in Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XXI., 151.
4 See ALBERT, I., 5, 476 seq. ; SERENO, 348 seq. ; BALAN,
VI.,
587 seq. ; JORGA, III., 158 seq. ; A. RIPA DI MEANA, Gli
Italiani
in Africa ossia gli assedi della Goletta e del forte di
Tunisi nel
1574, Turin, 1865. Cf. also the *Memorie in Cod. F. 40 of
the
Boncompagni Archives, Rome, and ibid, the *Memorie of
Cardinal
Galli, who tells how much Gregory XIII. had at heart the
libera
tion of the Christians who had been taken prisoners by the
Turks.
Cf. as to this, Rosi in Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XXI., 152.
5 See *Avviso di Roma of December 18, 1574, Urb. 1044, p.
318,
Vatican Library. For Philip II. and the mission of Pacheco
see
HINOJOSA, 269 seq. ; cf. MAFFEI, I., 135. THEINER, I., 300
seq.
For Germany cf. SCHELLHASS, Nuntiaturberichte, IV., xciv.
seq.,
277 seq. See also Venez. Depeschen, III., 547, n. i.
6 See the letter of Galli to Facchinetti in Rosi, Arch. d.
Soc. Rom.,
XXI., 152, n. 4 ; cf. ZINKEISEN, III., 445. Portugal too was
asked to make war against the Turks in October, 1574 ; see
,^!., 314 seq.
344 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and had done so again in the following year without any
better
result ; Venice had become definitely fixed in her policy of
peace, by which means she thought she could best protect
her interests in the east. 1 Under these circumstances
Gregory
had to content himself with making provision for the defence
of the coasts of the States of the Church, and especially
with
repairing the fortifications of Ancona. 2
The anxieties of Gregory were increased by the dispute
which had broken out between the new and the old aristocracy
at Genoa, as a result of which the danger from the Turks had
become doubly pressing. 3 At first the Pope thought of going
in person to Genoa as a peacemaker ; 4 in the end, however,
on March i8th, 1575, he resolved to send thither as a legate
for peace, Cardinal Morone, the most skilful and experienced
diplomatist in the Sacred College. 5 The trouble was
increased
by the intervention of Philip II., and when he sent his
half-
brother, Don John, to Lombardy, there was reason to fear
lest Genoa should come under the power of Spain. Gregory,
who was only too much alive to the pressure that was already
1 See ZINKEISEN, III., 446. The renewal of peace between
Venice and the Porte took place on August 20, 1575 ; see
DUMONT,
I., 219 seq. For the anxious labours of Gregory XIII. on
behalf
of the league see the *report of Cusano, February 19, 1575,
State
Archives, Vienna; cf. ibid. the *Avviso di Roma of
Februarys, 1575.
2 See *Avvisi di Roma of December 18, 1574, March 5 and
July 3, 1575, Urb. 1044, pp. 318, 364, 466, Vatican Library.
THEINER, II., 148 seq. ; GUGLIELMOTTI, Squadra, 18 seq.
8 See MAFFEI, I., 182; cf. VARESE, Storia di Genova, VI.,
107 seq. ; SCLOPIS, Le card. J. Morone, Paris, 1869, 67 seq.
;
Abhandlungen der Milnchener Akad. Hist. KL, XXII., 350 seq.
4 See the *Memorie of Cardinal Galli, Boncompagni Archives,
Rome.
5 See SANTORI, Diario concist., XXIV., 256 seq. *Report of
Aless. de Medici, March 18, 1575, State Archives, Florence.
MAFFEI, I., 183 ; THEINER, II., 136 seq. In his *Memorie
Galli
describes Morone as " huomo che per prudentia et per 1
eta
maturissima et per 1 esperienza di sei altre legation! fatte
in
diversi tempi e sotto diversi pontefici per la S. Sede fu
giudicato
esser piu a proposito d ogni altro." Boncompagni
Archives, Rome.
THE DISPUTES AT GENOA. 345
being brought to bear upon the whole of Italy by Spain, and
upon his own political influence, opposed such a thing with
all his might. 1 He openly told the Spanish ambassador that
his king must not extend his possessions in Italy, 2 but the
matter continued to occupy the serious attention of the Pope
for a long time to come. He breathed again when, in March,
1576, through his mediation, and that of the Emperor and
Spain, an agreement was arrived at which settled the diffi
culties of the Genoese 3 in such a way as to satisfy Philip
II.
as well. 4 Gregory was entitled to take the principal credit
for this himself. 5
Morone returned to Rome on April I4th, 1576, 6 and before
1 See MAFFEI, I., 194 seq. To this belongs the *"
Dialogo tra
il Re di Spagna e il duca d Alba se sia bene et riuscibile
al detto
Re d impadronirsi della citta di Geneva o almeno farvi una
fortezza," Cod. 706 of the Library, Miinster i. W. This
dialogue
Hortensius Tyriacensis sent with the *letter of June 18,
1575, to
Duke William V. of Bavaria. State Archives, Munich.
2 *Report of Hortensius Tyriacensis to Duke William V. of
Bavaria, Rome, July 9, 1575, State Archives, Munich. Cf.
also
the *letter of Fr. Gerini of July 8, 1575, State Archives,
Florence.
3 Cf. *Memorie of Cardinal Galli, Boncompagni Archives,
Rome ; GRAEVIUS, Thesaurus, I., 2, 1472 seq. ; BALAN, VI.,
593
seq. ; CARINI, 75 seq. ; MAFFEI, I., 200 seq. ; TORNE, 153.
4 See HANSEN, Nuntiaturberichte, II., 32 ; cf. 42.
5 See TIEPOLO, 231. G. Bruno (*Alcune cose degne d esser
notate della f.m. di Gregorio XIII.), rightly brings out, in
praising
him, the disinterestedness of Gregory XIII. in his attitude
towards
the events in Genoa, which again occupied his attention in
1577
(see MAFFEI, I., 301 seq. ; THEINER, II., 340 seq.),
Boncompagni
Archives, Rome. How much Gregory also laboured for the peace
of Italy in other ways was shown by his efforts to settle
the differ
ences between Tuscany and Lucca (see the *instruttione al
vescovo
de la Cava per Toscana, dated April 25, 1579, Barb. 5744, p.
49 seq.,
Vatican Library) and those between Mantua and Venice (see
*Instruttione a Camillo Capilupi per Mantova, dated May 14,
1580, ibid. 79 seq.
6 SANTORI, Diario concist., XXV., 103. For the help given
by a Jesuit in Genoa see SACCHINI, IV., 78 seq. For the
mission
of Morone see also BELTRAMI, 10, u.
346 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the end of the month he had already set out upon another
legation to the Diet of Ratisbon, where he was also to
negotiate
for the accession of the Emperor to a league against the
Turks. 1 In spite of all his disappointments, the Pope still
held firmly to this purpose. He formed renewed hopes when
at Ratisbon Maximilian asked the states for help against the
Turks to a quite unprecedented degree, while at the same
time an embassy from Russia appeared for the purpose of
forming a league, to which the Holy See was to belong.
Philip II., who had hitherto always given evasive replies,
now seemed inclined to change his tone. The opportunity
was a good one, because, as a result of the new succession
to
the throne of Persia, there was reason to expect the
outbreak
of war between Turkey and that kingdom. The Pope was
prepared to give a large subsidy ; nothing but the
unfavourable
attitude of the Czar and the German states, together with
the
death of the Emperor (October i2th, 1576) and the course of
events in the Netherlands, again drove the plan of a league
into the background. 2 Gregory spoke of it again when, at
the
beginning of 1577, news came of extensive preparations on
the part of the Turks. 3 It was said at that time that
Morone
and Sforza would be sent to Spain as envoys to arrange a
league against the Turks. 4 This mission, however, fell
through,
for news had already reached Rome of secret negotiations
1 Morone set out on April 27 ; the *letter of Galli to the
nuncio
in Venice, April 28, 1576, Nunziat. di Venezia, XIII., Papal
Secret Archives. Cf. HANSEN, Nuntiaturberichte, II., 25 seq.
KARTTUNEN, Gregoire XIII., p. 16.
1 See MAFFEI, I., 229 seq. ; THEINER, II., 259 seq. ;
RITTER, I.,
501 seq. ; SCHELLHASS in Quellen und Forschungen, XIII., 273
seq. ;
HANSEN, Nuntiaturberichte, II., 80 seq., 87 seq., 95 seq.,
in seq.,
113 seq., 117 seq., 143 seq., 151, 158. KARTTUNEN, Gregoire
XIII., pp. 18, 21. On September 8, 1576, P. Strozzi *reported
from Rome that Marcantonio Colonna had gone to Spain "
per
trattar la lega," Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
8 See the *reports of Odescalchi from Rome, January 26,
February 2 and 19, 1577. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
4 See the "letter of P. Strozzi, Rome, January 26,
1577, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
THE POPE AND PHILIP II. 347
between the Catholic King and the Sultan ! The Pope
refused to believe this, for on February i8th, 1576, he had
once again renewed the profitable Cruzada for Philip II. 1
Yet the news became more and more definite. 2
The relations between the Pope and Philip II. had become
strained for other reasons besides this, and the
disagreements
over questions of ecclesiastical politics which arose here
and
there in the different parts of the vast Spanish dominions
had
greatly contributed to bring this about.
At the very beginning of the pontificate of Gregory XIII.
there had been a serious conflict of this kind. It is
difficult
to see how it could have been otherwise ; Philip II. clung
with
extraordinary tenacity to his cesaropapistical system of
ruling
the Church, 3 although this was quite opposed to that of the
Catholic Church. Gregory XIII. 4 defended her principles as
strongly as Pius V. had done. Although, as a trained jurist,
5
he grasped very clearly the questions involved in this
matter,
1 See *" Indice de las concessiones que had hecho los
Papas
de la Cruzada, Sussidio y Excusado." Archives of the
Spanish
Embassy, Rome, I., 9. After this agreement the continuation
of the Excusado on May 13, 1575, was extended to five years.
2 See the reports in KARTTUNEN, Gregoire XIII., p. 25 seq.
3 Cf. Corresp. de Granvelle, ed. PIOT, IV., vi.
4 Galli thus describes the relations with Naples at the
death
of Pius V. in his *Informatione : II maggior negotio che si
tratti
in Napoli et che habbia maggiori difficolta, e la
essecutione delle
bolle et degli ordini di Nostro Signore, et di piu la
conservatione
delli confini di Benevento et del territorio suo : di che
con tutti
li vicere si e disputato per il passato et tuttavia si
disputava di
presente col cardinale Granvela, et di questi particular!
simili
venne una lettera delle corte di Spagna, ottenuta gia dal
pa.dre
generale di San Domenico, hora cardinale Justiniano, et
rinovata
poi hora per opera del cardinale Alessandrino legato, la
qual
provede a qualche cosa, ma per la maggior parte domanda in-
formatione ; onde si aspettava haverla cosi da Napoli come
da
Sicilia. Vi e ancora il negotio delle spoglie, il quale si
esseguisce,
ancorche con qualche difficolta, e ne da poi conto di mano
in
mano al thesoriere generale. Varia polit. 117, pp. 38515-6,
5 Cf. CORRARO, 279 ; see also PRIULI in Alberi, II., 4, 304.
34 8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
he nevertheless always caused them to be examined by
a special congregation of Cardinals. 1 This first occurred
in
the case of the dispute about jurisdiction at Naples
in 1573- If there was at that time a feeling in
the Sacred College itself that Gregory XIII. had not
acted with enough vigour in this matter, 2 such critics were
soon to be undeceived. The things that had occurred at
Naples were quite intolerable, and the archbishop found
himself obliged to pronounce excommunication against the
Spanish authorities. Granvelle, who had always looked upon
himself as a Spanish official rather than a Cardinal, had
tried
to force the archbishop to give way by a decree confiscating
temporalities, the banishment of the vicar-general, and the
arrest of the ecclesiastical judge. For this Gregory XIII.
threatened him with the severest penalties. At the same
time Ormaneto made strong remonstrances at Madrid. Al
though after this an agreement was arrived at, the real
problem
still remained unsolved. 3
In the autumn of 1573 there arose a similar dispute at
Milan,
where Charles Borromeo, as archbishop, had to offer strong
resistance to the interference of the governor, Luis
Requesens,
with ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Requesens retaliated for
the
excommunication inflicted on him by acts of violence. 4
1 The congregation was composed of Cardinals Albani,
Pacheco,
Sforza and Alciati ; see *Avviso di Roma of July 4, 1573,
Urb.
1043, p. 259, Vatican Library.
See the *report of C. Capilupi, Rome, March 77, 1573,
Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
3 Cf., besides the *reports of Zufiiga, which are naturally
biased, in Colecc. di docum. ined., CIL, MAFFEI, I., 93 seq.
;
THEINER, I., 355 seq. ; SANTORI, Diario concist., XXIV.,
124,
Autobiografia, XII., 35, j seq. ; CARINI, 53 seq. ; SERRANO,
Corresp.
dipl., III., Ixiv. seq. ; *notes of laverna in the
Boncompagni
Archives, Rome. *Avviso di Roma of March 14, 1573, and the
*report of Cusano of April 18, 1573, both in State Archives,
Vienna. Ibid, an *Avviso of March 21, 1573, sent by
Bernerio.
Cf. BELTRAWI, Roma, 6. See also with regard to the
nunciature
at Naples, MEISTER in Hist. Jarhrbuch, XIV., 78 seq., and N.
CAPECE GALEOTA, Nunzii di Napoli, 37 seq.
* Cf. supra p. 95 .
THE POPE AND PHILIP II. 349
Gregory XIII. s annoyance at all this can easily be under
stood. 1 He spoke of the occurrence at the consistory of
September 7th, 1573, and entrusted the consideration of it
to the congregation which had been established to deal with
the question of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, which was
composed
of Cardinals Santa Croce,Maffei and Albani, to which
Cardinals
Bobba, Orsini and Giustiniani were now added. 2 As the
strong protests addressed by Ormaneto to Philip had been of
little avail, the Pope sent a nuncio extraordinary to Madrid
in the person of Annibale Grassi. The latter was instructed
to congratulate the king on the birth of an heir to the
throne,
but at the same time to bring the troubles at Milan to an
end.
Grassi, who reached Madrid on November I4th, 1573, arranged
that, in accordance with a concession already made by Philip
to
Pius V., two experienced Spanish jurists should be sent to
Rome to work there, in association with the theologians of
the
curia, to bring about a final and radical settlement of the
disputes between the ecclesiastical and civil powers in the
Italian possessions of the Spanish crown. At Milan the
quarrel had become even more bitter under the overbearing
Marchese Ayamonte, who had succeeded Requesens. 3
On June 4th, 1574, Philip II. sent to Rome Pedro de Avila,
Marchese de las Navas, and the jurist, Francisco de Vera. 4
When these envoys at length arrived on October 6th, 1574,
it was discovered that they were only empowered to deal
with the disputes of Naples and Milan, and not with those of
Spain, and not even with the problem of the Monarchia
1 Cf. the *reports of Odescalchi, Rome, August 22, September
12 and 19, 1573, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
2 See SANTORI, Diario concist., XXIV., 208 seq. ; cf. the
*report
of Zuniga in Colecc. di docum. ined., CII., 242 seq., and
the *Avviso
di Roma of September 19, 1573, Urb. 1043, p. 306, Vatican
Library.
3 Cf. supra, p. 96.
4 See Corresp. de Granvelle ed. PIOT, V., 104 seq., where
the
characteristic instructions of Philip II. to his ambassadors
are
printed ; they were also told to complain of the severe
briefs
addressed to Granvelle 1
350 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Sicula. 1 Gregory XIII. had frequently made complaint of
the abuses arising out of the Monarchic*. 2 Even the ambassa
dor, Zuniga, was of opinion that this question could not be
ignored. He did not conceal from his sovereign that even
the disputes at Naples and Milan could not be settled if
Philip II. obstinately adhered to the limited and
insufficient
instructions which he had given to Navas and Vera ; the
king as well as the Pope must show a conciliatory spirit in
this matter, for otherwise the differences would never be
settled. 3
Navas had hardly arrived when he fell sick of fever, and
died soon after. Although Ormaneto pressed strongly for
the appointment of a successor, the king did not in any way
hurry himself, even though the continued outbreak of
quarrels
made the matter one of pressing importance. 4 In the mean
time Philip II. pursued his customary tactics of avoiding
any
kind of decision. He knew how much the Pope counted upon
him in the fight for Catholic interests, and he made the
most
of this circumstance, so that while, externally, he insisted
upon his great attachment to the Church, and gave way on
certain points, he obstinately adhered to his policy of
keeping
control of everything that happened. Relying upon the
Spanish influence in the curia and the Sacred College, 5 he
steadily worked to increase his revenues by means of ecclesi
astical dues, although these already amounted to a million
and a half ducats. Zuniga, his ambassador in Rome, was
always asking for further concessions, but the hope of being
able to win the Pope over to this, as well as in the matter
of
the disputes about ecclesiastical policy with the help of
the
nephews, proved vain. It was fortunate that Zuniga, unlike
1 See the reports of Zuniga in Colecc. di docum. ined., V.,
354 seq., 357 seq.
2 See ibid. 212 seq.
3 See ibid. October 6, 1574 ; ibid. 354 seq.
4 See P. TIEPOLO, 230 ; CARINI, 71 ; for the dispute with
Pacheco in the consistory on June 4, 1574, see SANTORI,
Diario
concist., XXIV., 241 seq.
6 Cf. in App. n. 9 the *report of 1574, Corsini Library,
Rome.
THE POPE AND PHILIP II. 351
his impetuous French colleague, was a man of quiet,
thoughtful
and calm disposition, and was able, in spite of all the
disputes
with his sovereign, to retain the personal favour of the
Pope. 1
He exercised a great influence in pi eventing a breach
between
Rome and Madrid, though in other ways both Gregory and
Philip II. were anxious to avoid any such extremity. 2 When
ever the nuncio was received in audience, the Catholic King
never failed to give expression to his filial attachment for
the
Holy Father, whose feet he kissed, but as soon as the Pope s
representative went on to speak of business he could obtain
nothing but vague replies. Moreover, for the most part His
Majesty did not give audience, so that communication between
them was carried on in writing. 3
The king continued to act in this way, in spite of the fact
that ecclesiastical problems in 1576-7, both in the Kingdom
of Naples and Sicily, as well as at Milan, grew worse rather
than better. 4 Four whole year? elapsed before a successor
l Cf. ibid.
2 Cf. P. TIEPOLO, 223, 230 seq. ; cf. L. Priuli in ALBERT,
I., 5,
240 seq., *" non dubiti V.S. che il Papa sia per
rompersi mai col
Re cattolico," wrote P. Strozzi on September 29, 1576,
Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
8 See the communication of L. Donato in ALBERT, I., 6, 463
seq.
4 Besides the usual quarrels (cf. PHILIPPSON, Granvella,
103)
after the death of Carranza, which occurred on May 2, 1576,
there
arose a dispute about the revenues of the archbishopric of
Toledo ;
see the *report of P. Strozzi, September 29, 1576, Gonzaga
Ar
chives, Mantua. In 1577 there occurred for the first time
the
claim of Philip II. to the right of nomination to the
bishoprics in
the Kingdom of Naples, which led to serious disputes ; see the
"reports of P. Strozzi of January 16 and May 18, 1577,
the *letters
of Odescalchi of January 19 and June i, 1577, Gonzaga
Archives,
Mantua, and MAFFEI, I., 286 seq. Out of consideration for
the
good of souls, the nomination to Catania and Palermo was for
this
occasion allowed to Philip (*Acta consist. September n,
1577,
Papal Secret Archives), in return for which the king gave
way
on other questions (see MAFFEI, I., 288). Affairs at Naples
were
the worst of all. If the Viceroy at Naples, *Odescalchi
gives
warning on March 25, 1577, does not give to the new nuncio
352 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
was appointed in the place of Navas ! In the meantime, on
June ijih, 1577, the nuncio at Madrid, Ormaneto, who had
so capably filled that difficult office since 1572, died. 1
As his
successor Gregory XIII. appointed Filippo Sega, Bishop of
Ripatransone, who was in Flanders with Don John. It is
clear from the instructions given to Sega that there were at
that time pending between Rome and Madrid four grave
questions : the first concerned the attempt of Philip II. to
limit the powers of the new nuncio at Naples, Lorenzo Cam-
pegio ; the second, the right of patronage which Philip
claimed
over the bishoprics of Sicily and Sardinia ; the third, the
arbitrary seizure of the archiepiscopal see of Toledo,
rendered
vacant by the death of Carranza, by an auditor nominated
by the royal council ; the fourth, the use of the great
revenues
of the archbishopric of Toledo, which, during Carranza s
imprisonment, had been administered by the civil authority.
Sega was further to carry on negotiations for an expedition
against England, and to dissuade the king from concluding
an armistice with the Turks. 2
The new nuncio, who reached Madrid on August 2Qth, 1577,
and was received for the first time in audience at the
Escorial
on September 5th, met with the greatest difficulties with
Lorenzo Campegio, the " exequatur contra laicos in
materia
spoliorum " he will be excommunicated and Naples placed
under
an interdict. See also the *reports of Odescalchi of June i,
10
and 22, 1577, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. MAFFEI, I., 289
seq., where there is fuller information as to the disputes
begun in
1577 over the case of Calahorra.
1 See CARINI, 121.
2 The *instructions dated July 8, 1577, in Cod. J. III., 67,
p. 331 seq., and N. II., 42, of the Chigi Library, Rome, and
Con-
cilio, 58, p. 88 seq., of the Papal Secret Archives. *Report
of Sega,
ibid. Nunziat. di Spagna, n, 20, 22, 25, 27, 29. The
instructions
for the nuncio in Cod. ottob. 3207-9, Vatican Library. Cf.
HINOJOSA, 223 seq. The *report of Sega on his nunciature
(Berlin Library, Infor. polit. 28, State Library, Munich,
Ital. 133,
p. 19 seq.) was published by GACHARD in Compte rendu de la
Commission d hist. de Belgique, III., 6 (1864), 157-84. Cf.
KRETZ-
SCHMAR, 194 seq.
NEGOTIATIONS WITH SPAIN. 353
regard to all these questions ; he was successful, however,
in securing the appointment, on May 3rd, 1578, of a new
plenipotentiary in the place of Navas, who had died in 1574,
in the person of Don Alvaro de Borgia, Marchese di Alcaniz ;
but six more months elapsed before he arrived in Rome I 1
It was said that Borgia had the widest powers, but as a
matter
of fact he had been emphatically warned in his secret
instruc
tions not to yield any important right of Spain, and to
declare,
before beginning any negotiations, that no concession made
during their course should be valid until all the contested
points had reached a solution. At these negotiations, which
were begun in November, 1578, there also took part, on
behalf
of Spain, Zuniga, and Doctor Giacomo Riccardi in the place
of Francisco de Vera, and on behalf of- the Pope, Cardinals
Santa Croce, Sforza, Orsini and Maffei, and the prelates,
Alessandro Frumento and Pirro Taro ; later on, Giannantonio
Facchinetti took the place of Frumento. 2
1 See SENTIS, 125 ; cf. MAFFEI, I., 362. Cf. also G.
SAVAGNONE,
Contribute alia storia dell Apost. Legazia in Sicilia,
Palermo,
1919, 21. For the right of patronage at Trani see PHILLIPS-
VERING, VIII., 202. HINOJOSA (p. 202) makes Borgia come to
Rome in 1580 ; he was led to this mistake by PHILIPPSON,
Gran-
vella, 348. That Borgia was already in Rome in 1578 is
expressly
stated by Galli in his *Memorie, Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
The exact date of his arrival may be gathered from a *report
of
Odescalchi of October 25, 1578 : " Mercori venne il
marchese
d Alcanzes di casa Borgia," Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
2 See MAFFEI, I., 363 seq., who gives a very good account of
the
negotiations. Cf. also CARUSO, 295 seq. ; SENTIS, 125 seq. ;
the
*reports of Odescalchi from Rome, October 25, November 8,
15,
22, 1578 ; January 17 and 31, 1579, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
;
the *Avvisi di Roma of November 15, 1578, January 3, 4 and
25,
I 579 Urb. 1046, p. 397 ; 1047, pp. i, 12, 25, Vatican
Library.
Cf. also *Acta consist. November 5, 1578 : " Deputatio
super
iurisdic. Hispaniae." Cod. Barb. XXXVI, 5, Vatican
Library.
The briefs of Gregory XIII. from August to September, 1578,
concerning the infringements of jurisdiction in Spanish
Burgundy,
in THEINER, II., 389 seq. Things were no better in this
respect
later on, see ibid. III., 366, 473.
VOL. XIX. 23
354 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
A beginning was made with the disputes about jurisdiction
at Milan ; they then passed on those at Naples, and then
dealt with the most difficult part of all, the sovereign
privileges
of the Monarchia Sicula, and the right of appointment to the
Neapolitan bishoprics. The Pope took a very active part in
the discussions. Fortunately, all were in agreement concern
ing the cases in which the bishop could take action against
laymen, as well as in allowing the archbishops to have six
armed guards. With regard to the exequatur at Naples, the
placet at Milan, and the Monarchia Sicula, in virtue of
which
Philip claimed almost the rights of a head of the Church in
Sicily, 1 Cardinals Santa Croce, Orsini and Maffei were in
favour
of making as great allowances as possible, whereas the Pope
would not hear of this increase of the rights of
cesaropapalism,
because it was directed against ecclesiastical liberty, and
against the bull In coena Domini. 2
While these discussions were still being carried on, in the
middle of February, 1579, there came news of the conclusion
of an armistice between Philip II. and the Turks. Even in
1578 Gregory XIII. had not yet abandoned his plan of a
league ; 3 and he hoped all the more for success when, at
the
beginning of 1579, news was received of a victory of the
Persians over the Turks. 4 Yet it was just at that moment
that the Catholic King consented to an agreement with the
1 Cf. the excellent account of P. DE Foix, Lettres, 35 seq.
2 See the "report of Odescalchi, February 7, 1579,
Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. For the additions made by Gregory XIII.
to the bull In coena Domini see HINSCHIUS, V., 647.
8 See A. TIEPOLO 267 seq ; MAFFEI I., 370 seq. Gregory XIII.
expended the sum of 40,000 ducats during the year 1577 on the
costly defence of the Austrian frontiers against the Turks
(see
HUBER, IV., 368) ; see the "report of Odescalchi of
June 22, 1577,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
* Cf. the "reports of Odescalchi, Rome, January 16 and
17,
J 579, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. As to this see ZINKEISEN,
III.,
571 ; MAFFEI, II., 43 seq. For the negotiations of 1579
which were
held with the Polish king, Bathory, on the subject of a war
with
the Turks see BORATYNSKI, St. Batory i plan Ligi, 228 seq.
PHILIP II. AND THE TURKS. 355
hereditary enemy of Christendom ! The name of the Pope
himself was even said to be mentioned in the deed of agree
ment. 1 The news turned out to be premature, but it was a
fact that Giovanni Marigliano, the agent of Philip II., had
again gone to Constantinople on January I3th, 1579. While
the negotiations there dragged on for a long time owing to
the
resistance of the Turkish war party, and the intrigues of
France, Gregory XIII. made every possible effort to dissuade
Philip II. from his design, which would be so harmful to
Christendom. Alessandro Frumento, who was sent to Madrid
at the beginning of January, 1579, was instructed to make
strong protests ; if Philip displayed his weakness in this
way
there was bound to be a serious reaction among the
insurgents
in the Netherlands : the Pope, who had entered into
relations
with the Persians who were fighting the Turks, expected
rather that the King of Spain would seize upon the present
opportunity of avenging the loss of Tunis. Any agreement
with the hereditary enemy of Christendom, so Gregory XIII.
wrote in an autograph letter to Philip on February 3rd,
1579,
must redound to the loss and shame, not only of the Catholic
world, but also of His Majesty himself. At the same time
the Pope made it perfectly clear that if the Spanish
sovereign
abandoned the war against the Turks, there would be no
renewal of the subsidy from the ecclesiastical body in
Spain,
which had been granted for that purpose, and which fell due
in i57 9 . 2
1 How great was the indignation of Gregory XIII. is plain
from a *report of Odescalchi of February 15, 1579, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
2 Cf. HINOJOSA, 274 seq. KARTTUNEN, Gre"goire XIII., p.
53 seq.
PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 100. On March 15, 1579, Odescalchi
""reported from Rome that news had come that the
Turks were
doing badly in the war against the Persians ; on March 25
there
was news " di una gran rotta del Turco in Armenia
" (cf. also
ZINKEISEN, III., 572 seq.), but also of the preparations of
Philip II.
against Portugal. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. According to an
*Avviso di Roma of June 13, 1579, an envoy from Persia to
the
Pope was at that time expected in Rome. (Urb. 1047, p. 192,
356 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
All was in vain. The whole attention of Philip II. was at
that moment directed to the conquest of Portugal, where the
extinction of the male branch of the ancient royal line was
imminent. His purpose of reuniting under his sceptre the
whole of the Iberian peninsula, which had been divided for
eight centuries, had the effect of causing everything else
to
fall into the background as far as Philip was concerned, not
only the war against the insurgents in the Low Countries and
Queen Elizabeth of England, but even resistance to the Turks.
On March 2ist, 1580, the Spanish representatives at Con
stantinople came to an agreement with the Porte for an armis
tice which was to last until the January in the following
year.
In the meantime Marigliano was authorized to seek from
Spain the necessary powers to enter into further
negotiations.
At the beginning of 1581 the armistice was renewed for
another
year. 1 On his way home Marigliano passed through Rome,
where Gregory XIII. demanded of him an account of the
whole affair, and informed him that he might tell the King
of Spain that he left him the tax upon the clergy and
ecclesi
astical property in his kingdom, which had hitherto been
granted on account of the war against the Turks, only upon
the condition that the king would pledge himself to direct
the whole of his armed forces against the heretical Queen of
England. 2
This abandonment by the Catholic King of the Turkish
Vatican Library). In May, 1579, there was the *"
Discorso del
S. Giuseppe de Bestiani Malatesta " upon the easiness
of striking
a blow at the Turks on the occasion of the Persian war ; all
the
Christian princes ought to avail themselves of this
opportunity,
was the opinion of the author (Barb. LVI., 129, p. 138 seq.,
Vatican
Library). For the steps taken by the Pope to defend the
coasts
of Rome (in October, 1579, Turkish corsairs attacked Porto),
see the *Avvisi di Roma of August 5, October 7 and 24,
November
5, 1579 ; Urb. 1047, pp. 262, 337, 354, 380, Vatican
Library.
1 See ZINKEISEN, III., 500 seq., 507 seq., 510 ; JORGA,
III., 160.
Cf. PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 347.
*See P. DE Foix, Lettres, 63, 81. ZINKEISEN, III., 510. Cf.
PHILIPPSON, loc. cit. 357.
PORTUGAL. 357
wars, only nine years after the glorious victory of Lepanto,
was a further step along the way of pursuit of private ends,
without regard for the general interest. 1 France had led
the
way with her " insane " alliance with Turkey, and
now the
separate peace made by Venice 1573 was followed by the
armistice made by Spain.
The conquest of Portugal aimed at by Philip II., which
was the explanation of this far reaching change of policy on
the part of Spain with regard to the east, was a source of
anxiety to the Pope, not only because of the general
interests
of Christianity in the east, but also because of the future
of
Portugal itself. Sebastian, the sovereign of that kingdom,
which was small indeed, but important because of its vast
colonial possessions, had, in August, 1574, undertaken an
expedition against the Moors of Morocco. Gregory XIII.
rewarded King Sebastian, who had always been distinguished
for his Catholic principles, 2 with a letter of praise, 3
and with
the blessed sword and hat. 4 A second expedition to Africa,
undertaken four years later with an immense army, and which
Gregory XIII. had subsidized, 5 ended in complete disaster.
On August 4th, 1578, the young king, with almost all his
army,
fell in the bloody battle near Alkassar, in the
neighbourhood
of Tangiers. 6 He was succeeded by his uncle, the third son
1 Cf. HER RE, Der Kampf um die Herrschaft im Mittelmeer,
Leipzig, 1910, 92.
2 See P. TIEPOLO, 231.
3 See Corpo dipl. Portug., X., 495 seq.
4 G. A. Caligari was charged with conveying this on October
16,
1574 ; see MACSWINEY OF MASHANAGLASS, Le Portugal et le St.
Siege, Paris, 1898, 54 seq. For the expedition of 1574 see
SCHAFER, III., 380 seq.
5 See MAFFEI, I., 305.
6 See THEINER, II., 420. CRETINEAU-JOLY, Hist de la Comp.
de Jesus, II., 96 seq. SCHAFER, III., 388 seq. ; ANTAS, Les
faux
Don Sebastian, Paris, 1866, 25 seq., 44 seq. ; see also the
*report
in the Marciana Library, Venice, VII., Cod. 934. For the
funeral
ceremonies for Sebastian in Rome see Mucantius, *Diarium,
Papal Secret Archives, and the *Avviso di Roma of December
13,
, Urb. 1046, p. 423, Vatican Library. Galli relates in his
358 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of King Emanuel the Great, Henry, Cardinal Archbishop of
Braga, a sick man, and aged 67 ; with him the male branch
of the royal house would come to an end. Among the claim
ants, the first place was held by Philip II. The Portuguese,
who hated the Castilians, refused to hear of a union with
Spain, and they planned to get Cardinal Henry married, for
which it would be necessary to obtain the consent of the
Pope.
Gregory s position in face of the Portuguese crisis was
extremely difficult. If he were to give his consent to the
pressure of the Portuguese to grant the matrimonial dispensa
tion he would have to reckon on the indignation of many of
the faithful, the mockery of the heretics, and the hostility
of
Philip II. The latter refused to hear of Papal arbitration
in
connexion with the Portuguese succession and still more of a
dispensation. In face of the threatening attitude taken up
by the representative of Spain in Rome, Gregory endeavoured
to preserve an absolute neutrality and to gain time. If, in
August, 1579, he ended by refusing the dispensation, the
decisive factor was his love of peace, which led him to do
everything in his power to prevent any sort of war in the
Iberian peninsula, and the probable outbreak of a European
war. 1 He therefore showed his disapproval of the warlike
preparations of Philip, whom he exhorted to seek the realiza
tion of his desires, not by the violent and always dangerous
way of arms, but by an impartial judgment. Although
Philip too would very gladly have attained his end by
peaceful
means, he was absolutely opposed to Papal arbitration.
*Memorie that the sorrow of the Pope for the death of
Sebastian
was " infinite " ; the Pope also busied himself
concerning the
liberation of the Portuguese prisoners. Boncompagni
Archives,
Rome.
1 See SCHAFER, III., 490 ; PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 98 seq.,
106.
For the attitude of Gregory XIII. and his nuncios, Aless.
Frumento
and Ant. Sauli, cf. MAFFEI, I., 366 seq., II., 24 seq. Henry
had
vigorously opposed the mission of Frumento, which greatly
dis
pleased the Pope ; see the *Avvisi di Roma of October 24 and
December 17, 1578, Urb. 1046, pp. 366, 429, Vatican Library.
DEATH OF THE KING OF PORTUGAL. 359
Gregory, who certainly did not desire any further aggrandize
ment of Spain, was more disturbed than he could say ; if
Spain
was bent on making war, at least she must not do so with the
help of the money of the Church. He therefore definitely
refused the King of Spain any further levying of
ecclesiastical
taxes. Philip II. did not allow himself to be deterred,
either
by the attitude of the Pope, or by the threatened
intervention
of France and England. Military complications seemed to be
imminent when, on January 3ist, 1580, the death of King
Henry took place. 1 The King of Spain, contrary to his usual
method of procedure, acted swiftly and decisively by the
advice
of Granvelle, who had been summoned to Madrid at the begin
ning of 1579, and had there attained very great influence ;
he
at once concentrated his troops on the frontier of Portugal,
and summoned the authorities to recognize him as their
sovereign.
Gregory was urged from several parts of Portugal to inter
vene. The governors and the Duchess of Braganza begged
him to call upon Philip II. to lay aside his arms ; at the
same
time the Duchess explained to the Pope the futility of the
claims of Antonio, Prior of Crato. This claimant also sought
the support of the Pope, whom he looked upon as his ally,
though otherwise he thought of having recourse to France. 2
As things stood, Gregory was obliged to content himself with
striving to maintain his neutrality, and preventing military
complications by means of a peace legate. He showed him
self quite determined as to this course. Although the
greatest
efforts had been made by Spain to prevent it, and although
the Secretary of State, Galli, raised many objections, 3 on
March 23rd, 1580, he sent the impartial and experienced
jurist,
1 See SANTORI, Autobiografia, XII , 366 ; PHILIPPSON, Gran-
vella, 107, 112 seq., 120. Cf. TORNE 169 seqq., where there
are
further details of the attitude of Gregory XIII. towards the
claimant to the throne, Antonio, Prior of Crato, who is
described
as " si non tres prudente, du moins logique et
independante."
2 See THEINER, III., 201 seq., 696, 697.
3 See PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 165.
360 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cardinal Alessandro Riario, to Portugal as legate. 1 So many
unforeseen obstacles were placed in the way of this envoy
during the course of his journey, that he was only able to
reach Barcelona on June I3th, where he was detained by an
attack of gout for another eight days. 2 Philip ordered that
great festivities should be held for the reception of Riario
in
all the cities through which he passed, so that the
remainder
of the journey was even more delayed. When the legate was
received in audience by Philip at Badajoz, he realized that
his mission was destined to be fruitless. The King of Spain
unconditionally rejected the Pope s arbitration, and
hastened
to point to the accomplished facts. He was able to oppose
so many obstacles to Riario s purpose of going on to
Portugal,
as to make it necessary for him to abandon all idea of such
a
journey until the capture of Lisbon. 3 The Spaniards in
Rome,
exultant in the achievements of their king, adopted a some
what provocative attitude. 4
Cardinal Riario had in the meantime received instructions
1 See *Acta consist., Vatican Library. Cf. BELTRAMI, Roma,
25. At a consistory on March 9, 1580, the Pope had informed
the
Cardinals of the death of Henry, and had asked them to pray
for
the peace of Portugal. The discussion as to whether a legate
should be sent to Portugal was not, according to the *report
of
Alessandro de Medici of March 12, 1580, yet concluded on
that
date ; the same states in his *report of March 24 that the
appoint
ment of Riario was quite unexpected, State Archives,
Florence.
For the instructions for Riario and his legation see
HINOJOSA,
279 seq. ; cf. the brief of April 15, 1580, in Corpo dipl.
Portug., X.,
575-
z Cf. MAFFEI, II., 86 seq. ; PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 180 ;
BEL
TRAMI, 27, 29, 30. According to the *Acta consist. (Vatican
Library) Riario received the legatine cross on April u,
1580.
When, on April 27, Gregory ordered a jubilee for the peace
of
Portugal, he was already on his way ; he had started the day
before ; see *Avviso di Roma of April 27, 1580, Urb. 1048,
p. 97,
Vatican Library.
8 See G. FR. MOROSTNI in Alberi, I., 5, 305 seq. ; HINOJOSA,
287 seq., 294 seq. Cf. PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 190 seq.
*Cf. PHILIPPSON, loc. tit. 181 seq.
PHILIP II. KING OF PORTUGAL. 361
from the curia to keep a watchful eye upon the changed con
ditions. Apart from doing all he could to put obstacles in
the
way of Philip s accomplishment of the conquest of Portugal,
Gregory still hoped, by showing him favour in various ways,
1
to win the king over in other matters. Riario accordingly
discussed with him the quarrels over jurisdiction, the
armistice
with the Turks and the enterprise against England. Philip
made conciliatory replies to all these demands, but did
nothing. 2
By the end of 1580 the submission of Portugal to the Spanish
rule was completed. 3 Gregory XIII. had no other course open
to him than officially to recognize Philip II. as King of
Portu
gal, and on March i8th, 1581, Gomez da Silva, who had hither
to been Portuguese ambassador in Rome, did homage, with
full Spanish pomp, in the name of his new sovereign. 4 It
was quickly shown that the great political triumph which
Philip had won in Portugal had made him more unbending
than ever in questions of ecclesiastical politics.
The negotiations which had been begun in Rome at the end
of 1578 had already shown how little good will there was on
1 For the complete change of policy of Gregory XIII. see
especially TORNE, 181 seq.
2 It is thus that MAFFEI (II., 94) describes the result of
the
negotiations, with the details of which may be compared
PHILIPP-
SON, Granvella, 191 seq., 201, and especially HINOJOSA, 301
seq.,
who (304 seq.} also speaks of the results obtained by
Riario,
namely, an agreement on the question of the spoglie.
3 REBELLO DA SILVA, L invasion et occupation du roy. de
Portugal en 1580, Paris, 1864. See also the Diario of E.
Lassota
von Steblau published by SCHOTTIN, Halle, 1868. J. SUAREZ-
INCLAN, Guerra de anexion en Portugal durante el reinado de
D. Felipe II., 2 vols., Madrid, 1898 ; Fr. Giovanni Todini,
*Re-
lazione dell impressa di Portogallo nel 1580 (dedicated to
Giacomo
Boncompagni), Ital. 234, State Library, Munich.
4 See Mucantius, *Diarium, Papal Secret Archives. Cf. the
*report of Odescalchi, March 18, 1581, Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua,
and MONTAIGNE, II., 24 seq. The credentials for G. da Silva
in
THEINER, III., 714 seq., ibid, the short brief of
congratulation of
April 3, 1581, from Gregory XIII. to Philip II.
362 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the part of the king to arrive at a sincere agreement. The
Pope s plans for settling the question of jurisdiction in
Sicily
on the basis of Canon Law, were opposed by the Spaniards
with all their might. When, on July I3th, 1579, Philip II.
despotically appointed his chaplain, Nicola Stizzia as per
manent judge of iheMonarchia Sicula,he was also making that
tribunal a permanency, so that Gregory XIII. made a solemn
protest. 1 This act on the part of the King of Spain was all
the
more irritating to the Pope, because at that very time (July
i8th, 1579) he had granted him important ecclesiastical
revenues. 2
Not only had the negotiations concerning the Moparchia
Sicula thus taken a turn for the worse, but the same thing
occurred in November, 1580, in the case of the exequatur, so
much so that there was reason to fear the complete break
down of all conciliatory negotiations. 3 The tension between
Rome and Madrid 4 became even more acute when Gregory
XIII. refused the King of Spain the renewal of the
ecclesiasti
cal subsidies which, after the agreement between Philip and
Turkey had no longer any raison d etre. The tranquillizing
assurances which Spain had given in the matter of her rela
tions with the Porte were contradicted by the news which
reached Rome in April 1581 of the extension of the armistice
with the Turks. 5 To this was added the outbreak of fresh
1 See SENTIS, 128 seq. Cf. SAVAGNONE, /a;, cit. 21.
8 See HERGENROTHER in Archiv fur kathol. Kirchenrecht, X.
(1863), 21.
8 See the "report of Odescalchi, November 5, 1580,
Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. The letter of Philip II. to the Marchese
di
Alcafiiz of April 19, 1580, in which the king exactly
explains his
attitude, in SERRANO, Corresp. dipl., III., Ixv. seq.
4 For a time the post of Spanish ambassador in Rome remained
vacant. Abbot Brisegna was in charge of the business ; see
the
"reports of Sporeno to the Archduke Ferdinand, July 30
and
September 24, 1580, Viceregal Archives, Innsbruck. In a
"report
of October 7, 1581, ibid. Sporeno connects the vacancy in
the
ambassadorship with the question of Milan. As late as
December
1 6, Brisegna was still looking after affairs by himself.
6 See PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 356 seq.
OBSTINACY OF PHILIP II. 363
and serious political and ecclesiastical questions in Spain,
where the royal council had indulged in acts of violence.
The nuncio Sega had already found himself in a very
difficult
position ; he had constantly to resist the acts of injustice
in ecclesiastical matters on the part of the royal council
and
the other authorities, 1 but now his position became almost
unbearable. Gregory came to his assistance by addressing an
outspoken letter to Philip himself on June 26th, 1581. In
this he complained that the royal council had resisted the
decision of the Rota in the quarrel between the chapter of
Calahorra and their bishop, had treated the canons as though
they had been guilty of a political offence, and had
supported
the bishop after he had been suspended and summoned to
appear in Rome. The Pope adjured the king to abstain from
such unheard-of interference in the administration of
ecclesi
astical justice. 2
Philip II. had no idea of giving way. He had already
arranged for the breaking off of the negotiations of Borgia,
and the latter took his leave of the Pope on July gth, 1581.
3
As usual all the proper external formalities were duly
observed
by Spain on this occasion, but this did not alter the fact
that
an ever increasing tension had arisen between Rome and
Madrid. Gregory said at that time that the councillors of
Philip had incurred excommunication, and that he wished
to see whether, as was the case in all the rest of the
world,
there was a Pope in Sicily, which, moreover, belonged to the
Holy See as a fief. 4
The Spaniards for their part complained bitterly that
1 Cf, the complaints of Sega in his "Relatione,"
supra, p. 352 seq.
2 See PHILIPPSON, loc. cit. 359 seq., 366.
3 The departure of Borgia is vaguely dated by SENTIS (p.
129)
as : " before the end of 1581." PHILIPPSON,
Granvella, 368,
rightly places his farewell audience on July 9 ; but owing
to a
printer s error, the date of his departure is wrongly given
by him
as June 17, 1581. See the "reports of Odescalchi of
July 15 and 22,
1581, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; cf. also the Lettres de P.
de
Foix, 76, 80 (departure on July 17).
4 See PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 367.
364 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Gregory refused to grant a renewal of the taxes derived from
the so-called "sussidio" on the clergy of Spain,
which were now
due, and amounted to 600,000 ducats, that he hesitated to
declare the rebels in the Netherlands the enemies of the
Church,
and that he treated no other power so badly as he did the
realm of the Catholic King. Philip II. allowed himself to
say
to Granvelle : it is only because the Low Countries belong
to me that he allows religion there to fall into ruin, in
order
that I may lose those provinces I 1
In the meantime to the old subjects of disagreement there
were added new ones, which also originated in
cesaropapalism.
Thus, for example, in the summer of 1581, Philip sent a
royal
commissary to the national council convoked at Toledo by
Cardinal Quiroga, although Pius IV. and Pius V. had
expressly
forbidden it. The royal council at once arrested a notary
who
had presented a Papal concession of a benefice. Incidents of
this kind exhausted the patience even of a man who loved
peace as much as Sega. The collector, Mario, however,
allowed himself to be led into taking extreme steps, so that
Rome had to advise him to act with more circumspection. 2
Gregory XIII., who still aimed at arriving at an agreement
with Philip II. about the affairs of England, instructed
Sega
in October, 1581, to try and come to an understanding with
him. Since this was also the wish of the king, especially on
account of the subsidy, an agreement was come to on several
points. On November 6th, 1581, the Pope for his part
granted a renewal of the Excusado for another five years, as
well as of a part of the ecclesiastical tithes and of the
Cruzada. 3
1 See the letter of Philip II. in Docum. del Archive de
Alba,
Madrid, 1891, 284-6.
* See PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 371 seq. ; cf. Lettres de P. de
Foix, 1 61.
1 See the *" Indice " cited supra, p. 347, n. i,
Archives of the
Spanish Embassy, Rome ; cf. PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 380.
Lelio
Maretti (*Conclave di Gregorio XIV.) relates as follows how
on
this occasion there was a quarrel between Galli and Tuscany
:
II Granduca allora card, de Medici desiderando sopramodo
di haver parte in questo maneggio et parte tale che il Re
MEMORIAL OF SEGA. 365
Thus there was reason to hope that the new nuncio, Lodovico
Taverna, Bishop of Lodi, who reached Madrid in January,
1582, would meet with a cordial welcome. 1
For the information of Taverna Sega wrote a detailed
memorial. 2 In this he first of all describes Philip II. s
method
fosse per conoscer quasi tutta la gratia di mano sua
tratt6 efficacemente con Como pregandolo d aiuto in questo
particolare et sopratutto che si contentasse d avvisarlo
subito
ch li conoscesse Gregorio rivolto a compiacere il Re.
Desiderava
Medici d esser il primo a dargliene conto per acquistar
appresso
a quella Maesta opinione di prudenza, di poter nella corte
di
Roma con il Papa et d esser tutto rivolto agli interessi di
quella
corona. Como largamente promise 1 avviso et 1 aiuto de
Medici
in questo assegnamento, avvisava in Spagna scrivendo in
maniera
che riuscendo la prattica a voto del Re 1 havesse a
riconoscere in
gran parte dalla diligenza et opera sua ; ma compresa che
hebbe
Como 1 inclinatione del Papa et la risolutione di
gratificare il Re
senza darne conto al card, de Medici persuase il s. Giacomo
Buon-
compagno a farsi bello con il Re di questa gratia, il che
fece tosto
spedendo un corriere in grandissima diligenza a quella M td/
della
gratia ottenuta da S.S td/ et prima hebbe avviso Medici di
Spagna
del negotio risoluto a gusto del Re che da Como n havesse
bavuto
alcuna notitia et se bene Como si scusava che come ministro
del
Papa non poteva palesare ad altri ancorche havesse promesso
quello che la S. Sua gli haveva commando che tenesse
segreto, non
era accettata la scusa sapendosi che il Re non riconobbe da
altri
che da lui il favor ricevuto da Gregorio come ne fece fede
il premio
grande et ch gli ne ricevette di rnaniera che 1 interesse
suo et non
il commandamento del Papa fu la vera cagione della sua taci-
turnita con Medici. Cod. I., b. 55, p. 25 seq., Library of
the
Servites at Innsbruck.
1 Cf. for L. Taverna, ZACCARIA, Laudensium episcoporum
series, Milan, 1763, 322 seq., and GARAMPI, Sul valore, 315.
2 *" Instruttione a Msgr. vesc. di Lodi intorno al
carico del
Nuntiato di Spagna," dated from Madrid, July 13, 1581,
fre
quently copied in manuscript ; e.g. Vatican Library, Barb.
LVL,
32 ; Chigi Library, Rome, G. I., n ; Corsini Library, 33 E
13,
p. 525 (with a false title, by which LAMMER, Zur
Kirchengesch-
ichte, 121, was led astray) ; Library of the Monastery of
the
SS. Quaranta in Rome ; Cod. Miscell. 8, p. 351 seq. GACHARD
366 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of treating public business ; his few audiences and the
indescribable delay in coming to a decision. While fully
recog
nizing the king s honestly Catholic sentiments, he speaks
strongly of his many usurpations in ecclesiastical matters.
In
contradiction to the common opinion Sega maintains that
these abuses were not due to the advisers of Philip but to
the
king himself. All hesitation at once disappears as soon as
the
interests of the crown are at stake. Thus the Papal bull
about
the Cruzada was published with great pomp, while the In
coena Domini could only be published in secret. In addition
to all this the civil authorities are supported by the bishops,
who are more anxious about possessing the king s favour than
paying attention to the Pope.
Sega also speaks about the divergence of views as to foreign
policy. The king is now convinced of Gregory s impartiality
as to the Portuguese question, and generally sees in his
atti
tude that of a good and disinterested Pope. In the meantime
the Spaniards are complaining that the Holy See refuses to
recognize the rebels in the Low Countries as the enemies of
religion, and also refuses a continuation of the subsidy.
Philip s
advisers are opposed to any action being taken against
England. Sega speaks in terms of just condemnation of those
Spaniards who, after having obtained every kind of favour
in Rome, become, when in Spain, the bitterest enemies of the
Holy See. It is persons of this kind who above all keep
alive
the flames of discord between the king and the Pope.
If the disputes in politico-ecclesiastical matters did not
attain to the pitch they had reached in the time of the
Hohen-
staufen, this was due, not only to the fact that Philip II.
as a sincere Catholic stopped short of extreme measures, but
also to the fact that the king as well as the Pope were
fully
convinced that they had a common enemy in Protestantism.
Sega had no doubts on this point. Gregory and Philip,
he said, are like two merchants who, in spite of all their
(Bibl. Corsini, 43 seq.) wrongly places this deed in 1579.
The
date is July 31, 1581, and there is no doubt that Sega was
the
author : see HINOJOSA, 242 n. i, and TORNE, 190, n. 2.
NUNCIATURE OF TAVERNA. 367
juridical disagreements, will never break off their mutual
relations. 1
Sega did not conceal from his successor how difficult his
position was in consequence of the constant violations of
ecclesiastical jurisdiction on the part of the Spanish
govern
ment, nor how heavy the burden of the nunciature was.
Taverna soon had an occasion of realizing this for himself.
Since he had not brought with him the wished-for authority
for the Spanish government to pronounce judgment summar
ily and finally upon the rebellious Portuguese
ecclesiastics,
Philip II., on the plea of his immediate return to Madrid,
refused him the permission he asked to go to Lisbon, and
kept
on referring him to Granvelle. The latter showed himself
extremely cold in discussing the expedition against Queen
Elizabeth of England, or else made use of it to extort from
him an approval of the subsidy. 2
In the same way, in connexion with the disputes about
ecclesiastico-political affairs, the settlement of which had
been specially laid upon Taverna, 3 he met with the gravest
difficulties, since Granvelle on principle always took the
part
of the royal council. He, as well as the Cardinal of Toledo
and the new president of the council, Count Barajas,
received,
it is true, the complaints of the nuncio very courteously,
and
sometimes were of the opinion that they were well founded,
but always went on to protest that they were powerless to
act against the majority of the council. 4
Thus the beginning of Taverna s nunciature was no less
stormy than that of his predecessor, in spite of the fact
that
Gregory XIII. had made a great concession to the Spanish
1 Morosini expressed himself in 1581 in the same way as Sega
;
see ALBERI, I., 5, 329. Cf. MAFFEI, II., 168.
2 See PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 289, 320, 381.
8 See the *Instruttione al Mons. vescovo di Lodi, Nuntio in
Spagna, dated April 30, 1581. Cod. T. 3, 13, p. 22 seq. of
the
Angelica Library, Rome ; (cf. LAMMER, Zur Kirchengeschichte,
69 seq. t and TORNE, 188 seq.}, also in Ottob. 2415, P. 2,
p. 266 seq,
Vatican Library.
4 See PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 380, 382.
368 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
government when, on March 22nd, 1582, he had granted for
another five years the subsidy which had so long been
refused. 1
Gradually, however, there came a change. 2 This coincided
with the appointment of Count Olivares as Spanish ambassa
dor in Rome. 3 This extraordinarily able and astute diplo
matist, who entered upon his new office in 1582, immediately
took a distinguished position. The very pomp with which he
made his entry into the Eternal City on June I2th was not
without its effect. The generosity of the count won him
many friends, and above all he was able to gain great
influence
with the Pope with whom he once again entered upon better
relations. 4 Whereas hitherto the Spaniards had jeered at
the
plague of bandits in the States of the Church, he at once
offered
the Pope the use of troops from Naples against them. 5 In
the
dispute concerning Calahorra Philip yielded to the renewed
1 See the *" Indice " mentioned supra, p. 347, n.
i, in the
Archives of the Spanish Embassy, Rome. For the influence
exerted by Giacomo Boncompagni and Cardinal Medici in
winning
the consent of Gregory XIII. see HERRE, 270.
2 TORNE (p. 193) admits that this was the work of Galli,
whose
Spanish sympathies were notorious. The letter of Galli to
Philip II. on January 8, 1582, which he here quotes as
proof, is not
really sufficient evidence, as, like the other letter of
July 4, 1572,
it merely contains a few remarks of respect, which prove
nothing,
as FRIEDENSBURG justly remarks in the Hist. Zeitschrift,
CII.,
129. He undoubtedly brought his influence to bear in making
the Viceroy of Naples adopt a more conciliatory attitude
with
regard to questions of ecclesiastical jurisdiction than his
pre
decessor, as is seen from the ""instructions for
the Archbishop of
Rossano, who was sent to Naples (February 27, 1582, Barb.
5744,
p. 221 seq., Vatican Library).
"The arrival of Olivares in Rome took place on June 6,
1582 ;
see the *report of Cesare Strozzi, Rome, June 9, 1582,
Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
4 See Lettres de P. de Foix, 195 seq. ; PHILIPPSON,
Granvella, 290
seq. Cf. also for Olivares, HERRE, 277 seq. ; for his entry
see
also the *Avviso di Roma of June 16, 1582, Urb. 1050, p.
207,
Vatican Library.
6 See T6RNE, 193.
IMPROVED RELATIONS WITH SPAIN. 369
pressure of the Pope, and the bishop who, supported by the
Spanish government, had refused to appear in Rome, was
obliged to do so by Philip. At first Gregory wished to have
him taken to the Castle of St. Angelo, but at the request of
Olivares he allowed him to take up his residence in the
monas
tery of S. Pietro in Vincoli. After the collector Mario died
in November 1582, an arrangement was made at the end of
August by which the collectorship was united to the nuncia
ture. This arrangement was in accordance with a long
standing wish of the Spanish government, but was also in the
interest of the Holy See itself. No agreement, however, was
come to in many other questions of ecclesiastical politics ;
Taverna recommended the greatest caution and generosity. 1
This seemed to be especially called for with regard to any
action against England.
Yet another reason played its part in this. The old and
favourite design of Gregory, 2 which he had never quite
given
1 See PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 381 seq. An end was at last
made to the difficulties raised by the Spanish government at
Milan against the acts of Charles Borromeo when, in 1582,
the
Duke of Terranueva became governor in the place of
Requesens.
The dispute about the right of nomination in the Kingdoms of
Naples and Sicily, which had been granted to Charles V. by
Clement VII. only ad vitam, brought it about that in 1582,
1583
and 1584, no nominations took place, see the *Memorie of Car
dinal Galli, Boncompagni Archives, Rome. In the quarrel
about
the Monarchia Sicula, Bellarmine intervened in 1583, and
pointed
out to the Viceroy, Marcantonio Colonna, the reasons why he
could not, without injury to his conscience, assume those
priv
ileges which his predecessors had taken upon themselves
under
that name ; see BACHELET, Bellarmin avant son cardinalat,
131 seq.
2 Very characteristic of this is the *letter from Galli to
the
nuncio in Venice, December 20, 1578, Nunziat. di Venezia,
Papal
Secret Archives. Even in 1581, when European conditions were
quite unfavourable for a league, Gregory XIII. said to the
am
bassador of Venice, that he would employ for that purpose
all
the revenues of the Church ; see CORRARO, 281. On March 15,
1582, Cardinal L. Madruzzo was charged to lay before the
Diet
VOL. XIX. 24
370 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
up, that of forming a league against the Turks, had again
come
to the fore. As the armistice with the Porte came to an end
in 1583, the possibility of once more winning Philip over to
the
undertaking of a crusade had presented itself. In the mean
time, in October, 1582, Olivares had been instructed to
obtain
from Gregory the formation of a defensive alliance among the
Italian states. Since Crete, which concerned Venice, was to
be included in this alliance, it followed that the latter
must be
aimed at the Turks, 1 The Pope s hope of a decisive war
against the Crescent was raised by the news which came in
January, 1583, of a great victory over the Turks by the Per
sians. 2 Under these circumstances Gregory had no
hesitation,
in spite of the opposition of the Sacred College, in
yielding to
the desire of Philip, and in granting, on January 24th,
1583,
the legation of Portugal to the Cardinal Archduke Albert.
The King of Spain showed his gratitude in May, 1583, by
clearing the coasts of the States of the Church of pirates
by
means of his galleys. 3
at Augsburg the readiness of the Pope for a league against
the
Turks ; see HANSEN, Nuntiaturberichte, II., 396 seq. ; cf.
447 ;
see BEZOLD in Abhandlungen der Munchener Akad., Hist. Kl.,
XVII., 351, 378 seq. On August 31, 1582, Gregory said to L.
Donato that it was not enough merely to defend themselves
against the Turks, but that they must be attacked ; see
PIERLING, Bathry et Possevino, 211-14.
1 See PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 298 seq. When it was learned
that the Italian league was only to be a weapon in the hands
of
the Spanish monarchy against France, Gregory abandoned it.
" Alliances he said, must be formed against the
infidels in general,
and not against one particular nation, so as under this
pretext
to keep the French out of Italy. It was the duty of the Holy
Father to care for the maintenance of peace, not only in
Italy,
but throughout Christendom, and for that reason he must
remain
neutral." See M. ZANE in Alberi, I., 5, 368. Cf.
BEZOLU,
loc. cit. 364.
2 See KARTTUNEN, Grfegoire XIII., p. 43 ; Cf. idem,
Gregorius
XIII. nen Persian politiikasta, in Helsinki Hist.
Aikakanshija,
1908, 22-27.
3 See MAFFEI, II., 307 seq., 355 seq. ; THEINER, III., 470
seq. ;
RENEWED EFFORTS TO FORM A LEAGUE. 371
In June, 1583, Olivares himself brought forward the subject
of a league against the Crescent. 1 Gregory had followed
with
close attention the war between Turkey and Persia which was
still going on, and still saw, as he had always done, a natural
ally in the Shah of Persia. During the summer of 1583 news
reached Venice that the Turks were threatening the Venetian
rule in Crete. In order to safeguard this important
possession
the Signoria resolved to take into its service Latino
Orsini.
During the course of his conferences with the Pope, the old
plan of a great anti-Turkish league again came to the fore.
Orsini was instructed to work for this end in Venice ; it
was
the Pope s idea to win over first of all Philip II., then
the
Emperor Rudolph, who had already been granted 100,000
florins against the Turks, 2 and lastly the warlike King of
Po
land, Stephen Bathory. In order to preserve the absolutely
necessary secrecy Gregory was prepared to go to Bologna in
September, where the final arrangements could be made.
The Pope s plan at first met with a favourable reception in
Venice ; but the French ambassador very soon succeeded in
reviving the distrust felt by the Signoria of the intentions
of
Spain. Consequently the reply of the Venetians was a cold
one, and the journey to Bologna had to be postponed. The
Pope, however, did not abandon his design ; above all, he
hoped to win over Poland and Spain. On August iyth the
nuncio in Poland, Bolognetti, received orders to begin
negotia
tions with Bathory on a wide basis. 3 In Spain, in spite of
the
PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 386 seq., 489. How the corsairs
continued
as before to infest the coasts (cf. MAFFEI, II., 72) is
clear from the
*report of P. Strozzi, Rome, May 2, 1582, Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
1 See PIERLING, La Russie, II., 242 seq,
2 Cf. BEZOLD, loc. cit. 362, n. 2.
3 Cf. SMOLKA, Project d une ligue centre les Turcs en 1583,
in
Anzeiger der Krakaner A had., 1890, 50 seqq., and
BORATYNSKI,
St. Batory i plan Ligi, 288 seqq. As to the journey to
Bologna,
it was said in Rome in October that the Pope wished to go
there
to settle the question of the water-supply with Ferrara ;
see
*Avviso di Roma of October 22, 1583, Urb. 1051, p. 444,
Vatican
372 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
fact that Taverna had made the most generous offers, 1 noth
ing had been accomplished, so that at the end of September
the previous nuncio Sega was sent as envoy extraordinary to
promote the war with Turkey as well as the expedition
against
England.
Sega, who was instructed at the same time to obtain the
efficacious concurrence of Philip in subduing the apostate
Gebhard Truchsess, Archbishop of Cologne, set out upon his
journey at once, and reached Madrid on October nth. A
great disappointment awaited him. With regard to the
affair of Cologne he received a promise that Alessandro
Farnese
would render assistance there, as far as the state of
affairs
Library ; cf. the *reports of Fr. Sporeno of October 28 and
November 5, 1583, Viceregal Archives, Innsbruck. An *Avviso
of October 29 informs us that 120,000 scudi were not
sufficient
for that journey An *Avviso states on November 2 that
Gregory
had ordered the streets to be repaired throughout Bologna ;
all Rome disapproved of the Pope s leaving the city (Urb.
1051,
p. 448, 458, Vatican Library). On November 9 the journey
seemed to have been given up (ibid. p. 468). But on November
23 Gregory XIII. again said that at the beginning of 1584 he
would undertake the journey, and that by May 20 at latest he
intended to be in his own native place. At the same time it
was loudly proclaimed that a defensive alliance with Venice
would be concluded there (ibid. p. 490). An *Avviso of
December
3, 1583, states : "II Papa non disse altro alii
Conservator! di
Roma che lo supplicarono a non voler partire di questa
citt&
per parte di tutto il suo popolo, solo che era sforzato
doppo
tant anni del suo pontificate a visitar il stato di s.
Chiesa promet-
tendo lora il presto suo ritorno, et che intanto de gli
ordini et
governi, che lasciara a Romani, staranno molto allegri et
sodis-
fatti " (ibid. 503). As the *Avvisi of 1584 state, the
Curia was
still kept for a long time in anxiety as to the projected
journey
(Urb. 1052). Cf. also BEZOLU, loo. tit. 365, and the
*reports of
Sporeno of January 8 and 14, Februaiy 18, March 3, 10 and
24,
1584, Viceregal Archives, Innsbruck. On September 26, 1584,
an *Avviso di Roma announced that the Pope did not wish any
one to speak to him any more about the journey. Urb. 1052,
p. 380, Vatican Library.
1 See KRETZSCHMAR, 98 seq.
EFFORTS TO FORM A LEAGUE. 373
in the Low Countries permitted. With regard to the alliance
wfth Venice against the Turks, nothing but promises for the
iuture were held out to him. Philip would not listen to the
proposal that he should send a special envoy armed with
full powers ; with regard to the question of taking action
against England, the reply was a decided negative. 1
In spite of this disastrous turn of affairs, Gregory, in the
following year, in his conversations with the ambassadors in
Rome, and by means of his nuncios in Madrid and Venice,
still insisted upon his plan of a league against the Turks,
all
the more so as the King of Poland seemed to be in agreement
with his design. 2 In February, 1584, ambassadors were sent
by the Pope to Persia and Ethiopia. 3 But Venice, whose
chief
anxiety was the preponderance of Spain, 4 did not show the
slightest inclination to renew the league of 1570. It was
thought in the city of the lagoons that the sole object of
the
whole plan was the formation of a defensive league of all
the
Italian states for the protection of the Spanish possessions
in Italy. The Signoria therefore was not willing to give up
its existing relations with the Porte. Spain on her part
1 See the *relazione delli negotii trattati in Spagna da
mons. di
Piacenza quando fu rimandato al Re da Gregorio XIII. 1 a.
1583,
often found in manuscript, e.g. at Berlin, Royal Library,
Mss.
Ital. 29, p. 370 seq. ; Munich, State Library, Ital. 133, p.
96
seq. ; Rome, Papal Secret Archives, Borghese III., 129 D.
Cf.
the extracts given by GACHARD in the Compte rendu de la
Commits.
Roy ale d hist., III., 4 (1864) ; KRETZSCHMAR, IOT seq. ;
212 seq. ;
KARTTUNEN, Gregoire XIII., p. 42; HINOJOSA, 306 seq. ,
PniLirpsoN, Granvella, 488, 494, where use has been made of
the separate reports of Sega and Taverna. See also the
*report
of Fr. Sporeno to the Archduke Ferdinand, dated Rome,
September
24, 1582, Viceregal Archives, Innsbruck.
2 See SMOLKA, loc. cit. 53 seq.
8 See THEINER, III., 618 ; MAFFEI, II., 389. For the report
of Giambattista Vecchietti, who was sent to Persia, see
English
Hist. Review, 1892, n. 26, p. 314 seq.
4 Cf. as to this " Ricordi del doge Niccolo da Ponte
" written
in 1583, in Raccolta Veneta, Collez. di Docum., I. ser. t
vol. i,
Venice 1866-67; cf. Hist. Zeitschrift, XXV., 211 seq.
374 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
stirred up Gregory s indignation at this resistance of the
Venetian republic. As they were well informed in Madrid
as to the mind of the Venetians, Granvelle was able quite
safely to declare that his king was ready to enter into any
sort
of alliance against the infidels, since it would rest with
him
to appoint the commander-in-chief, and the Venetians would
have to give security that they would not again unexpectedly
abandon their allies as they had done in 1573. At the begin
ning of 1584 Olivares even received powers to conclude an
alliance, for which reason the Pope granted an extension of
the
faculties of Cardinal Albert for an indefinite period. 1 How
disgracefully the Spanish government had deceived the Pope,
is clear from the fact that at the very moment when it was
discussing an alliance against the Porte, its agent
Marigliano
was arranging a further extension of the armistice at Con
stantinople. Granvelle naturally disapproved of this, but
this did not lead to an}- change of policy. 2
1 See PHILIPPSON, Granvella 407 seqq. Here too are the com
plaints of Gregory XIII. to Priuli about Venice. As to this
note
how Priuli in his report (ALBERT II. 4, 304) puts the matter
in a
quite contrary sense.
2 See PHILIPPSON, loc. cit., 409. The question of
jurisdiction
in the meantime became more acute. On July 28, 1584, *Odes-
calchi reports the irritation of Gregory XIII. at the
usurpations
of the Viceroy of Naples in ecclesiastical liberties.
Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. Cf. also THEINER, III., 614. In November,
1584, Granvelle, for political reasons (the attitude of the
Pope
with regard to the intentions of Philip II. towards France)
ad
vised an accommodation ; see PHILIPPSON, 412. On October
20, 1584, Gregory XIII. granted to Philip II. rather wider
powers
for the adjustment of the differences between bishops, chapters
and other ecclesiastical bodies, which, however, Spain at
once
amplified at will ; See HERGENROTHER in Archiv fiir kathol.
Kirchenrecht, X. (1863), 30 ; cf. ibid. 29, the opposition
of Gregory
XIII. to the intervention of a royal envoy at the council of
Toledo
(see also THEINER, III., 632). The reasons for Philip s dis
satisfaction sprang partly from these questions, partly from
the
fact that he had not been successful in obtaining from the
Holy
See a slavish submission to his political designs, and
lastly from
IDENTITY OF INTERESTS. 375
Even though Gregory XIII., who already thought that
he had won over Spain to the league against the Turks, 1 was
very soon obliged definitely to abandon this hope, 2 he
still
hoped to win over the King of Spain to an undertaking
against
the Queen of England. In this matter, where the interests
of both of them were identical, though in other things they
were so divergent, it seemed to him that he really would at
last
attain a definite result.
the efforts of the Pope to limit more and more the influence
of
the Spanish Inquisition rather than increase it ; see M.
ZANI:
in Alberi, I., 5, 367 seq. ; cf. I., 6, 370 seq. ; THEINER,
III., 360.
How Philip II. always preferred the supposed interests of the
state to the true ones of the Church, is clear from his
efforts after
the death of Cardinal Borromeo to raise as weak a ma.n as
possible
to the see of Milan, as to which more exact details are
given in
the *Avvisi di Roma of November 10 and 24, 1584 (Urb. 1052,
p. 442, 463, Vatican Library). For the usurpations of the
rights
of the Church which were practised at Besancon by the
Spanish
officials, cf. Nuntiaturberichte ed. by SCHELLHASS, V.,
Ixxxiv.,
358, 435. The question of the " ius nominandi et le
provision!
per le chiese et monasterii di Sicilia da Clemente VII. ad
vitam
tantum concesso " went to such lengths that in 1582,
1583 and
1584 the vacancies were not filled : see *Memorie of
Cardinal
Galli, Boncompagni Archives, Rome. Finally an agreement
was reached by Gregory XIII. declaring that he would grant
the
right hac vice tantum ; see *report of Capilupi of February
i T ,
T 585- Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Political sagacity and
jealousy of Venice played their part in leading Philip II.
to take
the part of Gregory XIII. in the dispute about Aquileia (see
supra p. 341, n. 2) ; see PHILIPPSON, Granvella, 412.
1 See BoRATYisrsKi, St. Batory i plan Ligi, 312; ibid. 317
seq. for the abortive negotiations with the King of Poland.
2 That Gregory XIII. wished for war against the Turks, later
as well as before, is shown by Fr. Sporeno in his *report of
June
30, 1584, Viceregal Archives, Innsbruck. A. Komulowic ad
dressed to Gregory XIII. in December, 1584, on the strength
of what he had observed, an invitation to a war against the
Turks,
published in FERMENDZIN, 337 seq.
CHAPTER X.
STATE OF RELIGION IN ENGLAND. EDMUND CAMPION.
AT the time when Gregory XIII. ascended the throne, it
seemed as though the fate of the Catholic Church in England
were sealed. Priests could no longer be ordained, and those
who still remained must soon die out. The Catholics, and
especially the rising generation, cut off from their
teachers
and compelled by law to attend the Protestant services, were
falling more and more under the influence of the new
religious
doctrines ; Burghley and Elizabeth might well believe that
the moment was at hand when, with the last of the Catholics,
the waning faith of ancient England would be finally ex
tinguished.
It was principally due to the foresight and the spirit of
self-sacrifice of a remarkable and great man, the future Car
dinal William Allen, 1 that this disastrous fate was
averted.
Born in 1532 in the county of Lancaster, Allen, at the time
when Elizabeth ascended the throne, had attained to high
honours and dignities in the University of Oxford ; in 1561
he fled to the Netherlands on account of the intolerable
religious persecution of the new queen. When he came back
to his own country in the following year, for reasons of
health,
in spite of the fact that he was not yet a priest, he became
the
guide and counsellor of many of his weaker and hesitating
fellow-countrymen ; at the same time he had an opportunity
of realizing from his own experience the ignorance and
divisions
that existed among the English Catholics of that time. There
upon, from a hiding place in the house of the Duke of
Norfolk,
1 TH. FRANC. KNOX, Letters and Memorials of Cardinal Allen,
London, 1882 ; Vita, by Nic. Fitzherbert (Rome, 1608),
BELLES-
HEIM (Mayence, 1885) ; B. CAMM, William Cardinal Allen,
Founder
of the Seminaries, London, 1909; M. HAILE, An Elizabethan
Cardinal, William Allen, London, 1914.
376
THE COLLEGE AT DOUAI. 377
Allen devoted himself above all to the composition of
polemical
writings, until, three years later, the fateful moment
arrived
when he was forced once more to seek refuge in Flanders. In
an edict issued by Elizabeth in 1567 his name appears in the
first place among the priests whose arrest was demanded of
the
sheriff of Lancashire. 1
It was of the greatest importance for Allen that at that
time he made the acquaintance of Jean Vendeville, the future
Bishop of Tournai, who was then professor of Canon Law at
the University of Douai. 2 Filled with burning zeal for the
maintenance of the Catholic Church and full of plans for
that
object, in 1567 Vendeville, accompanied by Allen, went to
Rome to win over the Pope to his views, though without
meeting with much encouragement from Pius V. Allen
then suggested to his friend the establishment at Douai of a
college for the benefit of the English Catholics. The
original
purpose of this establishment was to afford an asylum, and
the opportunity of study at the university to Catholics who
had escaped from England, but very soon a second purpose
became even more important, namely, the training of young
priests for England. At first Allen had thought less of the
work of the mission than was the case later on. Like many
of his fellow-countrymen, he clung rather to the hope that
with a change of the crown the v/hole of England might once
more be recovered for the Church ! In that case it would
be necessary that as large a number of priests as possible
should be ready to take possession of the parishes. 3
On September 29th, 1568, in a hired house, were made the
first beginnings of the college, which was afterwards to ex
ercise so great an influence. 4 The Benedictine abbots of
Anchin, Marchiennes and Arras contributed largely to its
maintenance. Allen, who had been given a professorship
1 Cf. Vol. XVIII. of this work, p. 201.
2 ALEXIS Possoz, Msgr. Jean Vendeville, Eveque de Tournay
1587-92, Lille, 1862. BELLESHEIM, Allen, 22 seq.
3 BELLESHEIM, 25 seq. ; POLLEN, English Catholics, 244
"seqq.,
256 seqq. Cf. supra, p. 243.
4 BELLESHEIM, 33.
378 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
at Douai in 1571, devoted the whole of his salary to the in
stitute, and a legacy made it possible for him to obtain for
it a house of its own. 1 As early as 1568 Pius V. gave his
approval to the college and in the same year he appointed
Allen as superior of the English mission ; Gregory XIII.
confirmed both these acts, and further increased Allen s
powers. 2
Among the English Catholics the establishment of Allen s
seminary met with warm approval. A number of young men
belonging to the best families asked to be received there ;
older men, too, and even some ministers who wished to be
reconciled to the Church joined their number. Allen bears
emphatic witness to their zeal for their studies and their
faith
ful observance of Catholic morals and discipline. 3 In 1574
the seminary was able to send its first priests to England.
4
By 1579 at many as 100 had gone to labour in their country,
5
and by 1610 135 of the students of the institute had sealed
their mission with their blood. 6
In 1578 political considerations had necessitated the
removal
of the seminary to Rheims. 7 but in 1593 it returned to
Douai,
and continued to supply England with excellent priests until
the time of its destruction during the French Revolution.
While it was at Rheims the seminary undertook, in 1582,
the publication of an important literary work : a
translation
into English of the New Testament, to which in 1610 was
added
1 Ibid. 33, 36, 37.
*Ibid. 36, 38. Bull of January 21, 1582, Bull. Rom., VIII.,
383 seq. ; cf. the brief of August 30, 1575, in KNOX,
Letters,
etc., 27.
8 Allen to Cardinal Galli, June 13, 1575, in THEINER, 1575,
n. 114 (II., 1345*0.).
4 BELLESHEIM, 40.
6 Ibid. 43.
6 Note ibid. 284-288.
7 Ibid. 55 seqq. ; LECH AT, 735 seqq. *Seminarii Pontificii
Anglorum apud Remenses gesta a festo SS. Trinitatis a 1579
usque ad festum S. Mariae Magdalenae 1580 iul. 22, Ambrosian
Library, Milan, D. 181.
THE DOUAI BIBLE. 379
that of the Old Testament. This work was intended princi
pally to serve the purposes of religious controversy ; in
view
of the Protestant translations., which were permeated by the
spirit of the new religion, there was need of a Bible of
whose
dogmatic soundness the Catholics could feel assured: above
all,
the New Testament was required for the pious use of
Catholics. 1
That great champion of the seminaries, Gregory XIII.,
had extended to Allen and his institute his favour and
support.
At a time when the college at Douai had for a long time been
maintained with extraordinary difficulty amid the hardships
and pressure of the times, the Pope came to its assistance
with
a monthly contribution of 100 gold crowns. 2 which was soon
1 See BELLESHEIM, 87 seqq. ; cf. 49 ; B. WARD in the
Catholic
Encyclopaedia, V., 140 ; WISEMAN in the Abhandlungen uber
verschiedene Gegenstande, I., Ratisbon, 1584, 61 seqq. ;
NEWMAN,
Tracts theological and ecclesiastical, London, 1874, 359.
The
fidelity of the translation and its influence on the
Authorized
Version of James I. in 1611 is also recognised by the
Protestants ;
cf. JAMES G. CARLETON, The part of Rheims in the making of
the
English Bible, Oxford, 1902. At first the translation was
toler
ated by the English government, but later on because of the
notes, and because it contained an appended writing of
Martin
and disclosed " haereticorum versionum foedissimas
ipsisque
adversariis pudendas corruptelas " even Protestants
were thrown
into prison if the Rheims version was found in their
possession
(Allen to Aggazari, March 16, 1583). The Catholic version
brought about the conversion of some Protestants (Persons to
Agazzari, August 24, 1583, in Theiner, 1583, n. 85, III.,
475).
For the literary activity of the English exiles see POLLEN,
loc.
cit., 106 seqq. According to Sanders (died 1581) 20,000
Catholic
books were secretly sold in England. " Books opened the
way,"
said Allen, ibid. in.
2 On April 15, 1575, in BELLESHEIM, 41. Letter of thanks
from Allen and the students of the college to Cardinal
Galli,
June 13, 1575, in THEINER, n. 114 (II., 134 seq.). The
subsidy
was granted especially at the recommendation of the General
of the Jesuits, Mercurian (SACCHINUS, P. IV., 1. 7, n. 13).
For
the support given by the Jesuits to the work of Allen cf.
the report
of Cardinal Sega of the visitation of the English College in
Rome
in 1596, in FOLEY, VI., 5.
380 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
raised to 150. l The Pope helped its transference to Rheims
by a gift of 500 gold crowns, at the same time recommending
the college to the archbishop and chapter of Rheims, and to
his nuncio in Paris. 2 He further ordered a collection to be
made throughout the Christian world, 3 which was made in
Rome by members of the aristocracy, and found contributors
in Naples, France, Poland and Germany, especially the Duke
of Bavaria, William V. 4 Allen hailed the Pope as the
founder
of the English College at Douai. 5 Philip II. too promised
the seminary an annual subsidy of 2,000 ducats. 6 Of no less
importance than the financial aid given to Allen s institute
was the fact that the Pope interested himself in the college
by means of his nuncio, as the English government tried in
every way to raise suspicion at the French court against
this establishment which it hated so much, and to bring
about the expulsion of the English students. 7
1 BELLESHEIM, 93.
2 BELLESHEIM, 63 seq. Gregory to the archbishop of Rheims,
May 18, 1578, in THEINER, 1578, n. 85 (II., 434 seq.}. Galli
to Allen, May 19, 1578, ibid. 435.
3 January 21, 1582, Bull. Rom., VIII., 383.
4 BELLESHEIM, 93.
6 Quod [seminarium] factum est ab hominibus pauperibus,
qui nullas habebant opes, stetitque totum biennium sine ullo
certo subsidio . . . donee SS. D. N. . . . pensione centum
aureorum, additis postea quinquaginta menstruis, nos
benignissime
donavit, ut proinde merito noil modo collegii fundator, sed
tanti boni, quod ex eo secutum est, author sit et nuncupetur.
Allen to Galli, January 16, 1585, in Theiner, 1585, n. 19
(III.,
633 seq.}.
Allen to Galli, March 9, 1583, ibid, 1583 n. 86 (III. 477).
7 * [Allen] che per le guerre fu constretto transfeiiisi a
Rens
dove dalla regina dTnghilterra fu cercato e procurato per
ogni
via di persuadere al Re di Francia che non lo ricevesse et
non ve
lo comportasse dando taccia a quei poveri religiosi di
secluttori
et mettendo in consideratione a S. M tA Christ a , che per
ragione
di stato doveva scacciarli potendo cosi facilmente
sovvertire
et sollevare contra di lei quelli populi soto titulo et
colore di
religione et di student! ; ma furono difesi dall autorita di
S. S tA
THE ENGLISH COLLEGE IN ROME. 381
Even greater are the services of Gregory to the English
College in Rome. The first move towards its establishment
came from the Welshman, Owen Lewis, 1 whose influence had
not been without its importance in the foundation of the
college at Douai. 2 Lewis, who was archdeacon of Cambrai,
had been sent by his archbishop to the Curia in connexion
with a lawsuit. Supported by the recommendation of Bishop
Goldwell of St. Asaph, who was living in Rome as an exile,
and by his relations with the adventurer Stukely, whose
scheme for the liberation of Ireland had not yet been shown
to be a chimera, Lewis found high favour with the Pope ;
he became apostolic referendary, and all English matters
passed through his hands. 3 Through the Datary, Contarelli,
he suggested to the Pope to receive in Rome, among the chap
lains of the ancient English hospice for pilgrims, certain
young
men who were to devote themselves to study, and afterwards
be employed on the English mission. Gregory XIII. gladly
fell in with this proposal. Allen, who was in Rome in 1576,
was equally anxious to lighten the burden of the college at
Douai, which was already overcrowded, by the foundation
con li continui officii che vivamente faceva il suddetto suo
nuntio
in maniera che et S.M ta/ rest 6 chiara che era mera
persecutions
di qnella donna et essi assicurati che non riceverebbono
dispiacere.
Memorie di Dandmo, Cod. D. 5, Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
1 * Brevis narratio de origine et progressu collegii
Anglicani "
Vat. 3494, P. 4 seqq. Vatican Library, used by SACCHINI (P.
IV., 1. 7, n. 20 seqq.}, BELLESHEIM (109 seqq.}, Meyer (82
seqq.}.
Cf. the report of Cardinal Sega of his visitation of the
English
College in 1585, in MEYER, 428-454 ; Statutes of the
College,
ibid. 418 seqq., 444 seqq. For recent literature see supra,
p. 243,
n. 4).
2 " In hoc seminario (that of Douai) inchoando summus
et
suasor et adiutor existit." Allen to Galli, June 13,
1575, in
THEINER, 1575, n. 114 (II. , 135).
3 *" Cui cum Gregorius praebere aures inciperet, ille
autem
Archdiaconum in intimam sibi amicitiam accepisset, factum
est,
ut hac occasione singula fere deinde, quae ad Angliam aut
Hiber-
niam pertinerent, ad Archidiaconum pro illo tempore
Pontifici
referrentur." Brevis narratio, loc. cit.
382 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of an institute of the kind, and on his return, in the same
year
1576, he sent some of his students there. Lewis, in
agreement
with the superior of the English hospice for pilgrims, his
fellow-countryman Maurice Clenock, arranged that the
chaplains of the hospice should be gradually suppressed,
and their places filled by the students. The administration
and direction was settled with the help of two Jesuits. l
Very
soon the new seminary received about 40 students, of whom
eight were Welshmen.
The ancient rivalry between Englishmen of Celtic and
Saxon stock soon led, even in Rome, to such great
dissensions
that nothing but the personal intervention of Gregory was
able to restore peace in the seminary. The Welshman Lewis
had entrusted the direction of the college to his
fellow-country
man Clenock, but very soon complaint after complaint was
made of the predominance of the Celts. Against Lewis was
urged his friendship with the profligate Stukely, and his
partiality for his own compatriots ; 2 the aged Clenock, who
was quite inexperienced in the direction of seminaries, was
also attacked on the ground that he favoured the few Celts
among his students, and ignored the rest. Things went so
far that 33 English students had recourse to the Cardinal
Protector, Morone, with a formal complaint, and through the
maestro di camera Bianchetti to the Pope himself declaring
that they would rather leave the seminary in a body than
remain any longer subject to Clenock, and that the direction
of the college should be entrusted to the Jesuits. Attempts
1 SACCHINUS, P. IV., 1. 7, n. 16. Allen would have liked the
Jesuits to have taken over the college altogether ; cj. his
letter
of October 26, 1578, ibid. n. 18 seq.
2 *" quod homini tarn dissolutis moribus ac perditae
vitae
quam erat Stukleus ipse sacerdos tarn intimus esset."
(Brevis
narratio, loc. cit.}. Cardinal Sega in his report of the
visitation
of the English College in 1596, in FOLEY, VI., 6 seq.,
passes a
vary unfavourable judgment on the influence of Lewis.
According
to Sega, Lewis was to blame for all the disorders of the
college.
Gregory XIII. ordered him on this account to leave Rome,
ibid. 8.
THE POPE AND THE ENGLISH COLLEGE 383
at meditation, especially on the pait of Speciani, the secretary
of the Congregation of Bishops, proved unavailing ; the
students remained firm in their demands. On the other
hand, the Jesuits refused the charge offered to them, and
in the second General Congregation of 1565, they had decided
against the acceptance of clerical seminaries. 1 Cardinal
Morone advised the Pope to give the students the plain
choice
between submission and expulsion. The result was that on
March ist, 1579, 33 Englishmen left the college in a body
and took refuge in the private house of one of their fellow-
countrymen, with a view to returning to their own country.
Such a state of affairs in the case of young men who were
otherwise all that was good, and who wished to serve the
Church at the risk ot their lives, aroused general sympathy
in Rome for the sufferers. Almost all the Lenten preachers
recommended the English seminarists to the generosity of
their hearers. Gregory took upon himself the personal task
of finding a remedy. He summoned the malcontents to his
presence, listened kindly to their complaints and wishes,
and promised to help them. They were ordered to return
publicly to the college, preceded by the Papal maestro di
camera, and the Jesuits received orders to undertake the
direc
tion of the college. On April 23rd, 1579, Gregory issued a
bull in which the college was confirmed and endowed with
rich revenues. 2 A visit which the Pope paid to the
institute
on July 22nd, 1579, was a further proof of his good-will. 3
1 December 18 (Institution S. J. II., Florence, 1893, 193).
2 Bull. Rom., VIII. , 208 seq.
3 *Avviso di Roma of July 22, 1579, Urb. 1047, P- 2
43> Vatican
Library. *I1 giorno di S. M. Maddalena visit6 [Gregory
XIII.]
il collegio Inglese et fu recitata una oratione a S. S
t& latina et
molto dotta con alcuni versi latini bellissimi, al qual
collegio
s e mostrato molto liberale havendoli sin ad hora fatto
conferire
300 ducati il mese, et veramente S.S** merita in questa
grandis-
sima laude come in molte altre parti rare, che ha eretti dieci
collegi in varie parti del mondo, cioe : uno in Fiandra, uno
in
Boemia, uno in Prussia, uno in Vienna et uno in Olmutz, et
dieci qua in Roma, nelli quali spende ogni anno piu di 40
mille
ducati d oro. Odescalchi to the Duke of Mantua, July 25, 1579,
Gpnzaga Archives, Mantua,
384 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
At the request of the students themselves an oath was
imposed
upon the seminarists by which they bound themselves to
enter the ecclesiastical state, to receive sacred orders,
and
on the completion of their studies, to work for the care of
souls. 1 All the students of English birth joyfully took
this
oath. On the other hand the Welshmen, who followed
Lewis, for the most part refused, and accordingly left the
establishment.
Even so, however, the difficulties had not yet reached their
end. Opposition was also raised against the Jesuits in their
turn by the seminarists, so that on two occasions Sixtus V.
and Clement VIII. were obliged to order an apostolic
visitation.
In spite of these passing trials, the English College in
Rome
also produced great fruit. Down to the time of the French
Revolution it trained 1,341 priests for its own country, 42
of whom met with a violent death in the exercise of their
ministry, or suffered imprisonment and exile. 2 Both the
seminaries, that at Douai and that at Rome, must be an
object of admiration to the impartial historian. Speaking
generally, at the end of the middle ages the clergy had
fallen
into a degraded state ; to the religious innovators they
seemed
to be fit for nothing but a shameful disappearance, and even
1 *Commissarios quosdam dcsignavit [Gregorius XIII.] qui
prima collegii initia formarent, quique cxaminato cuiusque
scholaris proposito unicuique iuramentum proponerent (hoc
enim Angli acerrime postulaverant), quo quisque se
accingeret
ad vitam ecclesiasticam agendam et post absoluta literarum
studia ordinesque sacros susceptos, ad redeundum in patriam
ad fidem catholicam proseminandam, quocunque vitae vel necis
periculo posthabito (Brevis narratio, Vat. 3494, Vatican
Library,
According to the report of the visitation of Sega in 1596,
Cardinal
Morone, under the influence of Lewis, had allowed the
students
to remain at the college as long as they liked. Lewis had
worked
to obtain this in favour of his own fellow-countrymen, some
of
whom desired nothing less than to face the dangers of the
English
mission. But this very permission so irritated the English
students that they left the college. FOLEY, VI. 6-7. The
formula of the oath, ibid. 127.
2 List ibid. 125 seq. ; BELLESHEIM, 124.
THE NEW SEMINARIES. 385
many Catholics despaired of their ever being restored to the
perfection of earlier days. But now, all of a sudden and
quite unexpectedly, there sprang up so many new Orders,
and so many seminaries after the mind of the Council of
Trent,
and a new generation of priests who proved themselves fit
for the most exalted tasks, and displayed such a moral gran
deur, and such a spirit of sell-sacrifice, that the Protestant
body, even though the other was but in its first stage of
development, was unable, even distantly, to compare any of
their own ministers with them. 1 Even the most hardened
pessimist could not fail to be convinced that in the hated
priesthood of the Catholic Church, there lay hidden forces,
like sparks among the ashes, which only needed to be revived
in order to spring up immediately into new and splendid
fire.
The new seminaries were entirely based upon the spirit of
sacrifice, both among the founders and the students. "
Had
we been obliged," wrote Allen, " to measure our
undertaking
by the means at our disposal, our seminary could never have
come into existence. Its founders were poor men without
1 In 1591 Persons wrote : " Has history, since the
memory
of man, anything more wonderful to tell than of youths nobly
born and wealthy for the most part, who could live quietly
and
comfortably at home, and who solely from zeal for the faith
have
left parents and friends, and all that is dear to them in
this life
in order to go into voluntary exile, with such greatness of
soul
and steadfastness that they fear neither spies nor prisons,
neither
executioner nor instruments of torture for the sake of
religion
and the salvation of souls. They could have gained honour
and
consideration in the anglican church ; in the career they
have
chosen, none of these things fall to their lot. . . . They
are not
descended from the dregs of mankind like your ministers of
the
Word, but frequently from noble families and wealthy
parents,
and I venture to say that in the three English seminaries of
Rome,
Rheims and Valladolid, there are more flowers of nobility
than
among all your clergy at home." In MEYER, 352 seq.
(Engl.
transl.). [For the original Latin of this passage, see the
work
by Persons (under the pseud. Philopater) : Elizabethae
Angliae
Reg. haeresim Calvin, propugnantis . . . edictum . . . pro-
mulgatum, 29 November, 1591. Editor s note.]
VOL. XIX. 25
386 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
means, and for two years the institute dragged on its
existence
without any support." 1 Even later on the pecuniary
help
given by Gregory XIII. was only sufficient for 40 students,
whereas in 1582 the seminary at Rheims alone numbered 120.
" Thirty of our number," Allen wrote, " live
on one crown a
month, and a few contributions from our table, but we refuse
to give up the struggle." 2 In spite of this, young
men, often
of the best families, continued to come in such numbers that
the accommodation of the college was insufficient ; and the
arrivals continued, in spite of the fact that life under the
strict discipline of the seminary meant for the independent
spirit of Englishmen, and for men of strong and determined
character, such as was called for by the vocation of the
missionary priest, a hard sacrifice, and that they all knew
well the kind of life that awaited them in England. " I
could describe to you," wrote Allen to a friend, "
the sufferings
that they have to undergo during their night journeys, and
the perils that threaten them from robbers and false
brethren ;
their hiding in tiny rooms or rather cells, where they must
remain without light or fire, lest they should be betrayed
to
the enemy. In the middle of the night they are often roused
and forced to fly because the spies are coming to arrest
them." 3
Many were pronouncing their own death sentence when they
entered one of the seminaries, and bound themselves ex
pressly by oath to the English mission. But for all their
labours and sufferings, martyrdom was the reward they
sought, and that, despite a long life of sacrifice and pain,
could
never be bought at too great a price, while the harvest they
reaped made up for all their privations. " Day by
day,"
wrote Allen again, " many return to the faith, and give
up
their attendance at Protestant worship." 4 Even their
arrest
1 BELLESHEIM 95.
2 Ibid. 94 seq.
3 Ibid 52.
4 Ibid. 54. The reports of the English bishops in the summer
of 1577 report generally that the " Papists do
marvellously
increase in number and obstinacy." FRERE, 213. Frcre
himself
\vrites : " There can be little doubt that the boast of
the Romanists
WORK OF THE MISSIONARY PRIESTS. 387
did not put an end to the labours of the missionaries ; in
one prison in London alone we are informed by Allen, 1 there
were 24 priests ; " they receive visits from Catholics
who
wish to speak to them or to go to confession. A great deal
of work is done there, sometimes as much as if the priests
had been at liberty. 2 Thus those persons who think that we
ought to keep our men for better times are confounded. If
nothing else happened this would at any rate have the effect
of countless souls being lost every day, and of all hope for
the
future being extinguished. We must not merely look for
ward to better times, we must bring them about." From
the
two colleges, he goes on to say, 230 priests have so far
been
sent out, of whom 12 had died as martyrs during the last
year,
and three during the last few months. There are 40 of them
in prison, who are still able, however, to labour for the
Church.
It is very encouraging that of this great number, in spite
of
that their cause was reviving was a true one." Ibid.
215. Car
dinal Galli wrote to the nuncio in Spain, Taverna, on April
29
(May 9), 1583 : " Per il solo mezo di questo collegio
(of Rheims)
si puo dire che se siano conservate sin hora le reliquie de
la re-
ligione cattolica in Inghilterra " (in KRETZSCHMAR, 88,
n. 3,
who for that reason is of opinion (ibid.} that the seminary
was
" the most dangerous enemy of England ! "). That
" daily "
in spite of all the persecutions the number of the Catholics
in
creased owing to the labours of the seminary priests, is
attested
also by Bernardino de Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador in
London, on December 28, 1579, and June 26, 1580. Corresp.
de Felipe, II., vol. IV., 447, 493. The first passage also
in
SPILLMANN, II. , 198.
1 *Letter of March 16, 1583, to the rector of the English
College
in Rome. Reg. 2023, Vatican Library. Cf, BELLESHEIM, 81
seqq.
2 Persons also wrote from Paris to Agazzari in Rome, August
24, 1583, that there were 30 priests in prison at Hull, and
26 in
the Marshalsea in London. Almost all of them could sav mass
every day, and in other waj^s were more useful in prison
than at
liberty, " ad hos enim, cum certi constantesque in
eodem loco
sint, multi possunt accedere, qui alios sacerdotes reperire
non
possunt." THEINER, 1^82, n. 85 (III., 475).
388 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the threats and promises of their enemies, not one has so
far proved himself a weakling ; only two have behaved in a
blameworthy manner, and they have repented after their
liberation. Thus so far no member of the two colleges has
given scandal, although there is no one to watch over them,
and each one must be guided by his own conscience alone.
Their work was made easier by the fact that the great mass
of
the English people was still deeply religious. If a mass
does
not last at least an hour, it is stated in a letter of the
time, 1
there is much discontent, and if seven or eight masses
should
be celebrated one after the other, the same people remain to
hear them all. When a bishop, who has been consecrated in
Rome for Ireland, stayed on his way in England, Catholics
came from all parts with great devotion to ask for the sacra
ment of confirmation, " which among us has always been
held in greater veneration than anywhere else in the
world,"
or even for the sake of receiving his blessing, or to see
once
more a bishop of the true Church. 2
No one saw with greater satisfaction than Allen this improve
ment in the state of affairs in England. But not yet
satisfied
with all that he had accomplished, this indefatigable man
planned to add yet another to the services which he had ren
dered to his country, when in 1579, on the occasion of a
visit
paid by him to Gregory XIII. in Rome, he suggested that the
Jesuits should be sent to England. The General of the
Jesuits,
Mercurian, was in a position to fall in with this
suggestion,
as he had since 1575 received a certain number of Englishmen
into the Order. He accordingly assigned two Jesuits for the
English mission, Edmund Campion and Robert Persons, to
whom he attached a lay-brother. 3 Ten secular priests and
students were joined to their company. 4 Even the aged
Bishop of St. Asaph, Goldwell, again thought of exchanging
1 Persons to Agazzari, November 17, 1580, in FOLEY, III.,
666.
2 *Allen to Agazzari, March 16, 1583, Reg. 2022, Vatican
Library.
8 SACCHINUS, P. IV. 1. 8, n. 83 seqq.
* Cf. POLLEN in The Month, XC. (1897), 248 seq.
THE JESUITS IN ENGLAND. 389
his long exile in Rome for the dangers of his own country ;
l
Mercurian gave detailed instructions to his subjects as to
their
behaviour in England, and recommended to them, in addition
to a life of virtue and piety, above all caution and
prudence,
as they would have to live among crafty enemies, who were
experienced in all worldly matters and were quite without
conscience, and he forbade them to take any part in
political
questions. With regard to the queen, they were not to com
mit themselves to any views, except in the presence of
sincere
and tried Catholics. When the instructions were renewed
in 1581 even this exception was no longer allowed, and all
adverse criticism of the queen was absolutely forbidden. 2
Special difficulties were brought upon the missionaries
by the bull of Pius V. against Elizabeth, because this not
only
inflicted excommunication upon the queen, but forbade the
English Catholics to obey her. 3 It was clear, however,
from the bull itself that this prohibition was only to take
effect under certain circumstances which no longer existed.
1 Campion in FOLEY, III., 21.
2 Non se immisceant negotiis statuum neque hue scribant res
novas ad status pertinentes, atque illic [in England] etiam
neque
ipsi sermonem iniiciant aut ab aliis iniectum admittant
contra
reginam, nisi forte apud eos quos insigniter fideles et
longo tempore
probates habuerint, ac quidem tune etiam non sine magna
causa.
MEYER, 119. POLLEN The Month, 1C. (1902), 293. Cf. SIMPSON,
99 seq. SPILLMANN, II., 203.
3 Cf. Vol. XVIII. of this work, p. 214 seqq. The scruples of
the
English Catholics about the bull of excommunication were
reflected
in the questions addressed (in the first days of Gregory
XIII.) to a
theologian and the answers made to them (published by
CREIGHTON
in the English Historical Review, VII. [1892], 84 seq., cf.
MEYER,
114 n.). This theologian asked for a Papal declaration
concern
ing the bull, though even without this he decided that the
bull
of Pius V. laid no burden upon Catholics. It would seem that
Gregory XIII. a short time before was of a different
opinion.
According to an *Avviso di Roma of February 20, 1580 (Urb.
1048, p. 24, Vatican Library), Bonelli had more than 500
copies
of the excommunication of the queen printed for distribution
at the Papal court, and among the ambassadors of the
princes.
3QO HISTORY OF THE POPES.
To allay the anxiety of conscience of scrupulous Catholics
Campion and Persons begged the Pope expressly to declare
that the bull bound Elizabeth and her adherents, but that
so long as the present state of affairs existed it had no
binding
force upon Catholics, until the bull could be publicly put
into force. On April I4th, 1580, Gregory XIII. acceded to
this request, and his declaration was included in the list
of
faculties 1 which the Pope granted to the two Jesuits on
that
date.
A few days later the missionaries set out from Rome. 2
While they were still on their way they learned that their
coming was known in England and that the ports were being
strictly watched. 3 For this reason Persons went on ahead,
and reached London disguised as an officer. Campion, on
the other hand, who was travelling in the guise of a
jeweller,
was very nearly arrested as he set foot on English soil. 4
The
octogenarian Bishop Goldwell, like his fellow-countryman
Morton, were persuaded at Rheims that their country was
no longer their proper sphere ; 5 Goldwell died in Rome in
1585, the last surviving member of the ancient hierarchy. 3
1 Published in MEYER, 422. In the list of the faculties it
is
stated : " Petatur a S.D.N. explicatio [sententiae]
declaratoriae
per Pium V. contra Elizabethan! et ei adhaerentes, quam
catholici
cupiunt intelligi hoc modo : ut obliget semper illam et
haereticos,
,atholicos vero nullo modo obliget rebus sic stantibus, sed
turn
demum, quando publica eiusdem bullae executio fieri
poterit."
(Meyer 424). Par. 15 : "Has praedictas gratias
concessit SS. Pontifex
patrihus Roberto Personio et Edmundo Campiano in Angliam
profecturis die 14 Aprili, 1580, presente patre Oliverio
Manareo
Assistente." (Ibid. 425). Cf. POLLEN, English
Catholics, 290
seqq.
* For the journey see POLLEN in The Month, XC. (1897),
243-264.
8 The English ambassador in Paris sent news of this. Priuli
on February 23, 1580, in BROWN, VII., n. 794.
4 Cf. his letter to the General of the Order (about
November)
in 1580, in FOLEY, VI., 671.
6 Goldwell to Gregory XIII., Rheims, July 13, 1580, in
THEINER,
III., 700.
8 BELLESHEIM in Hist.-Polit. Blatter, LXXX. (1877, 962-971).
PERSONS AND CAMPION IN ENGLAND. 3QI
The remaining missionaries crossed the Channel in small
parties from the northern ports of France, but by the begin
ning of the winter of 1580 they were all, with five of the
stu
dents of the Roman seminary, in prison. 1 Of the three
priests
who had joined them, two had been recognized as they were
landing. 2
On account of the great number of spies the missionaries
would not have been able to attempt any spiritual work if
loyal friends had not helped them. Even before 1580 there
were in England a number of noble-hearted laymen who
devoted their persons and their property entirely to the
Catholic cause, reducing their own requirements to bare
necessities. 3 In London, Persons at once repaired to the
Marshalsea prison to Thomas Pound, a gentleman who was
in prison for the Catholic cause. Pound told him of one
of this body of laymen, George Gilbert, who was ready to
face any sacrifice, and who furnished Persons with clothing,
a horse and ample funds, and accompanied him upon all his
journeys in England, introducing him to the Catholics, some
times in the garb of a gentleman, and sometimes in the
livery
of a serving man. Campion was also provided for by Gilbert
in the same way, and he was accompanied by another layman. 4
1 SPILLMANN, II., 267.
8 Ibid. 229.
3 Cum in Anglia quidam, tarn sacerdotes quam alii vitam
apostolicam imitantes, statuerint apud se soli animarum
saluti
incumbere et reduction! haereticorum, et ut hoc melius
faciant,
decreverint, victu et vestitu aliisque rebus necessariis ad
statum
suum contenti esse, et quod supererit de bonis suis in
commune
subsidium conferre, eleemosinasque ad hoc commune subsidium
non solum per se, verum etiam per alios procurare aliisque
modis
reductionem Angliae promo vere, dignetur V. Sanctitas horum
hominum pium approbare. . . . Petition of Persons and
Campion
to Gregory XIII., n. 12, in MEYER, 424. Simpson has taken it
for granted without proof that these priests and laymen were
formally organized as a " sodality " ; see POLLEN
in The Month,
CV. (1905), 592-599-
4 For Gilbert see FOLEY, VI., 658-704. All his property was
confiscated by the government ; he escaped to Rome, where he
died in 1583 as a Jesuit.
3Q2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Under the guidance of these companions the two Jesuits,
often dressed as gentlemen, began a series of dangerous jour
neys in search of Catholics. " Almost every day,"
wrote
Campion, 1 " I pass through some part of the country,
and
with indescribably great results. As I ride I think over my
discourse, to which I give the finishing touches after I have
entered a house. Then I talk with those who come to me,
or hear confessions. In the morning after mass I deliver my
discourse ; I am listened to wUh the greatest attention,
and large numbers receive the sacraments, in the administra
tion of which we are assisted by the priests whom we meet
with everywhere. . . . We cannot for long escape from the
hands of the heretics, since our enemies have too many spies
and too many traps. I have to make use of the most ex
travagant disguises, which I change as often as I do my
name.
I receive letters to read which open with the words :
Campion
has been arrested. This song has been so often repeated,
and is repeated wherever I go, that through constant fear
I have forgotten to be afraid." The danger to priests
as well
as to all Catholics steadily increased. The report of an un
known priest, in July, 1581,2 describes the secret meetings
of the Catholics ; how they sat together joyfully at table
and
conversed of the faith and pious subjects, and how suddenly
a knocking would be heard at the door, as though a
persecutor
stood without. All spring to their feet and stand listening
" like a wild beast that scents the hunter ; no one
makes the
slightest sound until the servants report what is the
matter,
and then, for the most part, the tension ends in
laughter."
Priests therefore, could not stay for long in any one house.
3
They were received first of all as unknown strangers, and
were
then taken to a room in the interior of the house where all
fell on their knees and asked for the priest s blessing. In
the
evening of the same day all prepared for confession, and
early
in the morning there was mass and communion ; after a
1 To Mercurian, probably on November 17, 1580, in SACCHINUS,
P. IV., 1. 8, n. 128 ; FOLEY, III., 671 seq.
2 In FOLEY, III., 666.
3 Ibid. 665.
WORK OF THE TWO JESUITS. 393
sermon the priest gave his blessing a second time and
generally
took Ins departure as soon as possible, because to stop long
anywhere was dangerous. In this way Persons in the course
of a long tour from west to east passed through the counties
of Northampton, Derby, Worcester, Hereford, and Gloucester,
while Campion started from Oxford, and went in the opposite
direction. 1
W T hat so often happens at the commencement of a new
Order, when it is in the vigour of its youth, though the his
torian cannot fully explain it, took place now in the case
of
the first steps taken by the Society of Jesus on English
soil.
The two Jesuits and their companions succeeded in accom
plishing in a short time what many others had not been able
to do in the course of long years, and they infused into the
English Catholics such steadfastness as to inaugurate a new
period in their fortunes, which was of the greatest
importance
for the preservation of the Catholic laith in England. Of
course, the activity and zeal of the seminary priests had
prepared the way for this. 2
The visible results obtained by the two missionaries were
certainly wonderful. According to their instructions they
were not to approach professed Protestants ; 3 but the
number
of waverers and doubters who became fervent Catholics in
the course of one year must have been 10,000 or even 2O,ooo,
4
while the following years brought an ever increasing
harvest. 5
1 POLLEN in The Month, CXV. (1910), 50.
* POLLEN (ibid. 1C. [1901], 292) wrote as follows concerning
the
two Jesuits and their companions : " They inspired the
whole
body of Catholics with a fervour and courage which no
subsequent
persecution was able to quench. The counter- Reformation had
gained one of the most brilliant of its successes."
According
to MEYER too (109) the beginning of the Jesuit missions was
the
most important epoch in the history of English Catholicism.
3 SIMPSON, 99 seq. ; SPILLMANN, II., 203.
4 MEYER, 49.
5 Numerus credentium mirince augetur et ex infensissirr.is
hostibus fleximus multos, convertimus nonnullos. Persons to
Gregory XIII. on June 2.1, 1582, in THEINER, 1582, n. 58
(III.,
367). Vix est credibile, quod narrant raodo de augmento
Catholic-
394 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
This result may partly be explained by the extraordinary
reputation which preceded the two Jesuits. The English
seminaries on the continent were looked upon as the outcome
of the spirit of the Society of Jesus ; Allen himself
expressed
this view and celebrated in the most laudatory way the ser
vices of the Jesuits to the institution which he had
established. 1
The two priests, Thomas Wodehouse (died 1573) and John
Nelson (died 1578), who were put to death for their faith,
begged in prison as a great favour to be admitted to the
Society
of Jesus. 2 The same was true of Thomas Pound, 3 a former
courtier of the queen, who had to pay for his profession of
the Catholic religion by thirty years of imprisonment. So
many members of the English college in Rome asked for ad
mission to the Order that the English seminarists were
seriously disturbed. 4
orum hoc ultimo anno, posteaque libros quosdam legerint de
rebus spiritualibus scriptos sacrasque catholice in nostrum
idioma conversas et interpretatas. Audivi viros prudentes
vehementer affirmasse, existimare se, Catholicos esse modo
duplo
plures in Anglia, quam ante unum annum fuerint. . . . Ex
duobus sacerdotibus recenter hue ex Anglia negotiorum causa
missis, alter eorum testatus nobis est, se quatuor
sacerdotes
cognoscere, qui in una sola provincia, quae Hamptonia
dicitur,
plus quam quadringentos homines reduxerint ad Ecclesiae
gremium post ultimum festum paschatis. Persons to Agazzari
on August 24, 1583, in THEINER, 1583, n. 85 (III., 475).
1 Equidem . . . dedi operam semper, ut nostri non aliis
quam vestris studiis, institutis, moribus, quibus nihil est
hodie
vel ad doctrinam expeditius, vel ad pietatem sincerius, vel
ad
zelum lucrandarum animarum accommodatius, praecipue im-
buerentur. To Mercurian on 26 October, 1578, in SACCHINUS,
P. IV., 1. 7, n. 19.
2 FOLEY, VII., 1257-1260. SPILLMANN, II., 140, 190. For the
martyrdom of Wodehouse a report of June 19, 1573, the very
day of his death, in KERVYN DE LETTENHOVE, VI., 762, cf.
639,
654 ; cf. KNELLER in the Zeitschrift fur kath. Theol, XLII.
(1918),
846 seqq.
3 FOLEY, III., 584.
4 BELLESHEIM, 114.
EDMUND CAMPION. 395
To this must be added the fact that the two missionaries
were not ordinary men. Edmund Campion, 1 who was at
first the most prominent, had been born in 1540, and had the
most brilliant future before him at the University of
Oxford,
as a young scholar ; as a classic and humanist, and as an
orator, there was no one there to equal him. 2 When in 1566
Queen Elizabeth honoured the university with a visit,
Campion
was chosen as a matter of course to welcome her. Cheyney,
the Anglican Bishop of Gloucester, had asked for him as his
successor, and persuaded him to receive the Anglican
diaconate.
But this step caused Campion the greatest remorse, and he
began definitely to separate himself from the official
English
Church. His remaining at Oxford was therefore no longer
possible ; even in Dublin, where James Stanihurst tried to
interest him in a proposed Irish university, he had to take
to flight in order to escape arrest. 3 Campion still
continued
to devote himself to literary work, and during his exile he
1 His life was written by Persons (unpublished ; cf. The
Month, CVI. [1905], 594), ALLEN (1582 ; new edition by
POLLEN,
London, 1908 ; cf. Hist. Pol. Blatter, CXLII. [1908], 140
seqq.),
BOMBING (Antwerp, 1618), SIMPSON (Edinburgh, 1867). Cf.
B. Edmundi Campiani Opuscula, Barcelona, 1888. For some
particulars of the life of Campion cf. the articles of
POLLEN in
The Month, Vols. XC., CV., CVI., CXV.
2 " Primus erat princepsque gregis ; cessere priores
Partes,
et palmam cetera turba tibi," a colleague wrote in
verse of him
after the death of Campion. (BRIDGEWATER), Concertatio, 66.
SPILLMANN, II., 207. " All writers whether protestant
or popish,
say that he was a man of admirable parts, an elegant orator,
a subtle philosopher and disputant, and an exact preacher,
whether in English or Latin tongue, of a sweet disposition,
and
a well polished man." WOOD, Athenae Oxonienses, ed.
BLISS,
I., 475, in the Dictionary of National Biography, VIII.,
402.
3 For Cheyney (a conciliatory theologian), Stanihurst (not
a Catholic !) and his plans, as well as for the chronology,
cf.
POLLEN in The Month, CVI. (1905), 563, 566 seq., 568 ; for
Stani
hurst see also BELLESHEIM, Irland, II., 131. For the date of
the departure of Campion for Ireland (August i, 1570) cf.
KNELLER
in the Zeitschrift fur kathol. Theologie, XLI. (1917), 175
seqq.
3Q6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
wrote a history of Ireland in English which ran through
several editions. 1 In 1571 he went to Douai to devote
himself
to theological studies ; in 1573 he was received into the
Society
of Jesus in Rome, made his noviciate at Prague and Briinn,
and at Prague devoted himself to preaching and pastoral
work, and was everywhere held in the greatest esteem and
admiration, even among the highest classes, on account of
his
brilliant qualities. 2
When he was summoned to Rome and given his mission
in England, Campion s only anxiety and desire was to be
employed in nothing but prayer, preaching and instruction ;
as Persons attests, 3 he was for this reason appointed as
leader
of the English mission. It was Campion s conviction from
the first that he would meet with a violent death in
England.
He refused to be fitted out with new clothing in Rome,
saying
wittily that any clothes were good enough for one who was
going to the scaffold. 4 In London he never passed the
gallows
at Tyburn without raising his hat. 5
Campion s happiness would have been to work in silence
for the welfare of his fellow-countrymen, but it was to the
great advantage of the Catholic cause that his name was at
once brought to the notice of all classes of the population,
and became the object of denunciation in the -sermons
preached
in the city. 6 Before Persons and Campion set out upon
1 First in the chronicle of Holinshed, 1577 and T 5S6, then
by
Ware, 1633 ; a new edition Dublin, 1909. Shakespeare, who
relies so much on Holinshed, also made use of the work of
Campion
in his Henry VIII. Cf. on the work, POLLEN in The Month,
CVI. (1905), 561-576, CVII. (1906), 156-159. There is as yet
no trace of any definite Catholic sentiment; cf. CVII., 163.
It is not known when Campion was formally converted ; ibid.
CVI., 566 seq.
2 For his stay at Briinn and Prague cf. SCHMIDL, Historiae
Societatis lesu provinciae Bohemiae, Pars I., Prague, 1747,
330
seqq., 361, 389, 418, 420.
4 In POLLEN in The Month, XC. (1897), 247.
4 Ibid. 249.
5 Persons in POLLEN, ibid. CV. (1905), 25.
6 Cf. for what follows POLLEN, ibid. CXV. (1910), 50-65.
EDMUND CAMPION. 397
their apostolic journeys, Thomas Pound, who had bought a
few hours of liberty from the chief warder by a gift of
money,
went to see them. He spoke to the two Jesuits of the great
dangers into which they would probably soon fall at the
hands
of their enemies. They would be buried in a prison, their
replies to their questioners would be falsified and changed,
and they would be made to appear in the public eye as
traitors
and rebels against the queen. They could guard against
this if they would now set down in writing the object of
their
coming, and the end they had in view by their work in Eng
land. This writing they should leave in the hands of a trust
worthy friend, so that he might publish it when they fell
into the hands of their enemies.
Persons at once wrote a short declaration which might be
described as an opening of their campaign. 2 Campion went
lurther. While his companion was waiting for him to start,
he wrote in the space of half an hour a letter to the queen
s
Privy Council, in which he professed himself a priest and a
Jesuit. 1 The object of his coming was nothing but his
priestly
work, and a fight against sin and ignorance ; he had no con
cern with politics, a thing which was forbidden to him.
Going
far beyond the suggestions of Pound, he went on to ask to be
allowed to hold a public disputation on religion, and to
speak
and make answer as to the Catholic faith, in the presence of
the royal Privy Council, the two English universities and
the
lawyers of the kingdom ; if the queen herself would honour
the disputation with her presence, this would be very
pleasing
to him. It was no empty boasting that led him to make this
proposal, but confidence in his own cause, and his
conviction
that no Protestant, nor all Protestants together, could main
tain their doctrines by good and sufficient arguments. The
members of the Privy Council, he hoped, would, after his
exposition of the true Catholic doctrine, do honour to the
truth, and listen to those who were willing to shed even
their
life s blood for its eternal triumph. " Every day so
many
1 Still unpublished ; ibid. 64.
8 The best text ibid, 60-62,
39$ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
innocent hands are raised to heaven for you by those English
students, whose boldness never grows less, and who beyond
the sea are acquiring virtue and knowledge for their state
of
life, firmly resolved never to give you up as lost, but
either to
win you for heaven or to die at the point of your lances.
And as far as our Society is concerned, know that we have
entered into a firm compact we Jesuits throughout the
world, whose numbers and increase will survive all the
machina
tions of England to bear the cross that you lay upon us,
and never to despair of your conversion, so long as there is
one of us left to taste the sweetness of your Tyburn, to
bear
the pains of your tortures, or to end our lives in your
prisons.
It was thus that the faith was planted ; it is thus that it
must be restored." If his proposals should not be
accepted,
and he himself should be treated with harshness, he hopes at
least for reconciliation and friendship in heaven, where all
injuries are forgotten.
If Campion s letter were to be published after his imprison
ment it was bound to serve its purpose marvellously well ;
it
would be impossible then to dare to spread at will false
state
ments as to its author, since should the government fail to
grant to him the publicity he so insistently demanded, that
very fact would refute the accusations made against him.
But, contrary to Campion s wishes, his letter was very soon
generally known. Pound was very pleased with the docu
ment ; he communicated it to his friends, and it was
secretly
spread far and wide. When Persons returned to London
at the end of September, 1580, he found there " a
number
of copies " ; l and towards the end of 1581 two
Protestant
replies 2 were published, which very much increased the im
pression it had made.
By this premature publication the document assumed
an entirely new significance ; whereas before its purpose
had
been principally self-defence, now, as was shown by the
title
1 Persons in POLLEN, ibid. 57.
2 By Charke and Hanmer, ibid. 59 ; cf. SOMMERVOGEL, Biblio-
theque, II., 588 seq.
> >
CAMPIONS " TEN REASONS. 399
attached to it by a strange hand, 1 it became a "
challenge."
Nevertheless, the effect of this premature publication was
altogether good. The missionaries had been defamed as
preachers of rebellion, but no conspirator had ever spoken
so loyally, so nobly, and with such respect and fidelity
towards
his sovereign as Campion had done in this document. The
Protestant ministers had maintained that Catholic doctrine
could not stand against the proofs of Holy Scripture ; now
they were given the opportunity of putting their opinions
to the test, if they had any confidence in their own cause.
Moreover, the document had another significance which was
of greater importance than any other. The Catholic religion,
which had hitherto been relegated to obscurity, now stood
out in the full light of day ; the intimidated Catholics
felt
themselves filled with renewed vigour, and with lofty ideas
of their spiritual superiority to the State Church.
If, however, the effects were to be lasting, Campion could
not rest satisfied with a mere short pamphlet. Several
sugges
tions were made to him for further works ; he rejected them
all, and to the general surprise declared that he would
write,
keeping to the general sense of his " challenge,"
concerning
the desperate position of the heretics ; that is to say,
since
heresy could only defend itself by acts of violence, this
only
proved that it was unable to adduce any reasonable motives.
The result was the appearance of a work which Muret declared
to have been written by the finger of God, which was
reprinted
more than fifty times, and which called forth many
refutations. 2
The purpose of the work is clear from the title : "to
our
scholars ; ten reasons why Campion has offered to his ad
versaries a religious- disputation." 3 The first of
these reasons
is the Holy Scripture, which the heretics have had to
mutilate
in order to prove their opinions ; the second is the sense
of
the Holy Scriptures, which they have been forced to distort
1 POLLEN, loc. cit. 57.
2 List of the editions and confutations in SOMMERVOGEL,
Bibliotheque, II., 589-594, VIII., 1970.
3 A facsimile of the title page of the first edition in
POLLEN
The Month, CXV. ; 21,
400 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in clear contradiction of its context ; and in like manner
Campion proceeds to develop his original idea of the
desperate
position of the heresy, treating of the nature of the
Church,
of the Councils, of the Fathers of the Church, etc. Although
this work was composed while Campion was travelling about
England, and with no other help than the notes and summaries
he carried in his wallet, it is full of quotations from the
Fathers, from Luther, etc., which the careful Persons had
verified by a friend of his before its publication. The
student
of former days turns to the Universities, both because he
had
declared his readiness to treat of these matters before
them,
and because Oxford and Cambridge had been made Protestant
by force, but many there were still loyal to the Catholic
religion. 1 Naturally the little book could only be
published
secretly and at great risk, but Persons had been able to
secure
a printing press, from which had already appeared a book
against the attendance of Catholics at Protestant worship,
and a reply to the attacks on Campion s "
challenge."
After the publication of the " challenge " Persons
had
thought it wiser to advise Campion to withdraw from the
neighbourhood of London into Lancashire. It was, however,
there that a traitor was able to hand over the hunted man
to his enemies. 2 On July 22nd, 1581, a market day, Campion
was brought in chains to London, and thrown into the most
terrible dungeon in the Tower. On July 25th he was taken
1 *" Magnae sunt apucl consiliarios reginae de
Oxoniensi univer-
sitatae querelae, quod multi passim collegia sua relinquunt
et
ad nos advolare putentur. . . . Multi hoc vere adornarunt
fugam
ex illis academiis ad nos, sicut ex reliquis gymnasiis
Anglicanis "
wrote Allen to Aggazari on March 16, 1583, Reg. 2023,
Vatican
Library. Cf. for Oxford, ATHAN. ZIMMERMANN, Die Univer-
sitaten En glands im 16 Jahrhundert, Freiburg, 1889, 31
seqq., 100
seq ; B. CAMM, O.S.B. in The Month, CX. (1907), 15 seqq.,
161 seqq,
Allen and many of his fellow labourers had been educated at
Oxford ; ibid. 166 seq. ; the same was true of many of the
English
martyrs ; ibid. 172 seqq.
1 In greater detail in SIMPSON, 224 seqq. ; SPILLMANN, IL,
290 seqq.
MARTYRDOM OF CAMPION. 401
up the Thames to the house of Leicester, as the queen was
anxious to see this celebrated man. 1 This was followed by
large promises, if he would consent to become an Anglican,
and he was also repeatedly put to the torture. The victim
was then allowed the religious disputation which he had
asked
for in his " challenge " ; although his memory was
weakened,
and his former vigour was gone, yet his intellect and his
keen
wit were still apparent, and in the opinion of most people
the victory lay with him. 2 On November 2oth sentence was
pronounced on Campion and his fellow captives. 3 The in
dictment spoke of high treason in that he had organised a
conspiracy against the queen at Rome and Rheims. There
were no proofs of any such guilt, 4 and Campion had no diffi
culty in disproving it point by point ; nevertheless, a
unani
mous verdict declared the accused guilty of conspiracy. On
December ist, 1581, Campion was hanged and quartered
at Tyburn ; with him a student from the English College in
Rome and another from Rheims, Ralph Sherwin and Alexander
Briant, suffered the same fate.
The effect of this public execution was very different from
what the government had expected. The martyrdom
aroused extraordinary excitement ; the Spanish ambassador
wrote that 3,000 horsemen and a huge crowd of the populace
had assembled, that the Catholics had been greatly
encouraged
1 Campion mentions his meeting with her in his
interrogatory.
SPILLMANN, II., 338.
2 Even FRERE (219 seq.) admits that at the disputation and
in
his interrogatories Campion excited general admiration
(" Per
sonally attracted all men s admiration "). After three
disputa
tions " it was found by the government that all hopes
of a victory
were gone " and that the prisoner, instead of losing,
was gaining
in men s respect and compassion.
8 Translation of the protocol of the debate at the second
trial
according to the State Trials, I., 1049 seqq. in SPILLMANN,
II.,
319-355.
4 Thus MEYER, 127: "The attempt to prove the conspiracy
failed entirely, and was bound to fail because the conspiracy
had no existence."
VOL. xix. 26
402 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and that the heretics had gone away in shame ; men exposed
themselves to the greatest risks in order to obtain some of
the
blood that had been shed or other relics of the martyr. 1
Allen was of the opinion that Campion had helped the
Catholic
cause more by his death than if he had continued his work
for many years. 2 Walpole, who was later on a Jesuit, an
eye-witness whom Campion converted to Catholicism by his
death, estimated that roughly a thousand Protestant
spectators
of the martyrdom had received the same impression as him
self. 3 Campion s own personality contributed no less to
this impression. In s^ite of his natural quick temper he had
borne with serene tranquillity his imprisonment, 4 the
insults
of the mob at his arrival in London, 5 and the unjust accusa
tions of the judge. He thanked God in a loud voice for his
condemnation, but his desire for a martyr s death had
nothing
about it of the boastful and proud spirit of the fanatic. He
received the traitor who had handed him over to his death,
with all gentleness, when the latter, under a sudden impulse
of remorse, went to visit him. 6 His last prayer was for the
queen, and his death moved many to tears. 7
1 Mendoza on December 4, 1581. Corresp. de Felipe, II., vol.
V., 200 seq.
8 In SACCHINUS, P.V., 1. i, n. 280 ; Litterae annuae S.J.,
1581.
Rome, 1583, 210. " The execution," says FRERE (P.
220)
" caused a veritable storm of protest. This was partly
due to
the reputation of Campion, and partly to the well-known par
tiality of the inquiry, and partly to the fact that the
question
whether these men were dying for religion or for treason was
very real. The question was disputed throughout Europe,
and prominent men like Allen on one side and Burghley on the
other intervened in the discussion." FRERE (p. 221)
replies
to the question : " Taking Campion as example, it seems
easy
to argue that it was for religion, and hard to deny
it."
3 SPILLMANN, II., 372, 376, III., 376.
Ibid. II., 295.
8 Ibid. 296, cf. 307, 311.
8 Ibid. 364.
7 Ibid. 371 seq. " When Campion . . . returned to
England
... he was already well disciplined in the virtues of
fortitude
THE WORK OF CAMPION. 403
The excitement against Campion and his companions
among the members of the English government was increased
by the fact that their mission coincided in time with the
Irish
disturbances of 1579, in which a Papal agent stirred up re
bellion against Elizabeth.
and purity, and had attained to a gentleness of disposition
which
nothing could embitter, and to a greatness of mind which
rose
above all pettiness qualities which gave a winning majesty
to his
personality and place him on a level with the martyrs of
Christian
antiquity. No other of the missionaries working in England
had the power of calling forth enthusiastic admiration and
com
manding unselfish devotion to the same extent as this proto-
martyr of the English Jesuits." In MEYER, 193 (Engl.
transl.).
CHAPTER XI.
GREGORY XIII. AND SCOTLAND.
HOWEVER unfortunate in their results and lamentably mis
informed were the efforts of Gregory XIII. on behalf of the
oppressed Catholics in the three northern kingdoms, it must
nevertheless always remain a glorious page in the history of
the
Papacy that even during the desperate times of the religious
revolution, it remained true to its ancient name for never
allowing itself to be surpassed by anyone in the world for
compassion and readiness to assist those in trouble. 1 The
new Pope had taken his name out of veneration for Gregory
the Great, the Apostle of the Anglo-Saxons, and he welcomed
the idea of being able to restore in England that which his
great predecessor had planted there. 2 From the very first
he raised his voice in defence of Mary Stuart, so that for
the
honour of Europe there was at least one of its rulers who
was not an inactive spectator of the violent trampling on
rights which had taken place in the case of an unhappy
queen. In the first weeks after the election of Gregory
XIII.,
Mary received a letter of encouragement from him. 3 Marini,
the Archbishop of Lanciano, whom he sent to Philip II.
at the end of 1572, was instructed among other things to
plead the cause of the imprisoned Queen of Scotland. 4 Mary
s
1 " Ab exordio consuevit thronus apostolicus iniqua
perferentes
defensare . . . et humi iacentes erigere secundum
possibilitatem
quam habetis : compassionem enim supra universes homines
possidetis." Eusebius of Dorylaum to Leo the Great, in
AMELLI
in the Specilegium Casinense, I., 135. Archiv fur dltere
deutsche
Geschichtskunde, XI. (1886), 362.
2 Beaton on February 22, 1573, in THEINER, 1573, n. 104 (I.
1 86).
8 Of June 30, 1572, ibid. 1572, n. 72 (I. 63).
4 CARINI, 29, 82.
404
THE PLAN OF BEATON. 405
ambassador in Paris, Archbishop Beaton of Glasgow, who,
by means of an agent, had laid before the Pope a plan for
carrying off the young son of Mary to Spain by his
relatives,
the Guise, in order that he might be there educated as a
Catholic, met with the kindest reception from Gregory,
though the carrying out of the plan was rendered impossible
by the death of Charles IX. and the Cardinal of Lorraine. 1
The cautious Philip II. displayed less zeal. He had nothing
but fair words for the demands of Marini and the nuncio,
Ormaneto, but called attention strongly to the obstacles
placed in his way by the rebellion in the Netherlands ; he
especially insisted that the enterprise against England
ought
to be carried out in common by the two Catholic powers of
1 MAFFEI, I., 83 seq. Beaton s credentials, of February 22,
1573, and the letter of the Cardinal of Lorraine of August
8,
I 573, i n THEINER, 1573, n. 104 seq. (I., 186 seq.}.
*" Mentre
era in vita Carlo card, di Lorena, fu da lui rappresentato a
N. S.
il pericolo grande in che si trovava il principe figliolo di
Maria
regina di Scotia, di essere allevato et nutrito nelle
heresie dalle
persone che gli manteneva appresso per educarlo la regina
d Inghilterra, se non era levato di Scotia et ridotto in
parte dove
fusse educate da persone catoliche proponendo insieme il
modo
et la via di lavarlo secretamente et ridurlo appresso il
duca di
Lorena suo parente, non ricercando altro di S. S. che 1
autorita
et il nome con dire che non mancava alia famiglia di Lorena
il
modo et le forze. Et S. B. ascolt6 cosi volontieri questa
proposta
et cosi prontamente 1 abbraccio, che con tutto che fusse
mancato
il suddetto card, di Lorena commando al nuntio Dandino di
trattarne con chi bisognava in nome suo et in particolare
con
Luigi card, di Guisa et con 1 arcivescovo di Glasco
ambasciatore di
Scotia a chi era restato questo pensiero. Li quali
ricercando
da S. S. che oltre il nome facesse anco la spesa che si
andasse,
ella si content6 di pagare per questo conto sino alia somma
di XV. m scudi . . . Portorno di poi molte risolutioni del
regno
di Scotia che non fusse ne sicoro ne a proposito levarne
quel
principe, ma non rest6 per N. S. di applicarvi il pensiero.
. . .
Diede ordine che si mantenesse vivo il disegno et se ne
tratasse
et venisse alia risemtione." *Memorie di Dandino, Cod.
D. 5,
Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
406 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
France and Spain. 1 The Pope therefore made every effort
to arrange an agreement between the two governments,
urging a marriage between the Duke of Anjou and a daughter
of Philip. This plan came to nothing because France de
manded Naples or Milan as a dowry for the Spanish princess.
2
Moreover, Philip had no other purpose in view, in this under
taking, at least so the nuncio thought, 3 than the
deposition
of Elizabeth and making Mary queen ; he considered any
conquest of England out of the question, because the English
Catholics would never give their support to a foreign con
queror. 4 There was a feeling of irritation too in Spain
because
the French wished, after the fall of Elizabeth, to marry the
Duke of Anjou to Mary Stuart and make him King of
England. This explains the jealousy between the two
powers and the impossibility of coming to an understanding.
In April, 1572, an alliance was formed between France and
England. 5
In 1573, to the dismay of many Catholics, a treaty was made
between Spain and her great enemy, Elizabeth. To the re
monstrances of the nuncio Philip replied that it was only a
case of a commercial treaty for two years. But even a com
mercial treaty definitely made any hostile attack upon
England impossible, though even now Gregory XIII. and
Ormaneto did not lose sight ol the interests of that
country.
They brought pressure to bear upon Philip to make use of his
friendly relations with the English queen to try and bring
about her conversion. The mystification in which Elizabeth
knew so well how to keep the world as to her private
religious
*CARINI, 83.
3 Ibid. 84.
8 Ormaneto on February 19, 1573, ibid. 84 seq.
* Non penso che egli habbia spirito di occupar quel regno et
farsene padrone, come non lo potrebbe fare ancora perch e
gli
Inglesi cattolici, senza li quali e quasi impossibile di far
1 impresa,
non vogliono aiuto esterno dal quale possino essere
soggiogati, ma
tanto che basti con loro a levar la pretensa Regina, et
crear
quella di Scotia. Ibid.
* KRETZSCHMAR, 45.
SANDERS AND PHILIP II. 407
convictions made this attempt impossible, though Ormaneto
felt fairly certain of its uselessness. 1
In the meantime the English exiles in the Low Countries
had watched with increasing bitterness the unending
hesitation
of Spain. They now had recourse to the Pope in order to
obtain a letter of recommendation for one ol their number,
the theologian Nicholas Sanders, 2 and sent him to Philip
II.
armed with the Papal brief 3 and letters from several
English
nobles, to act as their permanent representative. The re
monstrances of Sanders were not without their effect upon
the Spanish king, though the latter dwelt upon the risk
of the enterprise, in case it should fail, involving the
English
Catholics in terrible reprisals, as well as the many
difficulties
in which he was already involved without this, and lastly,
when in spite of everything the nuncio continued to press
for haste, his pecuniary straits. Ormaneto therefore begged
the Pope, for the sake of the salvation of so many souls,
to renew the subsidy granted by Pius V. 4 But even so
nothing was done.
At length, after two years, about September, 1575, better
news reached Rome. Philip at last seemed to be prepared
to deliver a decisive blow, in order to turn the course of
events
in the north in his own favour. His half-brother, the am
bitious Don John, who might be looked upon as a Netherlander
on account of his mother, was to go as governor to the
Nether
lands, in order to crush the disturbances there, and then
transfer his attention to England. 5 Don John threw himself
into this scheme with all his heart ; just as at Lepanto he
1 MAFFEI, I., 85. CARINI, 87 seq.
From Northumberland, Leonard Dacre, Christopher Nevill,
Francis Englefield to Galli on June 29, 1573, in THEINER,
1573,
n. 105 (I. 87).
8 On September 4, 1573, ibid. n. 106 (I. 188). Ormaneto
speaks of his duty of assisting Sanders and of his arrival
on
November 15. CARINI, 88. Cf. BELLESHEIM, Irland, II., 697
seq.
4 CARINI, 88 seq.
5 TORNE, 157 seq.
408 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
had delivered Christendom from its hereditary enemy, so
he now dreamed, with no less glory to himself, of liberating
the English Catholics and the whole Church from the tyranny
under which they lay. He had even carried his schemes
further still ; he aimed at marrying Mary Stuart, and
placing
the triple crown of England, Scotland and Ireland on his own
head. 1
In order not prematurely to arouse Elizabeth against Spain,
Philip wished for the time being to remain in the back
ground. As Gregory himself had already suggested in March,
1575, 2 the enterprise was to have its origin with the Pope
and
the States of the Church alone ; in the meantime Spain was
to assist it with a money subsidy ; only after the landing
had been effected was Don John to intervene, and under the
pretext of sending troops by sea to Spain, to land suddenly
in England. Gregory XIII. agreed to this, but wished first
to discuss the scheme with some men of English birth. By
his invitation William Allen and Francis Englefield went to
Rome, and there, in February, 1576, discussed Philip,s plan
with Galli and the Spanish ambassador. Both the English
men declared that the expedition against Elizabeth was both
urgent and practicable, but they asked for the greatest haste
in the matter, 3 and that it should be put into effect im
mediately, which, however, Philip declared to be impossible.
Soon afterwards it was learned with great joy in Rome
that Don John had actually gone to the Low Countries ;
Gregory sent him 50,000 scudi and sent Sega to Flanders
as nuncio, who was to assist the general as his adviser. 4
Nevertheless, in Rome the preparations were carried on
without much energy. Philip had only paid half the 100,000
scudi he had promised, and the Pope was waiting for the
x That Philip really also sent Don John against England
(contrary opinion in PHILIPPSON, Westeuropa, 244 seq.) may
be
gathered from the correspondence of Zuniga ; cf. TORNE, 157
n.
*Ibid. 158.
According to the dispatch of Zuniga of February 29, 1576,
in TORNE, 159 seq.
* KRETZSCHMAR, 50.
THE IRISH EXPEDITION. 409
other half before he took the matter seriously. From the
autumn of 1576 the expedition against England was postponed
to the spring of 1577, and even then it was not ready. Don
John found himself obliged to agree to an armistice, by
which, certainly at the request of Elizabeth, he bound
himself
to send his troops home by land. With this all possibility
of a landing in England was taken away from Don John. 1
Sega, who after the death of Ormaneto, had been transferred
to Madrid, received in October of the same year instructions
to refrain from any further negotiations for the English
expedition, and merely to ask for help for Ireland. 2
A most unfortunate expedition against Ireland actually
took place. 3 The most celebrated military leader of
Ireland,
James Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald, a scion of the celebrated
family of the Earls of Desmond, had left his country in 1575
in order to ask for the help of the foreign princes against
Elizabeth, on behalf of his afflicted country. In Paris and
Madrid he met with nothing but fair words, but from the Pope
he received real help ; a letter from the Secretary of State
on June I4th, 1575, assigned to him a sum of 1,000 gold
florins. When, later on, Fitzmaurice appeared in person
in Rome, Gregory XIII. promised him several ships equipped
with munitions and provisions.
Unfortunately, the adventurer Stukely at that time enjoyed
no less esteem in Rome than he had had in the time of Pius
V. 4 Galli, the Secretary of State, believed firmly in him.
Maurice Clenock, the superior of the English hospice, spoke
of him as " sent from heaven " for the expedition
against
England ; the influential Owen Lewis was his confidant and
supporter. 5 When, in 1577, Don John was to attempt a
1 T6RNE, 1 60 seq.
* Report of Sega in KRETZSCHMAR, 198 seq.
3 BELLESHEIM, Irland, II., 169 seq. ; KRETZSCHMAR, 53 seqq.
Report of Sega, ibid. 194 seqq. ; MAFFEI, I., 355-360.
POLLEN
in The Month, CI. (1903), 69-85. J. MARTIN in the Revue d
hist.
dipl., XXIII. (1909), 161-182.
4 See Vol. XVIII. of this work, p. 242, and J. MARTIN, loc.
cit.,
164 seq.
5 POLLEN, loc. cit., 75. See supra p. 382.
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