THE BARNABITES.
Just as was the case with the old Orders, so for some of the
ecclesiastical congregations which had sprung up in the
XVIth century the pontificate and legislation of Gregory
XIII.
were of the greatest importance. Some of these bodies were
at that time slowly approaching their final form and con
stitution. The Barnabites, who were at first limited to
a single house in Milan
more and more, and had even established a house in Rome
received from Gregory the approval of their new
constitutions,
together with important regulations concerning the general
congregation, 1 and the limitation of freedom to leave the
Order. 2 The new constitutions 3 were discussed under the
Pope turned in April, 1573, to the Cardinal of Lorraine for
the
reform of the nuns of Metz ,
Toul and Verdun
of this work. With regard to the reform of the Carmelites
see also
the Bull. Carmelit., II., 183, 188, 208, 213, 215, and also
Barb.
XXXII., 58, Vatican Library, " De solemni visitatione
Congreg.
Mantuanae facta a priore ac magistro generali totius ordinis
Carmelit." 1575. Dr. Jacobus Rabus (concionator et
consiliarius
ducis Bavarici et prot. apost.) wrote in Rome
addressed to Bishop Ernest of Freising " super
instituenda
monasteriorum ipsius diocesi subiectorum visitatione con-
sultatio.", Cod. XI., 140, of the monastery of S. Florian.
The
Dominican Pietro Paolo Filippi composed in 1585 a monograph
*De reformatione religiosorum, which he dedicated to the
Bishop
of Piacenza
(cf. BERLIERE, Monast. Beige, I., Bruges
" Institutionum monasticarum secundum s. Concilii
Trident.
decreta libris tres " Cologne
were given the decrees of the Council on the observances of
religious.
1 Decree of October i, 1578, and April 25, 1579, Bull. Rom,.
VIII., 245, 262. Cf. PREMOLI, 255 seq., 284 seq., 292 seq.
2 Decree of September 13, 1577, Bull. Rom.
3 Approved by a letter of Gregory XIII., of November 7, 1579,
in Litt. et constit. Summorum Pontif. pro congreg. Cleric,
regul,
S. Pauli Ap,, Rome
120 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
presidency of Cardinal Borromeo, and had won his approval. 1
For this reason the Barnabites venerated Borromeo as their
second founder, and their first church in Rome
honour of that saint. 2
Some of the religious congregations of the XVIth century
had originally been conceived, not as Orders, but as free
associations, and it was only under Gregory XIII. that they
attained a stable form. This was the case with the Fratelli
della Misericordia of St. John of God, who now, in addition
to the house of their founder, the great hospital at Granada
possessed other similar establishments at Seville
houses became much closer when a Papal concession extended
to them all the privileges of the hospital at Granada
first women who formed the Order of the Ursulines had
likewise at first not been bound by vows ; they lived
scattered
throughout the city with their relatives, nor were they as
yet
entirely occupied with the instruction of the young, but
also with the care of the sick and in other works of
charity. 4
Their later development is associated with the name of
Cardinal Borromeo. In 1568 he summoned the infant society
to Milan
1 BASCAPE, 1. 5, c. 5, p. 120, who recognizes it as a
special grace
" quod tanti viri benigno adiumento atque auctoritate
iacta
sint nostrae amplificationis fundamenta." Cf. SALA,
Biografia
Diss., 268-273. In the case too of the female branch of the
Barna
bites, the so-called Angeliche, according to Bascape, the
constitu
tions were drafted at the request of Borromeo. SALA, 255.
2 See SYLVAIN, III., 36.
8 On April 28, Bull. Rom.
4 POSTEL, I. , 118 seq.
6 Ibid. 342.
6 Ibid. 332. Cf. the IVth Provincial Council of Milan
which it is stated concerning the association of St. Ursula
for
girls and that of St. Anne for widows : " Uberrimos
auditrice
Dei gratia fractus et populis et familiis attulerunt, non
modo
ad retinendum, sed ad excitandum vehementius in femineo sexu
innocentis vitae, omnis christianae pietatis et caritatis
stadium."
All the bishops might therefore for that reason introduce it
into
THE URSULINES AND THEATINES. 121
but suggested to them the three solemn vows, together with
the vow to lead a perpetual life in common. The Ursulines
accepted this change in their original form of life, and
Gregory
XIII. confirmed it in 1572. l In 1579 the Cardinal of Milan
was appointed apostolic visitor of the young congregation, 2
whose rule he examined on the occasion of a visitation at
the sisters immediately under the bishop of the diocese, by
which act the office of superioress-general of the whole con
gregation was suppressed, 3 and the congregation itself
placed
upon a new canonical basis. At his fourth provincial synod,
held in 1576, Borromeo recommended his suffragan bishops
to introduce the Ursulines as a highly efficacious means for
the improvement of their dioceses. After that the congre
gation spread to Verona , Parma , Modena , Ferrara , Bologna
and Venice
How greatly Gregory XIII. favoured the Order of the
Theatines is shown by the briefs and favours granted by him
to the houses at Rimini , Milan , Cremona , Padua , Genoa
him a present of 2000 gold ducats to complete their church
their dioceses. Acta Ecclesiae Mediolanensis, I., Bergamo
1738, 198. Cf. the Regola della Compagnia di Sant Orsola,
ibid. II., 912, 917. Brief of December 24, 1582, which laid
it
down, with regard to the dowry, that entrance into the
confra
ternity of the sisters of St. Ursula was equivalent to entry
into a
convent. Gregory XIII. says of this association in a brief :
" quam auctoritate apostolica ten ore praesentium
approbamus
et confirmamus et quatenus opus sit, de novo
instituimus."
SALA, Docum., I. , 454.
1 POSTEL, I. , 343.
2 Ibid. 344.
3 Ibid. 330.
4 Cf. SALVATORI, Vita d Angela Merici, Rome
HEIMBUCHER, I. , 515.
5 The documents relating to this are found in the General
Archives of the Theatines in Rome
fruitful labours of the Theatines, especially at Naples
notes in Cod. L. 23, Vallicella Library.
122 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of S. Silvestro al Quirinale. 1 A short time before his
death
Gregory also witnessed the foundation of a house of
Theatines
at Mantua
Fate-Benefratelli, the Pope in 1582 assigned the ancient
church
on the island in the Tiber ,
which bears the name of the Greek
St. John Calibita ; 3 its adjoining hospital, which had a
great
repute, received from him a gift of 3000 scudi. 4
The congregation of secular priests, the Oblates of St.
Ambrose, who bound themselves to their bishop for all
spiritual
labours, was founded by Charles Borromeo at Milan
Gregory XIII. confirmed 5 the congregation of Clerks Regular
of the Mother of God, founded for the same purpose at Lucca
by Giovanni Leonardi. 6
"" Guided as he was by a strong sense of justice,
Gregory XIII.
often found his intervention necessary in the case of innova
tions which had made their way into the ancient Orders, just
as he had to regulate the affairs of the congregations which
had only recently come into existence. In the Franciscan
Order there had been formed the Alcantarines, who led a much
more strict life than the other Observants, but who were all
under the same General as the others. In these circumstances
a certain tension between the two schools and endless
disputes
1 See in App. n. 20, the "report of Odescalchi of
September
9, 1582, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
2 Cf. in this connexion the *report of Capilupi, dated Rome
Jan. 1 6, 1585. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
8 The year 1572, which is commonly given, is wrong. See the
*report of Odescalchi of October 23, 1582. Gonzaga Archives,
4 See the *Avviso di Roma of June 2, 1582, Urb. 1050, p.
184,
6 See Acta Eccl. Mediol., 826 seq. ; B. Rossi, De origine et
progressu cong. oblat. S. Ambrosii et Caroli, Mediol., 1739;
SYLVAIN, III., 39 seq. The Spanish hermits of S. John the
Baptist also received their approbation from Gregory XIII. ;
see Freib. Kirchcnlex., II. 2 , 1449.
See the Vita del b.
Giovanni Leouardi, Rome
BALAN, VI., 1302.
THE CAPUCHINS. 123
were inevitable. Gregory XIII. ordered a report from both
parties to be laid before the cardinalitial congregation of
Bishops and Regulars, and then decided the questions at
issue,
giving his approval in terms of the highest praise to the
stricter school, and forbidding their being opposed, or that
its members should be transferred to houses of the milder
observance. The Alcantarines, however, like a particular
province of the Order, must remain under the obedience of
the common General. 1 In the same way the provisions
of Clement VII. concerning the position of the reformed
houses
of the Franciscan Order were completed by Gregory XIII. 2
The Pope felt a special love for the Order of the Capuchins,
who at that time were spreading rapidly in Italy
many excellent religious, 3 The many pontifical documents
referring to favours and privileges 4 granted to this
religious
family are a proof of the high esteem in which Gregory held
their labours, especially in the matter of popular missions.
Nothing could turn the Pope away from his predilection
for this branch of the Franciscan Order, of which Cardinal
Santori was named Protector in 1578. 5 When, on one
occasion, some of the Cardinals alluded to many defects
which
existed in the Order of the Capuchins the Pope replied : the
more exalted an Order is, the more liable it is to great
dangers ;
even the sea rejects everything that is not in conformity
with itself. 6
1 Brief of November 12, 1578, Bull. Rom.
8 On June 3, 1579, ibid. 274 seqq. Cf. HOLZAPFEL, 340.
8 Cf. BOVERIUS, I. and II.
passim, and SISTO DA PISA, Storia
dei Cappucc. Toscani, I.
(1906), 143.
4 Cf. Bull. Cappucc., II., 112, 122, 255 seq., 286 seq., 407
seq. ;
III., 107, 205 seq., 237 seq. A subsidy for the "
fabrica dei
Cappuccini " at Anagni, February 16, 1576, in Cod. Vat.
6697,
6 SANTORI, Autobiografia, XII., 363. A list, which, however,
is not altogether reliable, of the vicars-provincial in Rome
1588, in GIUSEPPE MARIA DA M. ROTONDO, Gl inizi dell ordine
Cappuccino e della provincia Roman a, Rome
8 See BOVERIUS, II., 2 seq.
124 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Of quite unusual importance was an order of Gregory XIII.
of May 6th, 1574, l by which he revoked the ordinance of
Paul III. of January 3rd, 1537, limiting the Order to Italy
This order confirmed and safeguarded the establishment of
the Capuchins at Meudon and Paris, which had already been
attempted in 1568, and in which, besides the Cardinal of
interested themselves. 2 Cardinal Borromeo supported the
introduction of the Capuchins both into France and Savoy
by letters to the sovereigns of those countries, and to the
nuncios at their courts. 3 In 1578, by the foundation of a
convent at Barcelona , they
also found their way to Spain
and in 1581, at the express wish of Gregory XIII., they went
to Switzerland
As had been the case with their many foundations in Italy
1 See Bull. Capuc., I. , 35,
and V., i (in both cases with the
year of the pontificate wrong).
2 See the valuable work of P. ALENCON : Documents pour
servir a 1 histoire de I etablissement des Capucins en France
3 See SALA, Docum., II., 423 seq.
4 Besides BOVERIUS, loc. cit. cf. the recent monographs of
BONAVENTURA DA SORRENTO (I. Cappuccini della prov. monast.
di Napoli e Terra di Lavoro, S. Agnello di Sorrento, 1879),
FILIPPO
DA Tussio (I frati Capuccini degli Abruzzi, ibid. 1880),
VALDEMIR,
DA BERGAMO (I conventi ed i Cappuccini Bergamasche, Milan
1883), FORT. SECURI (Memorie storiche sulla prov. dei
Cappuccini
di Reggio di
Calabria
(Bibl. fratr. min. Capuc. prov. Neapolit., Rome, 1886), BONA
VENTURA DA SORRENTO (I conventi dei Cappuccini d. citta di
Napoli, Naples
seqq.). VALDEMIRO BONARI (I conventi ed i Cappuccini
Bresciani,
di Milano, Crema, 1893 . I Cappuccini d. prov. Milanese
dalla
sua fundazione [1535] fino a noi, 2 vols., Crema, 1868-99),
FRANC.
SA VERIO MOLFINO (Codice dipl. dei Cappuccini Liguri,
1530-1590.
[1532-1591], Florence
stor. del Cappuccini della
monastica di S. Angelo, Benevento
THE BASILIANS. 125
so did these " men ot the people " in the true
sense of the
words, whose constitutions were finally settled and printed
in 1575, 1 in course of time and with great self-sacrifice,
spread
even in the remote and mountainous valleys of Switzerland
their disinterested and often stirring work as pastors of
souls,
as well as that of consolers and helpers of the poor and
sick.
Their first foundation at Altdorf
at Lucerne
and Soleure (1587), Baden
(1591), and Frauenfeld and Zug
(1595). 2
Fresh shoots were also put out in the XVIth century by
the Order of the Basilians, which represented the common
form of monastic life of the Oriental monks in union with
several monasteries perished, the monastery of S. Maria di
time of Paul IV., 4 had adopted the rule of St. Basil, and
with the consent of Pius IV., on January ist, 1561, had been
united to the Basilians of Italy. 5 When Pius V. prescribed
1907), G. MUSSINI (Mem. stor. su i Cappuccini Emiliani, I. [1525-
1629], Parma
services rendered by Gregory XIII.), FERDINANDO DA
MONTIGNOSO
(L ordine dei min. Cappuccini in Lucca [dal. 1571], Lucca,
1910),
C. DA BAGNO and MUSSINI (Mem. stor. sui Cappuccini Emiliani,
2 vols., Parma
I., Genoa , 1912), ANT. DA CASTELLAMARE (Storia d. prov. di
1 See Freib. Kirchenlexikon, VII. 2 , 125.
2 See Chronica provinciae Helveticae ord. S. P. N. Francisci
Capucinorum ex annalibus eiusdem manuscriptis excerpta,
Soleure, 1884, with special authorities.
3 J. PARGOIRE in Dictionnaire d archeologie chretienne et de
liturgie, II., i, Paris
be described as Basilians, and not the schismatic monks.
4 " Giennensis diocesis," Bull. Rom.
2, it is called " Genuensis dioecesis," but
wrongly.
6 See the excellent history of all the religious and
military
Orders by IPPOLITO HELYOT, I., Leipzig
126 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
for all monks the adoption of a definite monastic rule, two
other monasteries of hermits in Spain
diocese of Cordova, and that of Val di Galleguillos in the
diocese of Seville
XIII. united these three monasteries into a Spanish
province,
which was, however, to be subject to the Abbot-General of
the Basilians in Italy
election of the new Abbot-General took place for the first
time at Pentecost in 1578, and received the Papal
confirmation
on November ist, 1579, the constitutions of the Basilians
being at the same time reorganized. 3 For the Greek monks
this union of several monasteries into a single congregation
was
something new, since hardly anything of the sort existed in
their own countries.
Outside Italy
religious Orders by means of his nuncios ; as for example in
case of the monasteries of Bohemia
bad state, an Imperial ordinance 6 arranged for a visitation
by the nuncio Malaspina. In Dalmatia ,
in 1582, an eremitical
Order of St. Paul
zealous reform at the hands of the nuncio Bonhomini. 7
1 Ibid. 274 seq.
"Rescript of May 25, 1577, Bull. Rom.
309 5, there is a rescript of May i, 1574, mentioned on the
same
occasion. A *brief on the reform of the Basilians of March,
1580,
in the Archives of Briefs, Rome
Basilians of Milan , October
12, 1580, in SALA, Docum., I. , 414
seq. An *Avviso di Roma of November 14, 1573, seems to
suggest that the Pope had undertaken the plan of reforming
the
monks of St. Basil because they were leading too relaxed a
life.
8 Bull. Rom.
4 See further, Vol. XX. of this work.
6 THEINER, 1579, n. 53 (III., 63) ; cf. 1584, n. 59 (III.,
555 seq.).
8 On March 31, 1585, ibid. 1585, n. 4 (III., 622 seq.).
7 MAFFEI, II., 250 ; cf. brief of July 25, 1583, Bull. Rom.
VIII., 431 seq., 563-
THE SPANISH MONASTERIES. 127
Pius V. had especially laboured, in conjunction with
Philip II., for the renewal of the monasteries in Spain
Gregory XIII. the nuncio Nicolo Ormaneto again took up
this difficult task. 2 Endless complaints of the nuncio and
his activities consequently reached Rome
Franciscans came to Rome
not allow himself to be at all shaken in his confidence in
the
experienced Ormaneto by this, but he warned him to be more
careful, so as not to irritate the religious any more. 3
The nuncio met with a great obstacle in the fact that it was
extremely difficult for him to obtain trustworthy reports of
the true state of the monasteries. In order to obtain better
information as to this he had recourse to an otherwise un
fortunate step ; 4 he suggested to the king that he should
surreptitiously obtain through the Jesuits the necessary
information for the reform of the other Orders. Philip
actually chose the rector of the Jesuit
College at Madrid
Gonzalo Melendez, to visit Andalusia
for this purpose.
Melendez, together with his provincial, Cordeses, made
counter-suggestions in order to escape so unpleasant a task
;
the king, however, adhered to his decision, and Ormaneto
imposed obedience under the threat of ecclesiastical
censures.
Other similar missions on the part of the Jesuits were also
in
contemplation.
Then the Jesuit superiors of the Spanish provinces had
recourse to their General, Everard Mercurian, who on July
8th, 1575, replied that they must allow none of their
subjects
1 Cf. Vol. XVII. of this work, p. 249 seqq.
* A *brief addressed to him in 1575 on the reform of the Car
thusians and another of June, 1575, on the visitation of
their
monasteries in the Archives of Briefs, Rome
Ormaneto s successor, a *brief was addressed in 1580 on the
reform
of the convents of nuns, ibid. A * brief of November, 1576,
to
the General of the Trinitarians on the reform of that Order
in
of the Dominicans, ibid.
3 CARINI, 103 seq.
4 ASTRAIN, III., 54-58.
128 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to undertake such missions ; in case of necessity, those who
were chosen for the purpose might set out upon their
journey,
but they must not put a finger to their task pending a Papal
decision. Gregory XIII. settled the question in accordance
with the wishes of the General of the Order, but in the mean
time Melendez had completed his tour in Andalusia ,
the
religious who were threatened had been informed of the
purpose of his visit, and the result was a violent attack
upon
the Jesuits. It is related that 300 monks held a meeting to
consult about reprisals, and the Generals of the Orders and
the Cardinal Protectors were overwhelmed with complaints
and importunities. Melendez had to leave Spain
at Naples
fortunate step by appealing to the wishes of the king and
the
need of obtaining reliable information about the state of
the
monasteries. 1 A violent resentment sprang up against the
Jesuits, who were, so to speak, but of yesterday, but who
apparently had dared to try and teach and reform the most
ancient and celebrated Orders. Some of the events of the
times that immediately followed become easier to understand
if we bear in mind these feelings of resentment. 2
Ormaneto s efforts for the reform of the Premonstratensians
in Spain
chapter in 1576, he intervened in person. Houses which
numbered less than thirteen religious were suppressed, the
Order was set free from the pastoral care of nuns, the
abbatial
office was placed in experienced hands, and special
novitiates
were formed. After this both the Pope and the king declared
themselves satisfied with the state of the Order. 3
Of even greater importance to the Church was the co
operation of Ormaneto in other great movements of reform
1 CARINI, 104 seq.
f For the difficulties experienced in Andalusia
by Diego di
Bonaventura, Ormaneto s commissary for the reform of the
Franciscans (1576-77) see the document in Cod. 68 of the
Collection
Ed. Favre in the Library at Geneva
3 CARINI, 105.
TERESA OF JESUS. I2Q
of Spanish monastic life, which he did not, indeed,
originate,
but supported and defended, namely, the renewal of the
Carmelites in Spain
ing branch of that Order, already so ancient, at the hands
of
the great Teresa di Ahumada, or, as she was called from her
name in religion, Teresa of Jesus, who was born in 1515 at
very day when the Gregorian calendar came into force,
October 4th, 1582. As far as the religious Orders were
concerned these were the two great works of Gregory XIII. ;
to have given the Papal approval, and therefore the right to
exist, to this reform, and to the foundation of the new con
gregation formed by Philip Neri.
Teresa of Jesus, 1 by the richness of her mind, and the
1 Escritos de santa Teresa, afladidos e ilustrados por
VICENTE
DE LA FUENTE (Biblioteca de Autores espanoles, vol.53- 55).
premier monastere de Paris, 6 vols. Paris
traduites par MARCEL Bouix, 5th ed., vols. 1-3, Paris
revised edition by I. PEYRE, Paris
par GREGOIRE DE SAINT-JOSEPH, 3 vols., Paris
in Etudes LXXXVII. [1901], 823 seqq.) The Letters of St.
Theresa.
A complete edition, translated from the Spanish and
annotated
by the Benedictines of Stanbrook, with introduction by
CARDINAL
GASQUET, vol. i, London
in Revue hist., CXXXIV., 245 seq.). For the 2nd vol. of the
Letters (London
Samtliche Schriften der hi. Theresia von Jesu ; a new German
edition from the autographs and other Spanish originals
edited
and annotated by FR. PETRUS DE ALCANTARA A S. MARIA and
FR. ALOISIUS AB IMMAC. CONCEPT. O.C.D., 5 vols., in 8 parts,
Ratisbon, 1907-19 ; (cf. W. SCHLEUSSNER in Lit. Handweiser,
1919, n. 9). Of very great value are the articles published
by
JOSE GOMEZ : Relaciones biograficas de S. Teresa por el P.
Julian
de Avila en 1587, 1596 and 1604, in Bolet. de la R. A cad.
de la
Historia, December, 1915; cf. ibid. Febnfary-March, 1916;
Relaciones biogrficas de S. Teresa hechas bajo juramento en
1587 por sus hermanos, primas hermanas y sobrinos carnales.
FRANCISCO DE RIBERA (Vida de S. Teresa de Jesus [first ed.
1590]
VOL. XIX. 9
130 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
versatility of her quite special gifts, is one of the most
brilliant
and most lovable figures in the whole history of the Church.
Her writings : a typical autobiography, the history of her
monastic foundations, letters, poems, and treatises on
mystic
ism ; her letters she put on to paper with flying pen, 1 in
the
midst of the pressure of business, on the spur of the
moment,
for the most part without even reading them over, 2 yet
thanks
to them, on account of the purity, beauty and grace of
style, 3
and of her " genial strength of expression," 4 she
holds an
honoured place among the classical writers of the Spanish
language ; 5 in mystical theology she is an authority of the
nueva edici6n por el P. Jaime Pons, Barcelona
pp. xxvi-xxxii a bibliography of the biographical works ;
cf.
HENRI DE CURZON, Bibliographic Theresienne, Paris
HERGENROTHER, III 16 , 644 seq. Among the biographies, the
following stand out : Diego de Yepes (1599), Juan de Jesus
Maria
(1605), Eusebio Nieremberg (1630, new edition, Barcelona
Acta Sanct., October, VII., i, 109-790, W. PINGSMANN, Santa
Teresa de Jesus, Cologne
1 Cf. for her biography (twice written) : " casi
hurtando el
tiempo, y con pena [I write], porque me estorbo de hilar,
por
estar en casa pobre y con hartas ocupaciones," LA
FUENTE,
Bibliot., LIIL, 43a ; cf. c. 14, ibid. 52a. She wrote the
book of
the Foundations " & causa de los muchos negocios,
ansi de cartas,
also Las Moradas : " Los negocios y salud me hace
dejarlo [to
write it] al me] or tiempo . . . ird todo desconcertado, por
no
poder tornarlo a leer " (IV., c. 2, ibid. 448a).
* To her brother Lorenzo, January 17, 1577, LA FUENTE, LV.
i26b : " Ni vuestra merced
las que me escribe. Yo jamas lo hago."
8 G. TICKNOR, Geschicte der spanischen Literatur. German
edition by N. H. Julius, II., Leipzig
4 ZOCKLER in Herzogs Real-Enzyklopadie, XIX., 524.
6 CAPMANY (Teatro hist6rico critico de la eloquentia
espanola,
III., Paris
Teresa among the first Spanish prose-writers. Ochoa
considers
Guevara, Cervantes, Louis of Granada, Mariana, and Teresa to
be
TERESA OF JESUS.
first rank in the Catholic Church ; no one before her had
described the various mystical states so profoundly, or so
clearly and distinctly, and no one since her time has sub
stantially added anything new to the descriptions which she
gave ; x at the utmost, her disciple and friend, John of the
Cross, may be placed in this respect side by side with his
teacher. By her reform of the Carmelite Order, to which
she imparted a new power of propagating itself, and to which
to some extent she gave a new form, and opened out to it new
fields, she takes her place on equal terms with the great
founders of Orders of the XVIth century.
This extraordinary versatility in itself proves that which
the writings of Teresa constantly confirm, namely that in her
penetrating intellect there were united in a wonderful way
clearness of judgment, an amazing calmness, and keen intro
spection with the grasp of a lawgiver, a knowledge of human
nature, and an understanding of everyday needs, and of the
little things of daily life. These extraordinary gifts of
mind
went hand in hand with the yet greater gifts of her
character.
The whole of her life, and yet again her writings, show
this.
Pure and noble to the depths of her soul, easily fired by
sublime
moral and religious thoughts, and determined, in the fight
to
attain to the highest good, to make any sacrifice with joy,
the five greatest Spanish writers of prose. Cf. PINGSMANN,
101-4
WILKENS in Zeitschrift fur wissenschaftl. Theol., V. (1862),
118
seq. t and Zeitschrift fur Kirchengesch., XVII., 575.
Dupanloup
wrote : " Teresa may be placed among the greatest
writers of
them all." (See Hist.-polit. Blatter, LXIV., 411).
SCHACK,
Erinnerungen, II., Stuttgart
Teresa as being full of noble poetry and surpassing energy.
" Her
poetry and letters stand in the front rank of the religious
poetry
of all times and all religions," says MAURENBRECHER
(Studien
u. Skizzen zur Gesch. der Reformationszeit, Leipzig
1 Auc. POULAIN, Des graces d oraison. Trait6 de Theologie
mystique, Pans, 1901, 391. Cf. Luis MARTIN, Santa Teresa
de Jesus doctora mistica, in Ribera-Pons, loc. cit. 1-59 ;
Acta Sanct.
loc. cit. 468.
132 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
courageous at the coming of difficulties, and patient in
sorrows,
she displayed all the strength and decision of a strong man,
and at the same time all the sweetness and lovableness of
the
noble soul of a woman. And at the same time, as though all
these qualiites were not enough, she had a delicacy of mind
and character which any woman in the world might have
envied her.
We cannot relate in a brief account of her, for one must
read the story for oneself, how, for example, she dissuaded
from her purpose a great benefactress who wished to impose
an unsuitable novice upon her, 1 how, in the disputes
between
the reformed and unreformed Carmelites, in her letters to
their common General, she was always able to take the right
line between frank criticism and respectful obedience. 2 She
never failed in finding, even in the most difficult circum
stances, the right thing to say. A celebrated instance of
this
was her first address as the recently appointed superioress
of the Convent of the Incarnation at Avila
that convent in order to begin her work of reform, and now
she
had come back to it, to the great disgust of many of the in
mates, appointed as prioress and reformer by the decree of
the apostolic visitor, to the exclusion of the right of
election
by the nuns, but in spite of everything she succeeded as
soon
as she arrived, in winning all hearts by her exquisite tact.
3
Teresa s nobility of character showed itself even in her
child
hood which was passed in the pure air of Avila
mountains. Like a sacred spell, to this day the name of this
wonderful woman hovers over the granite buildings of the
mountain city, surrounded by walls and picturesque towers,
which preserves so many memories of its great daughter. 4 On
Maria de Mendoza, March 7, 1572. LA FUENTE, LV.
23 seq.
* Letters of June 18, 1575, and the beginning of 1576 ;
ibid. 49
seq., 59 seq.
* See LA FUENTE, LIII., 522 seq. ; Bouix, Lettres, I. , 145.
4 In the earliest biographies local colour is lacking,
notwith
standing the varied memorials of Teresa which are to be met
with
in Avila and the other cities
of Spain
CHILDHOOD OF TERESA. 133
the site of her father s house is built the baroque church
of
St. Teresa ; the room where she was born has been trans
formed into a gorgeously ornate chapel. Her tiny garden is
still preserved ; it was there that, when seven years old,
she
read with her elder brother the legends of the saints, and
the
sufferings and triumphs of the martyrs ; it was there that
the
idea took possession of them that all those heroes of
Christian
ity had thus won a happiness that would never end : "
For
ever, for ever ! " the two children cried, and
straightway
Teresa s decision was taken ; in her childish simplicity she
set out with her brother for the territory of the Moors, in
order to win for themselves by martyrdom a happiness that
wouM never end. 1 Brought back by an uncle, she built for
herself and her brother little cells, where she said the
rosary
with him. After the premature death of her mother other
influences came into her life. Secret reading of the
romances
of chivalry and the companionship of worldly relations
formed
in her a feminine desire to please, and an inclination
towards a
worldly life ; her deep sense of honour and her natural
nobility
of soul preserved her from serious fall. This state only
lasted
for a few months, and in the convent of the Augustinians at
A vila
to be educated, the impressions of her pious childhood soon
revived, 2 though it was only after painful interior
struggles
that she made up her mind to embrace the religious state,
El tercer centenario de S. T. Manual del peregrino para
visitar
la patria, sepulcro y parajes, donde funda la Santa o
existen re-
cuerdos suyos en Espana ,
Madrid
title, Casas y recuerdos de S. Teresa en Espana , Madrid
HYE Hoys (L Espagne Theresienne, 1894) gives in 30 plates a
rich pictorial record of the saint, together with an account
of the
convents inhabited or founded by her, and of her relics,
etc.
A good account of the surroundings in which Teresa was
placed
is given by Gabriela Cunningham in her book, St. Theresa, 2
vols., London
(Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengesch . , XVII., 575 seq}.
x Vida, c. i, LA FUENTE, LIII., 24a.
2 Vida, c. 2 seq., ibid. 25 seqq.
134 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and even then chose a convent of very mild observance, that
of the Carmelites at Avila
which determined her to make known her decision to her
father, and by so doing the die was cast for her ; honour
would
never have suffered her to go back upon her word once given,
for anything in the world. 1
From 1535 to 1562 Teresa belonged to the convent of the
Incarnation at Avila
her separation from her relatives, a sorrow that was in her
case a very agony, she experienced a constant joy in the
exer
cises of the lite of the cloister, 3 and there began for her
a
period of serious seeking after perfection, but also one of
great
sorrow and struggle. In a serious illness the violent
methods
adopted by a quack-doctor, went so far that she fell into a
state of coma for four days, and her tomb was prepared for
her.
After this she still remained for a long time with her body
contracted, her tongue gripped between her teeth from pain,
unable to move her limbs an inch without help, and her whole
body so sensitive that the lightest touch was unbearable. 4
When, after many years, she was again restored to health,
Teresa once more experienced a long series of interior
struggles. 5
The convent at Avila
the revenues were hardly sufficient for the large number of
quite 150 nuns, communication with externs was encouraged. 6
1 Vida, c. 3, ibid. 2ya : " Me determine a decirlo mi
padre,
que casi era como
que ma parece no tor ara atras de ninguna manera habiendole
dicho una vez."
1 For the year of her entry into the convent cf. The life of
St. Theresa, London
3 " Cuando sali de en casa de mi padre no creo sera mas
el
sentimiento cuando me muera, porque me parece cada hueso
se me apartaba por si ... A la hora [the clothing] me di6
[God]
un tan gran contento de tener aquel estado, que nunca me
falt6
hasta hoy." Vida, c. 4, LA FUENTE, LIIL, 30 seq., 2jb.
4 Vida, c. 5, 6, LA FUENTE, LIIL, 30 seq., 32.
* Vida, c. 7, 8, ibid. 34 seqq.
6 Ibid. 34b ; cf. Vida, c. 32, ibid. 98 seq.
NEW PERIOD IN HER LIFE. 135
Above all others was the cheerful Teresa often called to the
parlours, and she found pleasure in worldly conversation. An
interior life of deep recollection could not flourish amid
such
constant distractions, and the young nun therefore found
herself torn in two directions ; she felt herself drawn more
and more to give herself up to God and spiritual things, but
on
the other hand she still found pleasure in the things of the
world. 1 Frightened by the death of her father, she again
began to devote herself to that contemplative prayer which
she had given up, but she could only force herself to it by
exercising extraordinary violence upon herself. 2 Later on
she
found her state clearly described in that passage ol the Con
fessions of St.
Augustine
between God and the world. As long before St. Jerome
later on during her illness St. Gregory the Great had
influenced
her, so now it was another of the great doctors of the
Church,
who by his example urged Teresa to her final decision.
Before this, a statue of the " Ecce Homo " had
made a
great impression on her, and had done much to take her heart
away from the love of the things of this world. 3 With this
decision a new period in the life of Teresa began, the
period of
her interior mystical experiences. All of a sudden she felt
herself entirely filled with the presence of God ; "it
was
absolutely impossible for me to doubt," she wrote,
" that He
was dwelling in me and that I was entirely immersed in Him
" ;
at that moment she felt her soul so raised up that she
seemed
to be altogether beside herself ; 4 then followed the
apparitions,
in which she was brought into relations with Christ and
heaven,
and was given enlightenment ; it was for her as though she
1 " Por una parte me llamaba Dios, por otra yo siguia a
el
mundo, etc." Vida, c. 7, ibid. 373..
* " En la oracion pasaba gran trabajo, porque no andaba
el
espfritu senor, sino esclavo, etc.," ibid. 373,. She
called (Vida c.
n, ibid. 45a) these pains in prayer " grandisimos, y me
parece es
menester mas animo, que para otros muchos trabajos del
8 Vida c. 9 ibid,. 40 f.
4 Vida, c. 10, ibid. 41 f.
136 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
had been unexpectedly endowed with new interior senses,
comparable to the senses of the body. 1 These visions were
for
the most part immediately directed to the intellect, and
later
on also to the imagination, but never during the whole
period
of her visions did she see anything with her bodily eyes. 2
In
all this she was filled with an unspeakable joy ; by one
hour
of this supernatural enlightenment she felt herself
abundantly
rewarded for all the labours and weariness of years, when
she
had, in spite ol every difficulty, forced herself to
perseverance
in prayer. 3
This interior life of Teresa, owing to her writings, which
found an immense circulation in the languages of all
Catholic
peoples, attained to an importance which i cached far beyond
the narrow circle of the great exponents of mysticism. It is
obvious that mystical experiences have always occurred in
the Church, for the first martyr, Stephen, saw the heavens
opened, and the apostle Paul was rapt in ecstasy to the
third
heaven ; the writings of the first Fathers of the Church,
such
as Cyprian and Origen, not infrequently speak of it, and
even
though illusions and deceits have made their way into the
obscure subject even since the Montanist movement, yet the
Church has always admitted their possibility, and in by no
means rare cases their reality. Christianity itself, both in
its
doctrines and its worship, is full of mysteries, and rests
cn-
1 " Un recogimiento interior, que se siente en el alma,
que parece
ella tiene alld otros sentidos, como
Rodriguez Alvarez (1576), ibid. 164 ; Bouix, Lettres I.
2 " La vista interior, que es la que ve todo esto ; que
cuando
es con la vista exterior, no sabre decir de ello ninguna
cosa :
porque esta persona que he dicho, de quien tan
particularmente
yo puedo hablar, no habia pasado por ello." Moradas
VI., c. 9,
LA FUENTE LV. 476.
3 " Es ansi cierto, que con una bora de las que el
Senor me ha
dado de gusto de si, despues aca, me parece quedan pagadas
todas las congojas, que en sustentarme en la oracion mucho
tiempo paseV Vida c. u, LA FUENTE LV. 45a. " Basta un
niomento para quedar pagados todos los trabajos que en ella
[vida] ellapuede haber." Vida c. 18, ibid, 6ob.
MYSTICAL WRITINGS OF TERESA. 137
tirely upon the mystery of mysteries, the dogma of the Most
Holy Trinity, which works, by the mission of the second and
third divine Persons, for the sanctification and redemption
of
mankind, and for the purpose of dwelling in individual souls
;
yet none may assert that the work of the Holy Spirit in the
souls of men can never go further than the ordinary
operations
of grace. Thus, the great founders of Orders and saints of
the
XVIth century all without exception had mystical gifts, but
in the history of the Popes it is obviously unnecessary to
touch
upon the matter at all fully.
But with Teresa the case is essentially different. It might
be possible perhaps to mention all the mystical apparitions
which had been accorded to those who preceded her, but until
her time the whole field of mysticism in all its degrees had
never been so profoundly dealt with, or described so clearly
in all its details. Teresa is in this respect a discoverer
who
boldly sets out upon an as yet unknown sea, and wins for the
Church a new spiritual kingdom. Since her writings have
been examined by the Church before her canonization, and
found to be free from error, she has, under the protection
of
the Popes themselves, attained to so great a position that
she,
a woman, and alone of her sex, may be compared with the
great doctors of the Church. 1 In spite therefore of the
except
ional circumstances, the historian of the Popes cannot pass
over in silence the mysticism of Teresa.
The value of her writings, as well as of the whole school of
thought to which Teresa opened the way, must be understood
and estimated especially in their relationship to the
spiritual
tendencies of modern times. The undeniable progress of
the XVIth century led to exaggerations and aberrations ;
more and more did that tendency make itself felt which
counted the whole value of human life in terms of riches and
1 Thus wrote Pius X. on March 7, 1914 : " Tanta tamque
utilis ad salutarem christianorum eruditionem fuit haec
femina,
ut magnis iis ecclesiae Patribus et Doctoribus, quos
memoravimus
[Gregory the Great, Anselm, Chrysostom] aut non multum,
aut nihil omnino cedere videatur."
138 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
pleasure, in development of commerce and industry, and of
power and comfort ; in the world of science there is a
reluctance
to accept anything that is not tangible or demonstrable by
experiment ; in the world of politics, not only in practice,
but more or less in principle, Christianity and justice are
set
aside in favour of the right of might. With all the greater
force, therefore, have the supernatural and the spiritual
been
insisted upon by the Church, and it is clear that in this
respect
much importance must attach to mysticism, since it is that
which defends, deepens and strengthens faith in the super
natural character of Christianity ; the worldly tendency of
those times was extending its influence to an extraordinary
degree over the things of this world, so, by way of counter
poise, within the Church, we have the development of the
knowledge of the supernatural. As has always been the case,
any exaggeration leads by reaction to its opposite, and thus
during the centuries that followed, as the tendency towards
worldly things grew stronger and stronger, there also grew
up a
false and exaggerated form of mysticism. Teresa had then an
important work to do ; in the Quietist controversies, for
example, Bossuet was able to appeal to her writings against
Fe*nelon, as an example of the true religious mysticism. 1
A special importance also attaches to the writings of Teresa
in connexion with the development of the new religious
Orders. The religious bodies of the Middle Ages sought to
maintain the spirit of the Orders above all by the exclusion
1 Even among Protestants such as J. Arndt, G. Arnold, Ters-
teegen, the mysticism of St. Teresa exercised an important
in
fluence (ZOCKLER, in Herzogs Real-Enzyklopddie, XV., 323).
She also exercised an influence over certain philosophers
such as
Malebranche and Leibnitz, who wondered with respectful ad
miration at the mystical experiences of St. Teresa, "
which,"
says C. A. Wilkens, " rise above the experiences of
every believing
Christian like the flight of a flock of birds above a nest
placed
in a flower-decked meadow, or in the summit of an oak, or of
a
flight 20,000 feet up, or like a fugue of Bach over a
popular air."
(Zeitschrift fur Kirchengesch., XVII., 576). Cf. HENRI JOLY,
Ste. Th^r&se, Paris, 1908, 239 ; Acta Sanct., n. 1581,
p. 462.
MYSTICAL WRITINGS OF TERESA. 139
of external influences, by bodily austerities and by vocal
prayer. The new Orders, as a necessary consequence of the
conditions of the times, were above all intended for the
care
of souls, and to exert an influence upon the world ; the
older
methods could no longer be employed to the same extent,
and they were obliged to seek to make up for them by an
increase in the life of interior prayer ; in the place of
vocal
prayer in choir more attention was devoted to interior
prayer
and contemplation. The first to do this was Ignatius of
Loyola by means of the Exercises, but it is also obvious
that
the development of mysticism and its great teacher, Teresa,
did much to promote the prayer of the interior life. The
various Orders have laboured for the glorification of
Teresa,
and the spread of her writings, 1 nor was his veneration for
her the only reason why Alphonso Maria de Liguori, one of
the greatest founders of modern times, never wrote a letter
without placing her name at the head of it. 2 Moreover, the
writings of Teresa are full of lessons for the common life
of
Christians. 3
It is no part of the historian s duty to attempt an explana
tion of the mystical states, 4 but Teresa is a mystic of
such
1 Acta Sanct., October VII., 764.
1 Ibid.
8 This point of view was brought out, e.g. by Pius X. (loc.
cit.} :
" [Teresa] tutam demonstrat viam inde a ruidmentis
vitae
christianae ad absolutionem perfectionemque virtutis
proficiendi."
In like manner Leo XIII., March 7, 1888 : " Inest in
ipsis [the
writings of Teresa] vis quaedam . . . mirifica emandatrix
vitae,
ut omnino cum fractu legantur . . . plane ab unoquoque
homine,
qui de omciis, de virtue Christiana, h. e. de salute sua
cogitet
paulo diligentius."
4 Just as at one time the attempt was made to explain the
mystical state by animal magnetism, so is the attempt made
to
day to do so by hysteria. But a scientific research on the
basis
of the authorities which gives us a satisfactory picture of
Teresa
the mystic, and shows her state to have been the result of hysteria,
is yet to be found. One thing, however, is certain : all
that con
cerns the spiritual life of Teresa form the very antithesis
of sufferers
from hysteria. These sufferers may indeed be full of vigour
and
140 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
importance, and stands so much alone, that he may not shrink
from the task of describing her in detail in this aspect,
even
at the risk of making her nature appear more mysterious
than it really was.
Teresa was not one of those people who give rein at once to
their vivid imagination without thought or resistance. She
was on her guard against treating the first illusion of
phantasy
as visions, and adds that she cannot understand how anyone
can persuade himself that he sees things that he actually
does not see. 1 Above all she is clear that excessive fasts
intelligence, but as the result of their physical condition
they have
none of that command of themselves, which was so remarkable
in Teresa, or of her power of judgment, and strength of
will.
A great impression was made, some ten years ago, by a work
of
the Belgian Jesuit, G. HAHN, Les phenomenes hysteriques et
les revelations de Sainte Therese, Louvain, 1883. This work,
a
reply to a concur sus, is conceived as a defence of the
authenticity
of the visions and revelations of Teresa against rationalist
attacks.
(Cf. CH. DE SMEDT in Rev. des quest, hist., XXXV., 1884,
533-550).
The author arrived at the conclusion that Teresa suffered
indeed
physically from hysteria, but that in her high spiritual life
she
was the very opposite of an hysterical person ; that those
visions
which she attributes to the devil might be considered the
result of
hysteria, but that this is quite out of the question with
regard
to those visions, etc., which she attributes to a divine
origin.
That it is impossible to accept this dualism was shown by a
colleague of the author at the Jesuit College in Louvain :
fitude
pathologique theologique sur sainte Therese. Reponse au
memoire du P. G. Hahn par Louis DE SAN, Louvain-Paris, 1886.
WILKENS (Zeitschr. fur Kirchengesch., XVII., 576) points it
out
as praiseworthy that Gabriela Cunningham (St. Theresa, 2
vols.,
London, 1894), although a follower of Renan, indignantly
rejects
hysteria as the solution to be adopted in dealing with
mysteries
of faith. Against PAVALES Y GUTIERREZ, El supernaturalismo
de S. T. y la filosofia medica, Madrid, 1894, see GREGOIRE
DE
SAINT-JOSEPH, La pretendue hysteric de ste. Therese, Lyons,
1895-
1 "Tengase aviso, que la flaqueza natural es muy flaca,
en especial
en las mujeres . . . ; es menester que a cada cosita que se
nos
PRACTICAL SENSE OF TERESA. 14!
and nights without sleep may induce a state which the in
experienced might look upon as an ecstasy ; in such cases
she
recommended her subjects to cure themselves by taking more
nourishment and sleeping longer at night. 1 Above all Teresa
s
nature was quite free from exaggerations. The Poor Clares
of Madrid, with whom she stayed for fifteen days, were
delighted to find in her a saint who could be imitated, for
she ate, slept, and spoke like everybody else. 2 One can
read
dozens of her letters to members of her family and to her
sisters in religion without finding a trace of the mystical
state
of the writer ; she does not walk among the clouds, but
always shows herself reasonable, of sound judgment, com
passionate, interested in the small things that concern her
relatives and subjects, 3 so that she does not disdain to
give
advice about toothache and the like, or to recommend the
trial of some celebrated cooking oven. 4
At the same time nobody who knows her writings can doubt
antoje, no pensemos luego es cosa de vision. . . . Adonde
hay
algo de melancolia es menester mucho mas aviso, porque cosas
ban venido a mi de estos antojos, que me han espantado, como
es posible que tan verdaderamente les parezca, que ven lo
que
no ven." Fundaciones c. 8, LA FUENTE LIII. i95a.
1 " A una persona le acaecia estar ocho horas, que ni
estan sin
sentido, ni sienten cosas de Dios : con dormir y comer y no
hacer
tanta penitencia, se le quit6 a esta persona." Moradas
IV., c. 3,
ibid. LV. i8ib.
2 Acta Sanct. n. 457, p. 221.
3 This is also the opinion of S. M. DEUTSCH in Herzogs Real
Enzyklopddie, XIX., 642 : " Teresa is above all one of
the most
extraordinary figures in the whole field of mysticism, in
whom
were combined a vast number of ecstasies and visions with
the
most unreserved submissiveness to the Church, while at the
same
time she displays a remarkable sanity of judgment of the
practical
Christian life."
4 Such things, of no interest to the reader, were omitted in
the
earliest editions of the letters. C/. the collection of
these omis
sions by JOLY, in Le Correspondent, CCI. (Nouv. Serie,
CLXV.),
1900, 555-577 ; L. VALENTIN in the Bulletin de litterature
eccles.,
Paris, 1901, 285-310.
142 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
that Teresa speaks with perfect sincerity and truth about
her
interior experiences. She describes things that she has
actually lived through, and in no way invented, and this
is the impression which is irresistibly forced upon the
reader ;
she not only expects of others the most exact love of the
truth, 1 but makes the same demand upon herself, and
therefore
takes obvious pains to express herself clearly, and with all
possible adherence to the truth. She often tries to explain
the nature of her mystical experiences by examples, but does
not fail to point out the things in which the example does
not
hold good ; when she is not sure of any fact, no matter how
trifling, as for example a date, if the matter is uncertain
in
her mind she does not fail to note the uncertainty.
Moreover, Teresa attaches no particular importance to her
mystical experiences. The love of God, she often says, does
not consist in tears and sweetness, but in serving God with
uprightness, and with great resoluteness and humility. 2
She therefore prayed God in her first mystical experiences
that He would be pleased to lead her by another way ; 3 and
even later on she tried to resist the ecstasies when they
came
to her, though naturally in vain, because it was as though
an eagle had seized her and flown away with her. 4 Such
1 " Quierole contar una tentacion, que me di6 ayer y
aun me
dura, con Eliseo [ Gracian]. pareciendome se si descuida
alguna
vez en no decir toda verdad en todo ; bien que veo seran
cosas
de poca importancia, mas querria anduviese con mucho cuidado
en esto. For caridad vuestra paternidad se lo ruegue mucho
de mi parte, porque no entiendo habra entera perfecion, a
donde
hay este cuidado." To Gracian on 18 July, 1579, LA
FUENTE,
LV. 22 la. She says of herself : " En cosa muy poco
importante
yo no trataria mentira por ningun de la tierra."
Fundaciones,
Einl. ibid. iy9a. "Y ahora y entonces puedo errar en
todo, mas no
mentir ; que por la misericordia de Dios antes pasaria mil
muertes ;
digo lo que entiendo." Moradas IV. c. 2, ibid. 44Qa.
1 Vida, c.n; Moradas IV. c.i, LA FUENTE, LI 1 1., 45b, LV.,
44ya.
8 Vida, c. 27, ibid. LIII., 8ib.
* " Viene un impetu ten acelerado y fuerte, que veis y
sentis
levantarse esta nube, 6 esta aguila caudalosa y cogeros con
sus
alas." Vida c. 20, ibid. 64%.
MYSTICISM OF TERESA. 143
things did not move her to any self-complacency ; in her
opinion, the reason why she, in preference to others, was
led
by so extraordinary a way, was to be found in her weakness,
which needed such special support. 1
Her mystical experiences were to Teresa a source of great
trouble. At first those about her looked upon it all as a
deceit
of the devil, and the anxiety she herself felt lest
perchance
she was being made sport of by the evil spirit caused her
terrible interior trials. 2 The first who gave her
reassurance
were certain Jesuits, under whose direction she had placed
herself during the first difficult years of her new life ; 3
later
on she said that she had been educated in the Society of
Jesus,
and had received her life from them. 4 Still greater comfort
was given her by Peter of Alcantara, 5 but even then from
time
to time all recollection of her mystical joys was as it were
wiped out of her memory, and she found herself tormented
both in body and soul in an extraordinary way. 6 When
her full states of ecstasy came upon her, her ordinary
condition
during and after these graces was one of great grief of
soul,
1 " Que mi flaqueza ha menester esto." Vida c. 19,
ibid. 62a.
" Ansi creo que de flaca y ruin me ha llevado Dios por
esto
camino." Relation of 1560, ibid. 1473..
2 " Que a no me favorecer tanto el Senor, no se que
fuera de mi.
Bastantes cosas habia para quitarme el juicio, y algunas
veces
me via en terminos que no sabia que hacer." Vida c. 28,
ibid. Syb.
3 Vida c. 23, ibid. 75a.
4 " Pues en la Compania me han, como dicen, criado y
dado
el ser." To Pablo Hernandez, S.J., October 4, 1578,
ibid. LV.,
I94a. That the reform of Teresa was connected with the re
forming Orders of the XVIth century, she herself states,
e.g.
to Juan Suarez, of the Society of Jesus, February 10, 1578
(ibid.
163 seq.) : " Jamas creere que . . . permita su
Majestad [God],
que su Compania [the Society of Jesus] vaya contra la Orden
de su Madre, pues la tom6 por medio para repararla y
renovarla."
6 Vida, c. 30, LA FUENTE, LIIL, 90 seq.
6 " Todas las mercedes, que me habia hecho el Senor, se
me
olvidaban : solo quedaba una memoria, como cosa que se ha
sonado, para dar pena." Ibid. gia..
144 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
which was like a death-agony. 1 Contemplative souls, so she
specially points out, are led by God along hard ways, and
are
harshly treated, and mystical joys must be considered as a
counterpoise to pains which would otherwise be unbearable. 2
In spite of all her initial doubts Teresa later on was quite
at rest as to the reality of her mystical visions. So long
as
they lasted it was quite clear, she said, that they could
not
be due to any natural cause ; 3 and the great change for the
better which took place in her with these mystical graces,
showed the hand of God. During these visions Our Lord
enriched her with treasures of grace in the shortest space
of
time, such as with all her austerities she had not been able
to attain to in twenty years 4 and she found herself filled
with
contempt for everything of earth, and with an invincible
courage to undertake great things for the honour of God. 5
Indeed it called for a courage out of the common to under
take the task to which Teresa now set herself, and
successfully
accomplished, namely the reform of the whole Order to which
she belonged.
The attempt to bring back the Carmelite Order once more
to its original high ideals had already begun in the XVth
century ; John Soreth (1451-1471) established convents in
many of the provinces into which the more zealous monks
1 Vida, c. 20, ibid. 65a.
* " Son intolerables los trabajos, que Dios da a los
con tern -
plativos, e son de tal arte, que si no les diese aquel
manjar de
gusto, no se podrian sufrir." Camino de perfeci6n, c.
27 (18 or
19), LA FUENTE, LIIL, 339b.
* Vida, c. 15, 1 8, 25, ibid. 53b, 6ia, 78a. " Y viene
d veces
con tan grande majestad, que no hay quien pueda dudar, so no
que es el mesmo senor " (c. 28, ibid. 86a). " Ser
imaginacion
esto, es imposible de toda imposibilidad " (c. 28,
ibid. 86b) ;
" porque cuando yo le via presente, si me hicieran
pedazos,
no pudiera yo creer que era demonio " (c. 29, ibid.
88b).
* " Lo que la pobre del alma con trabajo, por ventura
de veinte
anos de cansar el entendimiento, no ha podido acaudalar,
hacelo
esto hortolano celestial en un punto." Vida c. 17,
ibid. 57b.
1 Vida c. 20, ibid. 6ja..
EARLIER CARMELITE REFORMS. 145
could be gathered, but more commonly special reformed
congregations were established for the same purpose, such as
the Congregation of Mantua (1413), Albi (1499), and one at
Monte Oliveto near Genoa (1514). But the effect of such
attempts was limited to a single time or place, and the
reformed
congregations were something of an embarrassment, for they
broke up the Order into sections. Above all others the
special
Congregation of Albi led to serious differences ; its
author,
Luigi de Lyra, was placed under excommunication by the
general chapter in 1503, but in spite of this his followers
continued their efforts. The affair went to lamentable
lengths, and at length Gregory XIII. suppressed the con
gregation in 1584. These dissensions had the effect of
leading
various men who were well-disposed towards the formation
of new associations throughout the Order, either to refuse
to
have anything to do with them or to regard them with sus
picion. 1 Under these circumstances Teresa had to encounter
hard trials, but she never relaxed her zeal for a renewal
of the religious spirit. At the same time as Teresa, a pious
widow, Mary of Jesus, who had just entered the Carmelite
Order at Granada, felt herself called by God to establish a
reformed convent. Having gone on pilgrimage on foot to
Rome, she obtained the necessary Papal approval and carried
out her design in 1563. 2 A reformed convent of the men of
the Order sprang up in Aragon owing to the efforts of James
Montaner, who in 1565 obtained the approval of the General
of the Order, Rossi. 3
The immediate occasion of these reform designs of Teresa
must also be sought in mysticism. One day she felt herself
carried body and soul to hell, and saw the place to which a
life
devoid of definite religious zeal would have brought her in
the
end. She looked upon the terrible impression which this
vision made upon her as one of the greatest graces of her
life ;
1 BENEDICT ZIMMERMANN, O. C. D. in the Catholic Encyclo
paedia, III., 360.
8 Teresa, Vida, c. 35, LA FUENTE, LIIL, io6b.
1 ZIMMERMANN, loc. cit. 361.
VOL. XIX. 10
146 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
after this all the sorrows of this world seemed to her to be
quite
inconsiderable, and she was entirely possessed by gratitude
to God, and readiness to do and suffer great things for Him,
and by compassion for the many souls who by their sins were
preparing for themselves so terrible a future, and by a
deter
mination to win from God by her austere life pardon for
sinners, and especially for the heretics of France. 1 The
first thing she resolved upon was an exact observance of the
rule of the Order. Further visions, and the help of friends
who put their means at her disposal, though these were
not sufficient, directed Teresa s thoughts to the foundation
of a special convent of strict observance. Her provincial
gave her the necessary permission, and Peter of Alcantara
and the great Dominican, Louis Bertrand, encouraged her. 2
But it was just at that moment that a terrible storm broke
out against her ; she was looked upon as a fool. The founda
tion of a convent for which she had not the necessary means
seemed to everybody the veriest madness. Teresa herself
was unable to give any reasons to her enemies. The pro
vincial recalled his permission, and Teresa s confessor, the
Jesuit Alvarez, forbade her to take any further steps in the
matter. 3 Pending the recall of this prohibition Teresa
found
herself condemned to inaction for six months. That the
reform was not thus smothered at the beginning was due to
the intervention of Pope Pius IV. Teresa s adviser, the
Dominican Ibanez, obtained for her a decree from the Grand
Penitentiary, Ranuccio Farnese, which gave full authority
for the desired foundation. 4 In the meantime Teresa caused
a small house to be bought in secret through her sister and
quite
unexpectedly a large sum of money reached her from Peru,
from her brother, and on August 25th, 1562, the little
convent
of St. Joseph at Avila was opened, the first stone of a very
important reform of the Order. 5 A fierce storm at once
1 Vida c. 32, LA FUENTE, LIII., 98b.
2 Ibid. Qgb. Acta Sanct., n. 283, p. 183.
3 Vida, c. 33, LA FUENTE L1I1. zoob.
4 Of February 7, 1562, in Acta Sanct., n. 334, p. 194.
5 Vida, c. 36, LA FUENTE, LIII., 108 seq.
THE CONVENT AT AVILA. 147
broke out ; Teresa was recalled by her prioress to the
convent
of the Incarnation, and the city council of Avila decreed
the
suppression of any new foundation. Special difficulty had
been occasioned by the fact that Teresa, after meeting the
above-mentioned Mary of Jesus had refused to give any fixed
revenue to her convent. 1 She nevertheless obtained the
approval of her Order through the Penitentiaria. 2 Supported
by these two Papal decrees, which were confirmed by a bull
of Pius IV., 3 she was able to withstand all attacks. Her
defender, the celebrated Dominican theologian, Domenico
Ibanez, successfully defended her action before the city
council
of Avila.
In her new convent, which Teresa had placed under the care
of the Bishop of Avila, and not of the General of the Order,
she passed, until 1567, the five most peaceful years of her
life.
The Carmelite rule in all its primitive strictness was
observed
there without the mitigations granted by the Popes, and was
even rendered more severe by Teresa in a constitution. All
this austerity, however, was penetrated by that apostolic
spirit which meant so much to Teresa, and which she sought
to instil into her subjects ; all their prayers and
sacrifices were
to be offered to Our Lord to help priests in the conversion
of heretics and infidels. 4 Teresa s wish to be able to do
something of this kind for the honour of God, was especially
enkindled in her by a visit from a Franciscan missionary to
the Indies, Francisco Maldonado, who told her of the sad
state of the pagans in the Indies. 5
Soon afterwards the General of the Carmelites, Giovanni
Battista Rossi, came to Avila. Philip II., in order to
further
his work of reform, had interested himself in obtaining the
1 Ibid.
8 Decree of December 5, 1562, in Acta Sanct., n. 361, p.
201.
8 July 17, 1565, ibid. n. 370 seqq., p. 202 seq.
4 Fundaciones c.i., LA FUENTE, LIIL, i82a. "El deseo
con que se comenzaron estos monasterios, que fue" para
pedir 4
Dios, que a los que tornan por su honra y servicio
ayude." Teresa
to Gracian, middle of December, 1576, LA FUENTE, LV., io8a.
Fundacioues, loc. cit.
148 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
personal presence ot Rossi in Spain, and Pius V. had given
his
consent by a brief of February 24th, 1566. On September
2oth, 1566, Rossi held a chapter of the Order in Andalusia,
appointed a new provincial, and issued ordinances of reform.
In the following year he did the same in Castille. 1 At the
invitation of Teresa he also visited the reformed convent of
Avila. 2 He rejoiced exceedingly in seeing there once more
the Carmelite Order in all its ancient purity. Rossi opened
a
wide field to Teresa s zeal and desire for work by giving
her
full authority to found more reformed convents ; 3 later on
he
wrote to her that she might found as many as there were
hairs
on her head. 4 With her usual courage Teresa set herself to
this fresh task, and even went beyond it, for the General
had
scarcely left Avila when the idea came to her that it was
necessary for the well-being of the convents of nuns that
there
should also be formed to assist them reformed houses of the
men of the Order, so she determined to set her hand to the
reform of the friars as well as of the nuns. 5 Rossi acceded
to this desire of hers, but under limitations ; he gave her
full
authority for the foundation of two houses of friars, but
only
in Castille, not in Andalusia ; 6 a remembrance of the sad
consequences of the establishment of former congregations
within the Order made such a limitation to a great extent
necessary.
Teresa no longer lacked authority, though she was still in
want of the necessary funds. She therefore sought advice.
At Medina del Campo she found her former confessor, Bal-
thasar Alvarez, the rector of the Jesuit college, and with
his
1 Acta Sanct., n. 393, p. 207.
* Fundaciones c. 2, LA FUENTE, LIII., 182 seq.
* Two patents of April 27 and May 16, 1567, published in LA
FUENTE, LIII., 552 seq.
4 Teresa to Pablo Fernandez, October 4, 1578, LA FUENTE,
LV., I94a ; Fundaciones c. 27, ibid. LIII., 23oa.
6 Fundaciones c. 2, ibid. LIII., i83a.
Letter of August 14, 1567, from Valencia, in Acta Sanct.,
n. 403 seq., p. 209 seq. Cf. ZIMMERMANN in the Catholic
Encyclo
paedia, III., 361.
JOHN OF THE CROSS. 149
help she overcame the opposition of the ecclesiastical and
civil authorities. A young lady who had been unable to
obtain admission to the convent of St. Joseph through want
of
room, gave the money, and Teresa ventured upon what the
Bishop of Avila and some of her friends deemed an act of
madness, namely the beginning of a house at Medina, though
of course at first upon an extraordinarily small scale. 1
This first successful attempt had an even greater result
for the foundress. The prior of the Carmelites at Medina,
Antonio de Herida, who had helped her to acquire the new
convent, declared himself ready to accept the reform, and,
what was more important, brought her into relations with
another yet greater man, the still youthful Juan de Yepes,
or,
as he was called later on, John of the Cross. 2 Born in
1542,
the youngest son of a poor cloth-weaver of Fontiberos, John,
especially after the premature death of his father, had many
opportunities, in his struggles for his daily bread, of
experienc
ing privation and trouble, and of becoming accustomed to a
life of hardships. To his privations were also added humilia
tions, for he found himself employed as a labourer, being
quite
without any sort of training. The director of a hospital at
Medina took him into his house, and John passed seven years
there, rendering the most menial service, and in the
meantime
attending the neighbouring Jesuit school, where he made good
progress. In 1563 he entered the house of the Carmelites
at Medina, taking the name of John of St. Matthias. After he
had made his vows he received permission to observe the
primitive rule without any mitigation. Not content with
this,
however, in his desire for a life of extraordinary austerity
he thought of leaving the Carmelite Order and joining the
Carthusians. 3 Teresa, however, persuaded him, when she
met him at Avila, that it would be more pleasing to God if
he
were to lead a life of perfection in the Order of his
choice.
She thus gained the principal instrument for the reform of
the
1 Fundaciones c. 3, loc. cit, 183 seq.
8 Ibid. is8b.
8 Vita di Giovanni della Croce by JERONIMO DE S. Jos,
Madrid,
1641. ZIMMERMANN, loc. cit. t VIII., 480 seq.
150 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
male branch of her Order. In a little hamlet of but twenty
families, named Durvello, a gentleman placed at their dis
posal a house of extraordinary poverty, and there, on Novem
ber 28th, 1568, Antonio de Herida and John of the Cross
began
to lead the conventual life of the discalced Carmelites. 1
In the meantime Teresa had established, during 1568, two
convents of nuns at Malagon and Valladolid. It was just
at this time that Teresa entered upon an entirely new period
of
her life. The mystical visions still continued, and she
ascended
to greater and greater heights, but now it is above all
Teresa
the Foundress, and the reformer of her Order, who demands
our attention. Her fame spread throughout Spain ; some
times it is a member of the great aristocracy, sometimes a
pious
merchant, who stretches out a hand to help her. In a covered
carriage which was to serve her as a cloister she travelled
from one place to another ; sometimes she was in the heart
of Spain, at Toledo or Segovia, sometimes in the north, at
Burgos or Valencia ; sometimes in the extreme south, at
Seville or Granada. For the most part after long negotiations,
and with many difficulties, she was successful in founding a
new convent in these places, at first very poverty stricken,
but which quickly took root and developed. 2 Besides the
reformed convent at Avila, in the course of a few years,
between 1567 and 1582, she founded no less than sixteen
other
convents of nuns, and that though her work as foundress was
twice interrupted during that period for several years.
The first interruption, from 1572 to 1574, was connected
with the work of Gregory XIII. for the reform of the
discalced
Carmelites. The attempt made by the General of the Order,
Rossi, in Spain, had not had the desired effect, and at the
instance of Philip II., the Pope then entrusted two
Dominicans
with a further visitation. Pedro Hernandez was to reform
the Carmelites of Castile, and Francesco de Vargas those of
Andalusia. Hernandez began his labours at Pastrana ; what
1 Fundaciones c. 13-14, loc. cit. 201 seqq.
a She has herself described the foundations she made in her
Libro de las Fundaciones, LA FUENTE, LIII., 179-250.
FURTHER FOUNDATIONS. 151
he there learned of Teresa filled him with admiration, and
this
led to the probably distasteful result, as far as the
foundress
was concerned, of her being appointed prioress of her former
convent of the Incarnation at Avila. On the other hand this
marked an important step forward for her, as Hernandez sang
her praises in Madrid before the king and the nuncio,
Ormaneto. 1
Ormaneto s favour was of special value for Teresa s reform,
in connexion with the development of the male branch of the
Order. To the first house at Durvello, which was soon trans
ferred to Mancera, a second was added at Pastrana in 1569,
again owing to the personal efforts of Teresa. By the orders
of the General, Rossi, her work as foundress was not to
exceed
the number of two houses for men ; it would however have
been very desirable for the reformed Carmelites to have pos
sessed a college in the university city of Alcala, for the
training
of the young members of the Order. This was actually brought
about by the plenary powers of the visitor, Hernandez, in
1570,
and during the two following years the reformed Carmelites
erected with the consent of the apostolic visitor, Vargas,
but
without the participation of Teresa, four other houses of
men
in Andalusia. 2 The permission of the General of the Car
melites, who was at that time occupied with the houses of
Castile, had thus been again exceeded ; moreover Vargas
had committed the imprudence of taking away a convent
from the Carmelites of the mitigated observance and handing
it over to the reform.
The Carmelites of the mitigation had watched with increas
ing anxiety the growth of the reform, which took away from
them their best members. At length the General of the Order,
Rossi, obtained a Papal brief of August I3th, 1574, which
deprived the two Dominicans of their plenary powers as
visitors ; he postponed the publication of the edict until
the
general chapter of the following year. 3
The reform, however, found a defender in the nuncio at
1 Acta Sanct., n. 497, p. 228 seq.
2 Ibid. n. 564 seqq., p. 242 seq.
8 Ibid. n. 616, p. 253 seq.
152 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Madrid. On hearing of the Papal edict Ormaneto restored
to the Dominican -Vargas his office of visitor ; J a letter
from
the Secretary of State, Galli, seemed to recognize his right
to do this, for he confirmed Ormaneto s request 2 that the
plenary powers of the nuncio should not be prejudiced by the
brief. Ormaneto further associated the reformed Carmelite,
Jerome Gracian, with Vargas as his colleague in that office.
Gracian was a capable and zealous man of whom Teresa spoke
with genuine enthusiasm, after she had had an interview with
him at Veas. 3 He was, however, only twenty-eight years old,
and had only been a few years in the Order, and there was
something repugnant in the idea of a representative of a
recently begun reform acting as a censor of the ancient
govern
ment of the Order. Soon afterwards Ormaneto added to the
powers of Gracian by making him also visitor of the
discalced
Carmelites of Castile, 4 whereas, as the colleague of
Vargas, he
had only had authority in Andalusia.
At the approach of the chapter of the Order at Piacenza,
the General obtained a Papal brief of April i5th, 1575,
which,
though it urged the maintenance in all its purity and the
universal introduction of the true observance of the Order,
gave
him full powers to take action against superiors and
convents
which were established or begun against his orders. 5 The
general chapter of Piacenza clearly showed the purpose of
this
ordinance ; on the Feast of Pentecost, 1575, it decreed the
suppression of the houses which the reformed Carmelites had
established outside Castile, and ordered the religious in
them
1 On September 22, 1574, ibid. n. 617.
1 On December 27, 1574, ibid.
8 Fundaciones c. 23, LA FUENTE, LI 1 1., 220 seq. ; letter
of May
12, 1575, ibid. LV., 47 seqq. For Gracian (1545-1615) cf.
his life
by A. MARMOL, Valladolid, 1619 ; Bouix, Lettres, I., Paris,
1882, 246-285. Gracian gives us a kind of autobiography in
the
Peregrinaci6n de Anastasio, new edition, Barcelona, 1905 ;
cf. LA FUENTE, LV., 452-85 ; GREGOIRE DE ST. JOSEPH, Le P.
GRATIEN et ses juges, Rome, 1904.
4 Acta Sanct., n. 618.
5 Ibid. n. 635 seq., p. 259 seq.
THE CHAPTER OF PIACENZA. 153
to return to their former houses within three days. 1 The
Portuguese Tostado was sent to Spain as visitor to enforce
this decree, and he went there with the intention of, before
all things, destroying the reform. 2 The acts of the chapter
make no mention of the convents of nuns. 3 At the end of
1575 Teresa received instructions to choose one house of her
Order as her permanent abode, and neither she nor any other
Carmelite nun of the reform was to leave their convent any
more. Teresa chose Toledo, and from 1575 to 1580 her work as
foundress was stopped for a second time. 4
Otherwise, however, the decrees of Piacenza did not have
any very marked effect. The previously appointed visitors
of the Order continued to exercise their authority in virtue
of
their plenary Papal powers, and Tostado was unable to have
his way altogether against them. 5 Ormaneto supported
Teresa and her friends, and as long as he lived there was
not
much to fear from Tostado ; on the contrary the reform
was able to establish itself more firmly. For a long time
past
Teresa had looked upon it as a great drawback that the re
formed branch of the Carmelites should be dependent upon
the mitigation. 8 In a letter of July igth, 1575, she had
re-
1 Ibid. n. 637.
8 Ibid. n. 638.
3 ZIMMERMANN in The Catholic Encyclopaedia, III., 361.
4 Acta Sanct., n. 663 seqq., p. 265 seqq. In July, 1577, she
again
moved from Toledo to Avila ; see ibid. n. 769, p. 287.
Teresa
wrote on January 16, 1578, that the chapter and the General
had ordered " que ninguna Descalza pudiese salir de su
casa,
en especial yo : que escogiese la que quisiese, so pena de
desco-
munion. Vese claro, que es proque no se hagan mas
fundaciones
de monjas." LA FUENTE, LV., i62a.
5 " Dice que si no tray, el Tostado poder sobre los
visitadores,
que valdrian las atas ; mas que si le tray, no hay que
hablar,
sino obedecer." Teresa to Mariano, February 26, 1577,
LA
FUENTE, LV., 345b, cf. I33b.
6 Fundaciones c. 23, LA FUENTE, LIII., 22ib ; " Las
[casas]
de los frailes no iban mal, mas llevaban principle de caer
muy
presto, porque, como no tenian provincia por si, eran
gobernados
por los calzados."
154 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
course directly to the king ; it was absolutely necessary,
she
concluded by saying, that the reform should have its own
provincial, and Gracian was the man for that office. 1
Ormaneto
not only supported her wishes in this, but he also at the
same
time, in defiance of the decrees of Piacenza, appointed
Gracian
as visitor and reformer in Andalusia as well, for the branch
of
the Order that was not yet reformed. 2 This was a rash and
imprudent step. When the new visitor presented himself at
the unreformed convent of Seville he met with so much re
sistance that Ormaneto had to intervene with a sentence of
excommunication. During the course of the reform those
who were threatened by it sent two envoys to Rome with a
request for the recall of the full powers of Gracian ; 3
according
to the constitutions, they pointed out, ten years membership
of the Order is required for the office of visitor, and
Gracian
has only three. 4 A chapter was held in Castille under the
provincial of that region, Salazar, the decrees of which
were
aimed at the destruction of the reform. According to these
the two parties must no longer be distinguished by their
dress,
and their members must live together in the same houses,
each
according to their own rule. 5 Obviously if these decrees
came into force, after a time the reform party would be
absorbed into the rest of the Order.
By the wish of Ormaneto, the reformed Carmelites had
1 LA FUENTE, LV., 52a.
* On August 3, 1575, Acta Sanct., n. 657, p. 264. Ormaneto
wrote on September 4, 1575 (CARINI, 139) : "S h6
deputato qualche
visitatore come hora h6 fatto nell Orden del Carmen nell
Andalusia
per dar qualche ordine a disordini, che troppo vanno attorno
et per far eseguir le riforme fatte. . . . Et ho deputat6
persona
santa et essemplar de quest! Discalzi del medesimo ordine
che
ha credito con S. M ta et se ne va a piedi et senza dar una
minima
spesa ad alcuno convento et che far& tutto con gran
charit& et
circonspettione come gi& h6 visto in alcuni conventi,
dove fin
hora d stato."
8 Acta Sanct. n. 662.
4 CARINI, 107.
8 Acta Sanct. n. 708 seqq., p. 274.
OPPOSITION TO THE REFORM. 155
sent some representatives to the meeting to protest against
these decrees. They availed themselves of their rights as an
independent province, and in their turn assembled in chapter
at Almodovar, 1 and there, as the principal business, the
new
constitutions for the discalced Carmelites were introduced,
in order to remove the differences between the various
houses. 2
This new legislation was drafted by Gracian, but altogether
in accordance with the spirit of Teresa and by her advice. 3
The influence of Teresa had by no means come to an end with
her seclusion at Toledo. Her advice was sought from all
quarters, and she sent her letters everywhere ; to the king,
to the General of the Order, to the chief supporters of the
reform, to the convents of nuns which she had founded, every
where encouraging them to perseverance, or moderating
excessive zeal. She herself said that she was over-fatigued
with writing letters, and was often kept until late in the
night
pen in hand. 4 Above all she realized that, following the
example of their adversaries, they too must send representa
tives to Rome, because otherwise the unreformed party, by
their prejudiced account of what had happened, would obtain
all the possible briefs, 5 whereas on the other hand their
own
envoys, whether to the General or to the Pope, might succeed
in obtaining their separation from the mitigation and the
formation of a separate province. She urged haste. Methu-
salem a nick-name for Ormaneto was for separation ; 6
1 Begun on September 8, 1576, ibid. n. 711.
1 Ibid. n. 714.
8 JOLY, Ste. Therese, 117 seq.
* " Aquel dia fueron tantas las cartas y negocios, que
estuve
escribiendo endo hasta los dos, y hizome dano & la
cabeza ; . . .
me ha mandado el dotor, que no escriba jamas, sino hasta las
doze, y algunas veces no de mi letra. Y cierto ha sido el
trabajo
ecesivo." Letter of February 10, 1576, LA FUENTE, LV.,
i2gb.
5 To Gracian, September 5, 1576, ibid. 75a.
6 " Santelmo [or Don Pedro Gonzales ; see Bouix,
Lettres,
II., 41] me ha escrto hoy . . . que no tenemos qu6 temer,
que
cierto est& Matusalem muy determinado de cumplir nuestro
deseo de apartar las aguilas [namely the unreformed]."
To
Gracian, September 6, 1576, LA FUENTE, LV., i5b.
156 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
she did not understand why there was this delay ; they were
letting the favourable opportunity escape them. 1
In spite of Teresa s insistence the} still delayed in
sending
the mission to Rome, and the favourable opportunity was
allowed to pass. On June i8th, 1577, the nuncio Ormaneto,
the great friend of the reform, died, and in his place came
Filippo Sega, who looked upon Teresa as a restless
adventuress, 2
and treated her conventual foundations as canonically
invalid. 3
He favoured Tostado, removed Gracian from his office, 4 and
entrusted the visitation of the reformed houses to
Carmelites
of the mitigation, with an injunction to prevent any further
foundations according to the ideas of Teresa. 5 The nuns of
the convent of the Incarnation at Avila were treated as ex
communicated because they had chosen Teresa for their
prioress, 6 and John of the Cross was kept in close imprison
ment. 7 Tostado, however, had to leave Spain in May 1578
because he fell out of favour with Philip II. 8
To attacks from without were added difficulties from within.
It was by no means clear whether the nuncio had the right
to deprive Gracian of his powers. Canonists from whom
Teresa sought advice replied that he had not. 9 The king in
his
edict to the magistrates, probably after he had first made
*Acta Sanct., n. 713.
2 " una vagamunda y inquieta." Teresa on October
4, 1578,
LA FUENTE, LV., i93b.
8 Ibid.
4 On July 22, 1578, Acta Sanct., n. 795.
Ibid.
6 October, 1577, ibid. n. 772.
7 From the beginning of December, 1577, ibid. n. 775.
8 Acta Sanct., n. 795. See the letter of Teresa of July 2,
1577
(LA FUENTE, LV., I44b) : " Sepa que muri6 el nuncio, y
el Tostado esta en Madrid. . . . Aunque hasta ahora no ha
querido el rey, que visite, no sabemos en qu parara. La
comision
de nuestro padre [Gracian] no acab6, aunque muri6 el nuncio."
Nevertheless, the persecutions of the Carmelites of Avila
and the
imprisonment of John of the Cross were ordered from Toledo.
Teresa on January 16 (or 19), 1578, LF FUENTE, LV., i6ib.
Acta Sanct., n. 796.
TRIUMPH OF THE REFORM. 157
inquiries in Rome, declared that the enactments of Sega with
regard to the Order were invalid. 1 The confusion reached
its
height when Gracian, to the great sorrow of Teresa, allowed
himself to be persuaded, on October gih, 1578, to convoke a
second new provincial chapter at Almodovar, and there, on
the strength of the presumed Papal authority, to proclaim
the
separation of the reformed Carmelites from the rest of the
Order, to give them a province of their own, and lastly to
send to Rome the mission that had long before been decided
upon. 2 This chapter naturally had no other result than to
irritate the nuncio still more. Moreover the embassy to
Rome proved quite useless because of the imprudence of the
envoys. 3
The fortunes of the reform seemed to be in a desperate
position when suddenly, as the result of a hint from the
king
and the remonstrances of the friends of Teresa, Sega changed
his views at the beginning of 1579. 4 Referring to something
Sega had said, Philip II. gave him four assistants, one of
whom
was the Dominican, Pedro Hernandez, to advise him on the
question of the Carmelites. 5 On April ist, 1579, there ap
peared an edict from the nuncio in favour of the Carmelites
;
by this Sega withdrew them from the authority of the mitiga
tion, and gave them as their vicar the prior of Valladolid,
Angelo de Salazar, who, though he did not belong to the
reform, was nevertheless well disposed towards it. 6 A
decision
of July I5th, 1579, 7 signed by the nuncio and his
assistants,
recommended to the king that which had been Teresa s most
ardent desire, the separation of the two parts of the Order
into two distinct provinces.
In May, as the result of the insistence of Teresa, two Car
melites had been sent to Rome to obtain the formation of a
1 On August 9, 1578, ibid. n. 798.
* Ibid. n. 611 seqq.
8 Ibid. n. 834 seq.
4 Ibid. n. 825 seq.
6 Ibid. n. 832.
The decree in LA FUENTE, LV., 358 seq.
7 Published ibid. 360 seqq.
158 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
separate province. 1 As Tostado was there and the chapter
for the election of a new General was at hand, the envoys
travelled in absolute incognito, in civilian dress and
wearing
swords, and at first they went about their business in Rome
in secret and only with known friends. 2 At last the
question
was brought before the cardinalitial congregation of Bishops
and Regulars, at which Cardinal Montalto, the future Sixtus
V.,
especially took the part of Teresa. Nevertheless certain
final difficulties were raised by the new General, Caffardo,
who
proposed that the provinces should not be separated, but
that the provincials should be chosen alternately from the
reformed and the unre formed parties. The Pope was not
averse to this suggestion, and the envoys were about to
return
home without having accomplished their purpose when, during
the course of a farewell visit they were advised to bring
pressure to bear upon the Pope through Cardinal Alessandro
Sforza. Gregory XIII. allowed himself to be persuaded, 3
and on June 22nd, 1580, there followed the brief which
fulfilled
the desire of Teresa. 4 On March 3rd, 1581, there was opened
at Alcala the chapter which was to decree the separation of
the provinces, which appointed Gracian as provincial of the
reformed Carmelites, and which settled the constitutions of
the
Order. 5 The adherents of the primitive Carmelite rule now
numbered 300 friars, 200 nuns, and 22 houses of men and
women. 6
Teresa s life s work was now done ; between 1580 and
1582 she continued to found, with the usual difficulties,
five
more convents of women ; with her return from Avila on
October 4th, 1582, to Alba de Tomes, came the day she had so
long desired which was to end her " exile " in
this world. 7
Acta Sanct., n. 833, 836.
Ibid. 836, 876.
Ibid. 877.
Bull. Rom., VIII., 350 seq. ; cf. 247.
Acta Sanct., n. 879, 909 seqq., 916 seqq.
Bull. Rom., VIII., 351, 3.
For the tomb of St. Teresa cf. the article by W. FRANK in
the
Koln. Volkzeitung, 1909, n. 876.
THE HALL-MARK OF THE REFORM. 159
Not long before she had warned her former confessor and
director that her work, " The Citadel of the Soul
" was finished,
and had told him that she had attained to the degree of
mysti
cal union there described, 1 in which the soul is entirely
absorbed, but nevertheless is not hampered in its exterior
work, but is even helped in it, and is enabled to combine in
the most perfect way, for the honour of God, the life of
Mary
and Martha. 2
This union of the highest degree of contemplation with the
greatest possible activity in the world is in itself of
great
significance. Teresa desired that the same spirit should
animate her Order ; she rejoiced if her Carmelites devoted
themselves to apostolic works in preaching and in teaching
Christians, or attempted missionary work among the pagans
in the Congo. The convents of women, too, in her reform,
must dedicate all their prayers and exercises of penance to
the
salvation of souls. That still remains the hall-mark of the
reform which she inaugurated. The Carmelites who bear
Teresa s name have done great work in the missions to the
infidel ; in the foundation of Propaganda, as well as of the
seminary of the missions in Paris, the most influential
mission
ary body of modern times has been conspicuously that of the
Carmelites. 3 In theological science they have greatly dis
tinguished themselves by the colleges at Alcald and
Salamanca,
and by the great treatises published there dealing with the
whole of theology and philosophy. 4
One more violent struggle took place even after the death
of Teresa, before her ideas really penetrated the whole of
the
Order. 5 The Carmelites were in their origin a society of
hermits ; after they had been transferred to Europe they
still might expect to exercise an influence over their
contem
poraries, but for a long time there was a divergence of
opinion
1 Letter of November 8, 1581, LA FUENTE, LV.,
Moradas VII. c. i, LA FUENTE, LIII., 482^
3 R. STREIT in the Zeitschrift fur Missionswissenschaft, VII
.
(1907), 12, 14.
ZIMMERMANN in the Dictionnaire de theol. cath., III., 1785.
6 ZIMMERMANN in the Catholic Encyclopedia, III., 362.
l6o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
among them as to how fully they could combine the care of
souls with their original purpose of a life of
contemplation.
The first provincial of the reformed Carmelites, Gracian,
always
exercised his office in accordance with the spirit of
Teresa,
but his successor had quite different ideas ; this was
Nicol6
Doria, a Genoese who had come to Spain as the representative
of a bank, but who, after renouncing great wealth, had
entered
the Carmelite Order in 1577. ^ e recalled the missionaries
from the Congo, limited the care of souls as far as
possible,
resisted any further extension of the Order outside Spain,
and increased its austerity both as to its external manner
of
life and its government. Gracian was expelled from the Order
and John of the Cross banished to a distant convent. Thence
forward the reformed Carmelites of Spain were almost
entirely
a contemplative Order. The aims of Teresa were thus en
tirely frustrated in her own country, in one of the most im
portant points. But a marvellous dispensation of Providence
brought it about that Doria himsell founded at Genoa in
1584,
outside Spain, a convent of reformed Carmelites, which was
soon followed by others at Rome and Naples. On Italian
soil the Carmelite Order developed entirely on the lines
laid
down by Teresa, and thenceforward took on a new character,
and attained to new and greater importance. That which
the most distinguished men among the Carmelites from the
beginning of the XVth century had sought to do, by intro
ducing their own ideas on the basis of the powers which the
Canon Law had placed in their hands, but which they had
never succeeded in doing, had at length been happily carried
into effect by a simple nun in the cell of her convent, sup
ported only by contemplation and confidence in God, in the
midst of a thousand difficulties and even against the wishes
of her own superiors.
CHAPTER IV.
PHILIP NERI AND THE FOUNDATION OF THE ORATORY.
BORN in the same year as Teresa, 1515, and like to her on
account of his great natural gifts, the heights of mysticism
to which he attained, the loveableness of his character
which
drew all souls to him, and above all that cheerful humour
which
runs through all his life like a bright ray of sunshine,
Philip
Neri is another of the great reformers of the XVIth century.
1
1 Life by ANT. GALLONIO (Rome, 1600), PIETRO GIACOMO BACC X
(ibid. 1622, 1625, 1859, English translation by F. W. Faber
1845, 2. vols. New ed. with notes by F. J. Antrobus, 2 vols.
1902), GIROLAMO BARNABEO (ed. in Acta Sanct. Maii VI. ; re
issued Paris, 519-642, where (pp. 459-519) the life by
Gallonio
is given), DOMENICO MARIA MANNI (Intorno all emendare alcuni
pnnti delle Vite scritte di S. Filippo Neri, Florence,
1785), ALFONSO
CAPECELATRO (La vita di S. Filippo Neri, 3 books, Naples,
1879,
3rd, in his Opere vols. IX. and X., Rome-Tournay, 1889 ;
German
translation by LAGER, Freiburg, 1886, English translation by
THOMAS ALDER POPE, in 2 vols., London, 1882, new edition, in
i vol., London, 1926.) Cf. Jos. HILGERS in Stimmen aus
Maria-
Laach, XLVIII. (1895), 349 seqq., 485 seqq. ; JORGENSEN,
Romische Heiligenbilder, Einsiedeln, 1906, and E. GOLLER in
Merkle-Bess, Religiose Erzieher der kathol. Kirche, Leipzig,
1921 ; ibid, also an article by J. MUMBAUER on Teresa of
Jesus.
A study of the process of canonization of Philip Neri and of
his
correspondence with the house at Naples, preserved by the
Oratorians there, would give further information. Similar
docu
ments might be sought in the State Archives, Rome. The
Rev. Louis Ponelle, to whom I suggested these sources for
his
new life of St. Philip, unfortunately fell in the war of
1914. [Our
references are to Bacci in the last English edition of 1902,
and to Capecelatro in the English edition of 1926. The
researches
made by Abbe Ponnelle, which include the Process of Canoniza
tion, the Archives of the Oratory in Rome and Naples, and
other
VOL. XIX. l6l II
l62 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Just as in the case of Teresa the field of her direct
labours did
not extend beyond the borders of her own country, so was
Philip s sphere even more limited, namely to the circuit of
the Eternal City ; as the " Apostle of Rome " he
devoted to
her more than fifty years of labour, and to him more than to
anyone else was it due that as early as 1576 the Venetian
ambassador Paolo Tiepolo, was able to write that the whole
city had abandoned its former frivolity, that its customs
and manner of life were without any question moral and
Christian, so that it might be said that from the point of
view
of religion Rome was in a good state, and perhaps not far
removed from that perfection, of which human imperfection
is generally speaking capable. 1
Philip, who was a lively and cheerful boy, passed his first
years in his native city, Florence. 2 He soon showed his
capa
city for study ; he distinguished himself in profane
learning,
as later on he did in philosophy and theology ; he also had
a
natural gift for poetry and a keen appreciation of music.
Above
all, even as a boy, he displayed a keen sense of everything
that is noble and beautiful in the sphere of morals. The
Dominicans of S. Marco had a great influence upon him, and
in his later years he confessed himself indebted to them for
the whole of his spiritual training. 3 From them, too, he
learned a love for Savonarola, whose writings were among
his favourite books. 4
archives, were continued after his death by the Abb6 Bordet,
and have recently been published : PONNELLE ET BORDET,
Saint Philippe Ne>i et la Socie"te Romaine de
son temps (1515-
1595), Paris, 1928. Ed. note.]
1 " forse non molto lontano da quella perfezione che
puo ricever
1 imperfezione humana." P. TIEPOLO, 213 seq.
8 CAPECELATRO, 7 seqq. Particulars from the baptismal
registers at S. Giovanni, ibid. 6 note 2. For the family of
Philip
cf. Riv. del collegia araldico, X. (1912) ; for his
renunciation of
his property in favour of his sisters Caterina and
Elisabetta 1560 ;
Notarius de Comitibus prot. 622, in LANCIANI, IV., 71.
3 CAPECELATRO, p. 13.
* Ibid. 157 seqq. Cf. our account in Vol. VI. of this work,
p. 52.
PHILIP NERI GOES TO ROME. 163
At the age of eighteen Philip went to live with his cousin,
a rich merchant of the little city of San Germane, in order
to
be trained by him in commercial matters, so that he might
become his heir after the death of his cousin, who had no
children. The thoughts of the youth, however, were turned
to other things than the seeking for money and property.
At San Germane, too, he gave himself up to exercises of
piety. 1
and soon felt himself drawn to take a step as heroic as
those
once taken by Benedict of Nursia and Francis of Assisi, when
they turned their backs upon the world and its brilliant
allure
ments ; Philip made up his mind to leave his cousin and to
renounce his inheritance of 22,000 scudi and to begin a life
of the greatest poverty and abstemiousness, so as not to be
hampered in his relations with God and his thoughts of the
things of heaven. Without money or recommendations he
set out for the Eternal City, without any idea how he was to
find lodging or the necessary means of livelihood. 2 This
love
of poverty remained with him all through his life ; as he
used
to say, he prayed that the day might come when he was in
need of a single " grosso," and knew not where to
turn to
beg for it. 3
It so happened that Philip s noble bearing made at their
first meeting a favourable impression upon a Florentine
gentleman, Galeotto Caccia. Out of charity he gave him a
poor little room in his house adjoining S. Eustachio, 4 and
a
1 The house in which Philip lived is still preserved ; a
photo
graph in KERR, Pippo Buono, 2nd ed. London, 1927, p. 31.
2 CAPECELATRO, 25. It is not true to say that Philip was
disinherited by his father ; it is more correct to say that
he
passed on his inheritance to his sisters. Ibid. 17 seq.
3 Ibid. 27.
4 For the position of the house of Caccia cf. CAPECELATRO,
p. 34 ;
Andrea Belli in the Diario di Roma 1843, n. 43. The year of
Philip s coming to Rome is not certain ; Capecelatro (p. 16)
supposes him to have gone to San Germane at the beginning of
1533,
and at the end of 1534 or (p- 3 2 ) of !535 to Rome. In the
Cart.
Strozze I., i, 393 (reports from Rome in the time of Clement
VIII.)
it is stated : " He came from Florence to Rome in the
year 1536."
164 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
yearly allowance of corn ; in return for this Philip was to
undertake the care of the two boys of his host.
For sixteen years the ascetic youth led in Caccia s house a
life
of prayer and severe penance. 1 What were his favourite
thoughts, and what the ideas that had attracted him to Rome
may be gathered from those exercises of piety to which he
specially devoted himself. He very often visited the Seven
Churches of Rome with all their memories of the apostles
and martyrs, 2 and passed whole nights in prayer and medita
tion in the only catacomb that was accessible at that time,
that of St. Sebastian. 3 It was thus the primitive Church,
with its heroic spirit of faith and love of Christ, which
spread
itself as a picture before the eyes of his soul, and
inflamed his
heart with an insatiable thirst for a like heroic courage.
He
was able, without ever wearying, to pass ten years immersed
in such thoughts in the catacomb of St. Sebastian, and it
seemed to him as though during this prayer a burning fire
was kindled in his breast, so that he was obliged to tear
open
his clothing in order in some wise to cool this interior
fire. 4
This mystical state, which remained with him all his life,
reached its climax at the Pentecost of 1544 in an occurrence
which may be compared to the stigmata of St. Francis, the
explanation of which the historian, less than anyone else,
is
called upon to give. 5 In an altogether extraordinary
manner,
while he was praying in a chapel in the catacomb of St.
Sebas
tian, 6 he felt himself filled with the love of God, and at
the
same time, as though it was necessary to give more room for
the violent beating of his heart, he discovered, after the
occur
rence was over, that over his heart there was a swelling
larger
than a man s fist ; medical examination after his death
showed
that two of the false ribs had been forced outwards, and the
connexion between the bone and the cartilage of the ribs
1 CAPECELATRO, p. 34.
1 Ibid. p. 55 seq.
* Ibid. p. 66.
* Ibid. p. 70.
Ibid. p. 75.
* Photograph in KERR, Pippo Buono, p. 54.
" PIPPO BUONO." 165
broken, without, however causing him any pain. 1 This may
be described as his consecration as the apostle of the love
of
God, for a divine love, which attracted his heart and his
whole
person with wonderful force to compassion and deep humility,
together with an unchanging joyfulness and gaiety, and a
great
love for all men he was commonly known as " Pippo Buono
"
is the outstanding characteristic of Philip s nature. If any
one really loves God, so he thought, he will no longer
attach
any importance to the life of this world, 2 for to do so
hinders
the vision of God.
Soon he could no longer endure the solitude of the house of
Caccia ; the love of God urged him to the service of his
neighbour, and his enthusiasm for the Rome of the apostles
and martyrs filled him with the desire to be able to labour
against the moral decadence of the capital of the world,
1 Angelo Vettori (Victorius) who made the examination,
published a work on the subject, Historia palpi tationis
cordis
ruptarumque costarum Philippi Nerii, Rome, 1613 (GuRLT-
HIRSCH, Lexikon der hervorragendsten Artze aller Zeiten VI.,
Vienna-Lei psig, 1888, 102). The celebrated physician and
botanist
Andrea Cesalpino says in his Katoptron sive Speculum artis
medicae hippocraticum, 1. 6, c. 20 (Frankfort, 1605, 476) :
" Re-
pertum est Romae nuper in b. Philippe Nerio sacerdote, qui
saepius in palpitationem cordis incidebat ex vehement!
extasi,
cor valde amplum et arteria, quae ducit in pulmonem, duplo
latior naturali. Eidem duae costae mendosae in latere
sinistro
abruptae a suis cartilagiiiibus follis ins tar elevabantur
et deprime-
bantur, dum palpitationem pateretur, quo remedio divinitus
servatus est, ne extingueretur usque ad annum
octogesimum."
Other physicians also wrote in confirmation of the
occurrence
(BENEDICT XIV., De Canonizat. IV., P., i c., 19 n., 25 seq.
:
Opera Omnia, Bassani, 1767). Information given by Philip
himself to Cardinal Federico Borromeo concerning the beating
of his heart in GALLONIO c. 2, n. 13. Acta Sanct., Mai VI.,
463,
c f- 5 2 3- Cf- KNELLER in Zeitschrift fur kathol. Theol.
XLI. (1917),
497 seqq. As well as Cesalpino, there was to be found among
the
admirers of Philip the botanist Mercati (for him see vol,
XVII, of
this work, p. 114, and infra, p. 260).
* CAPECELATRO, p. 54.
l66 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and the profanation of its holy places. In his humility he
had as yet no thought of the priesthood. He nevertheless
resumed with brilliant success his study of philosophy at
the
Sapienza, and of theology under the Augustinians, 1 but he
once more abandoned his studies and chose for his field of
reforming zeal that which would be looked upon as the
simplest and the least noticeable. He went to the hospitals,
and there tended the sick, and by his readiness and love in
serving them he won their hearts and spoke to them of God
and
their conversion. His zeal was rewarded with abundant fruit.
2
A reformer could not well have begun his work in a more
humble way, yet it was from the labours of Philip by the
bedside of the sick that was developed the most
characteristic
part of the apostolate of Rome. The extraordinary results
that he obtained with the sick drew men s attention to him,
led others to imitate him, and attracted to him priests and
laymen, nobles and common folk, as his pupils and disciples.
3
He went to the public squares, to the warehouses and the
shops,
and there he spoke, as he spoke to his sick, not in the
pompous
style of the humanist, but after the manner of intimate con
versation. Gradually abundant means for the exercise
of his works of charity were placed in his hands ; 4 he made
use of them to save poor girls from dishonour, and to assist
promising youths in their studies ; to many he showed the
way to the cloister.
In 1548 Philip laid the foundations of the first of his
great
institutions. 5 Together with his confessor, Persiano Rosa,
6
just as once Gaetano di Tiene had done, he united together
fifteen simple men in the confraternity of the Most Holy
Trinity. The object of this association was the care of the
1 Ibid. p. 38 seq.
2 Ibid. p. 47. Cf. PERICOLI, L ospedale di S. Maria della
Consolazione, Imola, 1879, 126.
3 CAPECELATRO, p. 48.
4 Ibid. p. 84.
6 Ibid. p. 78.
* A contemporary portrait of P. Rosa in the periodical San
F Hippo Neri, Rome, 1894, n. 11-12.
THE PILGRIMS. 167
poor pilgrims to Rome, and of the convalescent sick who were
still in need of care. The brothers assembled regularly in
the
little church of S. Salvatore in Campo, 1 in the Rione della
Regola, in order to receive the sacraments together, and for
their mutual edification by means of simple discourses.
Under Philip s guidance the confraternity quickly developed,
especially after the pilgrims of the year of jubilee in 1550
had
everywhere sung its praises. At the next jubilee (1575) more
than 200,000 strangers came under their pious care, and
fifty
years later about 600,000. In 1614, in the place of the old
church of S. Benedetto in Arenula which had been assigned
to it by Pius IV., the confraternity was able to build a new
and
splendid church, the SS. Trinita dei Pellegrini. 2 The rich
indulgences which had been granted to it by Pius IV., were
lost in the legislation of Pius V., but Gregory XIII. again
restored them. 3
In 1551 a new period in Philip s life began. He had already
laboured for twelve years like the most zealous priest,
without
however being in orders. Now, however, at length, yielding
to the pressure of his confessor, he received the sacred
orders
in the church of S. Tommaso in Parione, 4 and joined himself
1 Cf. as to this M. ARMELLINI, 594 (2nd. ed., p. 407).
Picture
of the church as reconstructed in KERR, loo. cit. 59.
2 ARMELLINI, 152 seq. MORICHINI, Istituti di carita, I.,
Rome,
1870, 7. Cf. HILGERS, 352 ; HERBERT THURSTON, The Holy
Year of Jubilee, London, 1900, 262-9. For the Jubilee of
1775
the registers of the Confraternity give 271,970 pilgrims,
and for
1825 the number is 273,299 (Hist. Polit. Blatter, XL, 1843,
737 seq.}.
For the confraternity in the XlXth century, ibid. 737-41.
3 Bull of Pius IV., April 29, 1560, Bull. Rom., VII., 23
seqq.
Revocation of all the indulgences attached to the giving of
alms,
ibid. 535 seqq., a fresh confirmation of the confraternity
by Gregory
XIII. , March 27, 1576, ibid. VIII. , 530 seqq. Pius V. also
granted
it privileges on March 21, 1571, ibid. VII., 901 seqq. Its
protector
was at that time the Cardinal of Augsburg, ibid. Cf.
LADERCHI,
1571, n. 173.
4 Cf. in FORCELLA, VII., 542, the commemorative inscription
which is still preserved ; cf. L. DOREZ, Rabelaesiana,
Paris, 1905,
37 seqq.
l68 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to certain excellent priests who managed the confraternity
della Carita, founded by Giulio de Medici, afterwards Pope
Clement VII., in 1519, l and who led a common life at
S. Girolamo della Carita in the Via Monserrato. 2
Henceforward Philip was in a position to do a much greater
work for the moral regeneration of Rome. To this end he
laboured as a confessor in a way beyond all description. 3
From early morning he was occupied in hearing confessions ;
it was only towards mid-day that he made a break in order
to celebrate holy mass with touching devotion and with many
tears, almost as though in ecstasy ; 4 in the evening he was
1 Cf. our account in Vol. X. of this work, p. 393 ; TACCHI-
VENTURI, I., 358. For the church of S. Girolamo della Carita,
restored in 1600, cf. ARMELLINI, 282 seq., and CAPOGROSSI
GUARNA
in // Buonarroti, 3rd ser., Vol. I. (June, 1884). Photograph
in
KERR, Pippo Buono, p. 83. Ibid. p. 65 the approach to his
room now changed into a chapel, and p. 70 the Oratory itself
where Philip lived for a generation. For the relics of the
saint
preserved there see DE WAAL, Roma Sacra, 174.
2 CAPECELATRO, p. 102 seqq. In the archives of the arch-
confraternity of S. Girolamo, Philip is named for the first
time
on July 12, 1552. In the ordinary congregation of the confra
ternity leave of absence having been granted for Christmas
to
the priest Francesco Marsuppini of Arezzo, Philip was
appointed
his deputy " cum eisdem honoribus et oneribus, et col
patto, che
al ritorno del suddetto p. Francesco gli debba restituere il
suo
luogo." On June 13, 1553, Philip addressed a petition
to the
Confraternity : " Deinde D. Philippus Florentinus
renuntiavit
salarium pro servitio futurum, offerens servire velle suo
arbitro."
In the year 1558 he is among the deputies and taking part at
the
meetings of the Congregation. (PASQUETTI, 56). According to
MERKLE (Cone. Trid., II., 170, on the strength of the
Diarium of
Massarelli, VI., April 26, 1550) he had been in the
preceding year
one of the representatives of Duke Cosimo for the obedientia
to
Julius III. It was not, however, Philip Neri but Filippo dei
Nerli,
the historian, who was at the head of that embassy. Cf.
KNELLER
in Zeitschrift fur kath. Theol., XLI. (1917), 472 seq.
8 CAPECELATRO, p. 107.
4 Ibid. p. 108.
HIS FIRST DISCIPLES. 169
again to be found in the confessional until late at night.
During those forty years of his priesthood countless
thousands
opened their consciences to him, and he had the gift of
sending
them away new men. Moreover he knew at the same time how
to multiply himself, by inspiring others with his own zeal
and preparing them to be his fellow workers in yet wider
fields. 1 He did not preach in the churches, but gathered
together a few friends in his own room, generally in the
afternoon, and spoke to them of spiritual things, of the
goodness of God, of the transitory nature of the things of
this
world, in the same simple way that he had been accustomed
to do when he was a layman. His own personal emotion
made a deep impression. Soon Philip s room was too small
for the crowd of visitors ; he gathered round himself a
growing
body of disciples and followers, among whom were men of the
greatest eminence for their noble birth or their learning,
such
as Giovanni Battista Salviati and many who belonged to
the most distinguished cardinalitial families ; besides the
learned physician Modio, 2 there were the Florentine ambassa
dor, Alessandro de Medici, who afterwards ascended the
Papal throne as Leo XL, Francesco Maria Tarugi, the near
relative of Julius III. and Marcellus II., 3 as well as
Baronius,
afterwards Cardinal. 4
These two favourite disciples, Tarugi and Baronius, are
eloquent proof of the wonderful influence exercised by the
personality of Philip even at that time. Tarugi had no
other thought than to secure his career at the Papal court,
but when the twenty-nine year old courtier met Philip in
1556, it needed but a few words of conversation with him for
the ambitious young man to be entirely changed. Tarugi
1 Ibid. p. 114 seq.
2 Editor of the poems of Jacopone da Todi (Rome, 1558,
Naples,
1615) ; see BOHMER in Romanischen Studien, I. (1871), 140.
3 CAPECELATRO, p. r32 seq. " Pronepos fuit cardinalis
Antonii
de Monte, nepos autem lohannis magni rnagistri
lerosolymitanae
militiae, qui lulium III., SS. Pontificem habuit
patruum,"
Gallia Christiana, I., 835.
4 CAPECELATRO, p. 181 seqq.
170 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
gave up his worldly life, and devoted himself to prayer, the
study of the Holy Scriptures, and to works of charity. 1
Baronius, who came to Rome on October 22nd, 1557, at the
age of nineteen, 2 chose Philip for his confessor ; 3 by
December
8th in the same year he already looked back upon his past
life with sorrow, 4 and very soon entered the circle of the
intimate friends of that perfect reader of hearts.
Everything,
he wrote to his father in 1562, would turn out for his
advantage
if he followed the guidance of his master, but if he
departed
from his advice even in the smallest things he would be sure
to repent of it, while he feared the most serious
consequences
if he were to withdraw himself from his obedience. 5 It was
1 Ibid p 135
a On October 23, 1557, he wrote to his father : *"
Siamo arrivati
venerdi a sera qui in Roma." Vallicella Library, Rome,
Cod. Q.
46. For Baronius cf. HIERON. BARNABEO, Vita Caesaris
Baronii,
Rome, 1651 ; C. Baronii Epistulae et opuscula pleraque mine
primum ex archetypis in lucem eruta, ed. RAYM. ALBERICUS
(incomplete), 3 vols. Rome, 1759 ; LAEMMER, Analecta 65-74
>
the same, De Caesaris Baronii litterarum commercio diatriba,
Freiburg im Breisgau, 1903 ; GENEROSO CALENZIO, La vita e
gli
scritti del cardinal C. Baronio, Rome, 1907 ; Per Cesare
Baronio.
Scritti vari nel terzo centenario della sua morte, Rome,
1911 ;
SAVIO in Civilta catt., 1907, III., 3-20, 159-75.
3 See the deposition of Baronius at the process of
canonization
of St. Philip, published in CALENZIO, 948.
4 See the letter of Baronius of that date, CALENZIO, 13 seq.
5 *State con 1 animo quieto che ho tal maestro e guida, che
spero, se da me non restera, che opera in me che voi ne
habbiate ad
essere molto contento e Dio ne sara molto servito. . . .
Pregate
dunque Iddio che mi faccia obediente a lui, che certo sempre
che
io ho voluto far la sua obedienza, ogni cosa m e riuscita in
bene
et I havermi Iddio liberate alii mesi passati dall insidie
di quelli
ladri quali robborno gl altri : sappiate ci6 essere state
per suo
merito et santa obedienza. E di questo ve ne potria
racontare
cose miraculose et di grande importanza, come all incontro,
se in
alcuna cosa ancora minima ho voluto preterire la sua
obedienza,
sempre me ne son trovato male. E credo certo, che s io
tornassi
a voi senza sua santa volunta, che tutto 1 inferno si
scatenarebbe
contro di me et in poco tempo arebbe in grave scandalo a
tutti
TARUGI AND BARONIUS. 171
a virile spirit that Philip s direction planted in him ;
Baronius
wrote to his mother that she must pray to God for him in
order that he might become another Stephen or Lawrence, or
one of the great martyrs : " This is my desire : may
the
love that unites you to me be such that you may be able to
act like those Christian women of the first ages who, with
eager desire and joy, led their own sons to martyrdom ; she
indeed thought herself happy who was worthy to have a
martyr son." 1 In these two men, so highly endowed
intel
lectually, their veneration for Philip remained until
extreme
old age, even after his death. Later on Tarugi, when he was
a Cardinal and Archbishop of Avignon, made it his boast
that he had been for fifty years with Philip as a novice in
the
Congregation ; Baronius, after the death of his master, in
words of the deepest emotion, in his great historical work
of the Annals, declared himself before all the world, and in
every way, the disciple of Philip; he attributes to him the
credit
for his learned works, and thanks him for the fact that when
he
was a young man and found himself alone amid the dangers of
the Rome of that time, he did not suffer moral shipwreck. 2
et ogni piccola tentatione mi aterrarebbe. Onde hora essendo
aiutato dalli suoi santi meriti et orationi sono come
pulcino sotto
1 ali della bioccha : ne temo se ben tutto 1 inferno s
armasse
contra di me ; e mentre sono in sua protettione, mi trovo
allegro
e contento e tutto satisfatto. Aiutatemi a ringratiare Iddio
di
tanto beneficio d avermi dato un si perfetto Padre
spirituale ;
e pregate Dio, ch io ne facci frutto. Baronius to his
father,
March 22, 1562, Vallicella Library, Rome, Q. 46, f. 33 ; 56,
f. 3,
used by BARNABEO, Vita Baronii 21.
1 Letter of December 3, 1563, in LAEMMER, Diatriba, 38.
2 " Imprimis apostolico spiritu nos saepe parturiit, et
ab ipsa
adulescentia eiusdem spiritus freno coercuit, cohibuitque a
lubrico
iuvenilis aetatis procurentis ad malum." (Annales,
VIII.,
Philippe gratiarum actio ; also in BARNABEO, loc. cit.).
Baronius
also took the opportunity in his Martyrologium Romanum, on
August 23, when speaking of the Florentine St. Philip
Benizi,
to speak of the other Florentine St. Philip Neri : "
sanctitate et
puritate vitae atque eximia in Deum et proximum caritate
clarissi-
mo, quern sanctorum consortio perfrui in coelis miracula
crebra
testantur."
172 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
By the years 1557-1558 it would seem that the number of
Philip s disciples had risen to several hundred ; l a
special
chapel was erected for their meetings over one of the aisles
of S. Girolamo della Carita, to which Philip gave the name
of the Oiatory. The way in which these meetings were
held has been described to us by Baronius. 2 First they
knelt
together in silent prayer, and then followed some pious
reading upon which Philip commented, or made explanatory
remarks. Sometimes he also asked those present to give their
opinions, and thus the meeting was continued for about
an hour in the form of conversation. There then followed
three
discourses of half an hour, the subjects of which were taken
from the lives of the saints, the Holy Scriptures, and from
the Fathers of the Church or ecclesiastical history ; some
singing and a short prayer brought the meeting to an end.
And " when this arrangement had been established and
approved by the Pope," Baronius continues, " it
seemed as
though the beautiful days of the first Christians, with
their
apostolic assemblies, had been revived and adapted to the
conditions of the times." That these meetings at the
Oratory
made an extraordinary impression is also borne witness to
from other sources ; a pilgrim of 1568 assures us that these
gatherings had given him greater pleasure and comfort than
all the other beauties of the Eternal City. 3
1 CAPECELATRO, p. 146.
2 Annales, a. 57, n. 164. Baronius attributes a special
share
in the foundation and maintenance of the Oratory to Tarugi,
who was held in high esteem by Gregory XIII. (see supra p.
54),
and who was its " dux verbi " (App. n. 14). The
description by
Tarugi of the meetings at S. Maria in Vallicella (see infra,
p. 180)
taken from the archives of the Oratorians in Rome has been
recently published by CALENZIO (Vita, 132 seq.}. The
*Memorial
to Gregory XIII. of January, 1578, concerning the method and
manner in which the meetings at the Oratory had been held
for
20 years, in App. n. 13
8 See CAPECELATRO, p. 144 ; TACCHI VENTURI, I., 260. Cf.
the letter of Giovenale Ancina of May 28, 1576, in BARNABEO,
c. 7, n. 91 ; Acta Sanct., n. 535 ; SONZONIO, 1. i, c. 14,
n. 8, p. 61.
THE ORATORY. 173
The importance of the Oratory for the moral regeneration
of Rome lay especially in the fact that a chosen number of
pious and eminently intellectual laymen 1 were thus
instructed
in the interior life and given a deep understanding of
Christianity, and that they afterwards, each in his own sur
roundings, spread the lessons they had learned from Philip
and gave them effect. It was a lay apostolate that St.
Philip instituted, and the Oratory was to serve as the
instru
ment for carrying his ideas to every class of the people.
On feast days the circle of his hearers was enlarged beyond
those who took part in the ordinary assemblies. In the after
noon there was only one discourse at the Oratory, and then
they went out, either to the beautiful site on the heights
of
S. Onofrio, which was also so dear to Torquato Tasso, whence
a splendid panorama of Rome and the surrounding mountains
rejoiced the eye, 2 or to the Villa Mattei, whence could be
enjoyed a no less beautiful view over the Campagna. 3 When
the great heat began Philip chose some church for these
meetings ; all could take part, and Philip made every effort
to attract many people. Generally a short discourse was
delivered by a boy, which not infrequently made a deeper
impression than the words of the most experienced preacher.
The intervals between the discourses were filled with music.
These feast day assemblies, which in winter were carried on
until the evening and joined to the ordinary exercises, made
a
very great impression and attracted crowds of people. 4
Of the discourses delivered at the Oratory naturally none
have come down to us, but for that very reason the hymns
1 " Qui ardentiori studio christianam vitam excolerent
"
(Baronius, loc. cit.}. Cf. TACCHI VENTURI, I., 263. Philip
imposed grave obligations on the habitual frequenters of the
Oratory ; cf. GALLONIO, n. 32 ; Acta Sanct., n. 467.
2 An amphitheatre with steps for seats at S. Onofrio is
still
pointed out to-day as the place where Philip gathered his
disciples.
8 An inscription upon a bench at the south corner of the
villa
shows the place " where Philip discoursed with his
disciples of
heavenly things." Picture in KERR, Pippo Buono, p. 78.
4 BARNABEO, c. 7, n. 88, p. 535.
174 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
which remain, and which were there performed are all the
more important. 1 Some of these were expressly composed
or at any rate adapted for the Oratory, for Philip numbered
among his disciples a graceful poet in Agostino Manni (died
1618), and a distinguished composer in Francesco Soto
(died 1619). His keen insight, which was able to draw all
that was beautiful and noble even from natural means for
the purposes of his Oratory, made use of their talents in
order
to deepen the impression produced by the discourses. Thus
the hymns of the Oratory, like the reflection of a mirror,
give
us back its spirit and its aims, and make it possible for us
in later times to give new life to the thoughts with which
the
preacher then laid before his hearers the vanity of the
things
of earth, which endure for but a moment, the eternal value
of
supernatural things, the hatefulness of sin, the horrors of
death and of eternal punishment. If this world, it is said
for example in a hymn on the beauty of heaven, if this vale
of tears, this stormy sea, this battle-field so filled with
endless
wars, seems to us so beautiful, what one day will heaven be,
the dwelling place of peace, the safe haven, the place where
the victor will be crowned ? Let us then leave this gloomy
valley, Christ shows us the way when he tells us to carry
the Cross. 2 As this hymn clearly shows, Philip not only
1 Cf. for what follows KNELLER in Zeitschrift fur kathol.
Theol.
XLI., (1917), 260 seqq.
2 Se questa valle de miserie piena
Par cosi amena e vaga, hor che fia quella
Beata e bella region di pace
Patria verace ?
Se questo tempestoso mar di pianto
dolce tanto a chi con fragil barca
Errando il varca, qual gioia e conforto
Sera nel porto ?
Se grato e il campo ove il crudel nemico
Per odio antico guerra ogn hor ci move,
Che fia la dove al vincitor si dona
L alta corona ?
HYMNS IN THE VERNACULAR. 175
sought to fill men with fear of sin, but he had it very much
in
mind to inflame his disciples to follow Christ in their
daily
lives, to seek bravely after virtue, to zeal in the service
of God,
and to this end to kindle in them that courage and
resolution
which become the soldier of Christ. He that would undertake
the fight for heaven is also the subject of these hymns,
bidding
him take courage and become the true knight of Christ.
If he has no courage he turns back at once, or takes to
flight
at the first alarm. " Thou, O Lord, hast suffered
everything
for me, and hast died upon the field of battle, but I, on
the
contrary, can endure neither fire nor scourge for Thee, but
tremble at a jest from the lips of a child. Therefore I must
again take up, and for ever, my discarded shield." 1
Deh lasciam dunque questa oscura valle,
II dritto calle della via smarrita
Christo ne addita, e dice : O pellegrino
Ecco il camino ;
Prendi la croce, e drieto a me t invia :
lo son la via, io sono il vero duce,
Che ti conduce alia citta superna
Di gloria eterna.
1 Chi vuol seguir la guerra,
Per far del ciel acquisto,
Su, levisi da terra,
Et venga a farsi cavallier di Christo.
Chi non ha cuor, non vada,
Chi teme d arco o fiomba
Ritornisi per strada,
Che poi non fugga al primo suon di tromba.
Tu dolce mio Signore,
Perch io non fussi vincto,
Soflristi ogni dolore
E n campo aperto rimanesti estinto.
Et io per te ne foco
Sopporto, ne flagello :
Ma temo un picciol gioco
De fanciulli, che dican : vello, vello.
176 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Naturally at Christmas and Easter, and on the feasts of the
Madonna, the poet would strike another note in order to
express the feeling of the solemnity. In a poem intended
for the Visitation of Our Lady the poet describes, for
example,
a chaste and comely virgin climbing the steep mountain
paths ; he does not dare to praise her because she is more
beautiful than the sun and the moon ; the flowers and plants
smile upon her, the trees bend down their green branches,
the wild beasts forget their ferocity ; the ripples of the
stream
in the shady valley murmur, while the birds sweetly sing,
" Ave Maria." 1
All these hymns were composed under Philip s eye, and it
is not impossible that some of them were composed by him.
In contrast to the ancient popular hymns which are composed
in verse of fixed and regular form, 2 those of the Oratory
employ all the various poetical methods of that time, and
thus
afford a great wealth of different poetical forms. From the
che grave cordoglio !
Lo scudo che gittai
Hoggi ripigliar voglio,
Ripigliar voglio, e non lasciarlo mai !
1 Per aspri monti vidi girne lieta
Vergine saggia e bella,
La qual lodar non oso con parole,
Che di splendor avanza luna e sole.
Ridean intorno a lei 1 herbette e i fiori,
Gli alberi d ogni banda
Chinavan le frondose cime altiere,
Lasciavan 1 orgoglio ancor le fiere.
Sentiasi il mormorar delle chiar onde
Per quelle ombrose valli,
I vaghi augei con dolce melodia
Cantando parean dir : Ave Maria.
1 Philip knew these poems. An English Catholic, whose
acquaintance I made here in Rome in 1901, Mr. Grissell, of
Oxford,
possessed a copy of the Laude di Frate Jacopone da Todi, in
which Philip had written his name with his own hand.
THE SEVEN CHURCHES. 177
point of view of music they are deserving of the closest
atten
tion of the historian. Philip s last years coincide with
that
period in the history of music which saw the completion of
the
transition from counterpoint and polyphony to melody, and
from the old ecclesiastical chant to the new scale in the
major
and minor tones. The music of the Oratory was directed
entirely along the new paths.
If the gatherings at S. Onofrio on festival days attracted
great numbers, the same was true in an even greater degree
of another device which Philip had thought of in the religious
interests of his beloved Romans. Mindful of the deep impres
sion that he had himself received in his youth by his visits
to the seven principal churches of Rome, St. Peter s, the
Lateran, St. Mary Major, St. Paul s, St. Lawrence, Holy
Cross
in Jerusalem, and St. Sebastian, he arranged a public visit
to these sanctuaries during one of the days of Carnival, or
at Easter-tide. The result showed that this great man had
thereby accurately gauged the taste of the Romans. At first
only some twenty or thirty companions accompanied him on
this pilgrimage, but before long the number of the pilgrims
grew to several thousands, and great prelates and even Popes
joined the procession. 1 For centuries this public
pilgrimage
became a favourite devotion of the citizens as well as of
strangers who came on pilgrimage to Rome, for it was an
exercise in which the most sacred memories of the Redeemer,
the apostles and the martyrs, the poetry of a walk in spring
time, and a severe spirit of penance were united to innocent
recreation, and the devotion of each, shared as it was with
so many others, was increased and rekindled again and again.
The citizens of Rome especially had once more brought home
to them in a sensible way the treasure they possessed in
her,
when the great procession left the enclosure of the old grey
walls in order to go through silent roads, mid gardens and
1 CAPECELATRO, pp. 146, 287. In the entrance hall of the
chapel
of St. Isidore on the road to the Seven Churches, the
learned
Oratorian, Generoso Calenzio, had the following words of
Philip
Neri engraved : " Sarai sarai e poi ? e poi tutto
passa. Paradiso,
paradise."
VOL. XIX. 12
178 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
vineyards, to the basilicas outside the city. 1 That
Christian
Rome which during the Renaissance had to some extent been
thrown into the shade by pagan Rome, now once more came
back to the possession of its full rights.
This happy inspiration and these institutions raised Philip
to the position of being the apostle of all Rome. He was,
moreover, endowed with extraordinary qualities. He knew
how to deal with all classes of the population, and in each
case to hit upon the subject that would arouse a response,
with Cardinals of great lineage, with the nobility, with the
sick in the hospitals and with the beggar in the street. The
effects he produced, the conviction that he worked miracles,
2
and that he not infrequently read the secrets of men s
hearts, 3
gave him an immense reputation. His conspicuous charity,
quite disinterested and ready to make every sacrifice for
men,
as well as the tact with which he could adapt his demands to
each one s strength, won for him the confidence of all. His
loving and serene nature, far removed from any sort of
reserve,
and his sound common sense entirely removed any feeling of
fear, and made him the favourite of the Romans. Philip
had a special power of attracting the young, 4 and he made a
quite special use of this in order to build up by their
means
a new Christian Rome. For them he was ready to make every
sacrifice of his time and convenience ; he took them out for
walks in the country, he took part in their games, and
allowed
them to play at ball outside his room ; "so long as
they do
not sin," he said, " they may chop wood upon my
back." 5
1 Cf. BARBIER DE MONTAULT, Oeuvres, VI., 31 ; ARMELLINI,
La visita delle sette chiese e san Filippo Neri, Rome, 1894
;
LAEMMER, Diatriba, 35. F. HETTINGER, Aus Welt und Kirche,
I., Freiburg, 1897, 60 seqq. M. MESCHLER in Stimmen aus
Mana-
Laach, LVIII. (1900), 19 seqq., 153 seqq. The periodical 5.
Filippo Neri, A. II. (1922), Nr. 5.
2 CAPECELATRO, 222, 398.
3 Ibid. p. 442 seq.
* Ibid. p. 196 seq.
Ibid. p. 201.
S. GIOVANNI DEI FIORENTINI 179
In some matters, especially in the struggle against the
sensu
ality of southern countries, he gave them strict rules of
conduct, but for the rest he principally wished to see
young folk cheerful, and did not desire for them any
excessive exercises of piety, but rather fidelity to those
which they had undertaken. 1
If Philip Neri s work was to survive its author, it was
necessary that he should establish an association of priests
who could carry it on. Philip s humility long resisted any
such step, until at length circumstances made him, as it
were,
against his will, the founder of an Order. As early as 1558
2
a number of priests at S. Girolamo looked upon him as their
actual superior. Their number increased when in 1562 ten
priests who were living in community, and were serving the
church of S. Giovanni dei Fiorentini, asked for him as their
head, and the orders of Pius IV. compelled him to accept
this
title. Philip sent some of his priests to S. Giovanni, among
them Baronius, who in 1562 had just received sacerdotal
orders ; for ten years these came three times a day to St.
Philip and to the exercises of the Oratory at S. Girolamo,
until in 1574 the Florentines built them an oratory of their
own in their church. 3 At S. Giovanni Philip s disciples
served
in turn in the kitchen, each one for a week ; it was at that
time that Baronius, in the joyful alacrity of his humility,
perpetuated his name with the inscription written upon the
fire-place in the kitchen : " Caesar Baronius coquus
per-
petuus " (cook for ever). 4
1 Cf. his " Documenti spirituali diretti specialmente
alia
gioventu," in BACCI.
2 The inscription in the house of S. Girolamo della Carita,
where Philip lived, mentions this year ; see CALENZIO, 32.
3 CAPECELATRO, p. 221 seq.
4 Ibid. p. 191. CALENZIO, 86. In the refectory at San Gio
vanni there are still the tables along the benches fastened
to the
walls, at which Philip ate with his disciples. The pulpit,
too,
from which he preached to the people has been taken there
from
the church. Cf. DE WAAL, Roma Sacra, 465. A picture in the
very rare periodical San Filippo Neri, Rome, 1894, 15-16.
l8o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In the meantime the number of priests among Philip s
disciples had sensibly increased. 1 Their master still had
no
idea of gathering them together in the form of a
congregation,
when an unpleasant incident convinced him of the necessity
of such a step. 2 A priest had been received into the house
at S. Giovanni, but on account of his unsuitableness had
been
dismissed ; in revenge he spread such calumnies against
Philip
and his followers that the Florentines in Rome were on the
point
of driving him out of S. Giovanni. From this it was easy to
see on what insecure foundations he was building so long as
he
had not a house and church which he could call his own.
Yielding to the insistence of his disciples Philip decided
to
accept one of two churches which were offered to him.
Gregory XIII. himself decided the choice in favour of S.
Maria
in Vallicella. 3 The brief of July 27th, 1575, which granted
this church with all its rights and revenues to Philip and
his
disciples is the foundation document of the Congregation of
the
Oratory. 4 Instead of restoring the small and ruined church
Philip had it pulled down and erected in its place a larger
and
more beautiful one which has been called, down to our own
times, the Chiesa Nuova. 5 In January 1578 the Congregation
numbered, with priests and lay-brothers, thirty-eight
persons
in all. 6 Baronius moved to the Vallicella with Francesco
Maria Tarugi and Giovanni Antonio Lucci as early as August
ist, 1578, 7 but Philip only took up his abode in the new
house
1 According to CAPECELATRO (p. 263) as many as 100.
2 Ibid. p. 264.
8 Ibid. p. 277.
" Bull. Rom., VIII., 541 seqq. A "brief of July,
1577, " pro
Congregatione presbyterorum S. Mariae in Vallicella de Urbe
(donatio vineae cum domo et canneto) " in the Archives
of Briefs,
Rome.
* Cf. also more fully, Vol. XX. of this work.
6 CAPECELATRO (p. 263) gives 130 ; on the other hand, a manu
script *Elenco dei membri della Congregazione of January,
1578,
only gives 38 (Papal Secret Archives ; see App. n. 13).
7 He says so in a letter to his father of August 14, 1578,
in
CALENZIO, 148.
THE CONGREGATION OF THE ORATORY. l8l
on November 22nd, 1583, by the advice of Gregory XIII.
He chose for himself the worst rooms. 1
The new congregation, by Philip s wish, was not to be a
religious Order, nor was it ever to become one. Its members
The Fathers of S. Maria della Vallicella as they were
called, 2 were bound by no vow ; they remained secular
priests, and retained their own property, from which,
following
the example of the first Christians, each was to contribute
to the common life ; as soon as anyone wished to do so he
could leave. Charity was to be the sole bond that united
the Congregation ; it alone compelled the members to obey,
just as though they had been united under a vow of
obedience,
and to live as though they were the members of a regular
Order. The Oratorians had no superior-general ; an exception
1 " Piglio le manco bene et manco commode stantie che
fossero
in casa per poter star piu retirato che potea, ne ci seria
venuto
senza li fosse stato ordinato da P. Gregorio XIII," says
P. Pateri
in the *Memorie (Papal Secret Archives) mentioned supra p.
182,
n. 3. The room in which Philip lived until his death was
most
lamentably destroyed in a fire. His bed and confessional
were
saved, and are now to be found in the cloister attached to
S.
Maria in Vallicella, in a room on the upper floor, the
ceiling of
which is decorated by a painting by Pietro da Cortona. In
its
original state has come down to us the small adjoining room
which served the saint as a chapel, and with it the altar.
On
the wall hangs the Byzantine triptych (Mary in the centre,
and
angels at the sides) which Philip took with him when he
visited
the sick ; there is also preserved the little bell which was
rung at
his mass there. Many relics of the saint are to be seen in
the sacristy of S. Maria in Vallicella, kept in five
cupboards.
There, besides some clothes (among them the cloak in which
he went to see the Pope, and the jacket given him by Pius
V.)
are his watch, spectacles, wooden spoon, discipline, chalice,
bed-
crucifix, and, lastly, his death-mask. Cf. the pictures in
the
special number of the Voce della verita, 1905, n. 122. Other
pictures in the periodical San F Hippo Neri, Rome, 1894.
2 *" I padri di S. Maria della Vallicella sono di un
vita molto
esemplare," wrote Odescalchi on July i, 1581, Gonzaga
Archives,
Mantua.
l82 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
f was made in the case of Philip himself when in 1587 he was
declared the common father of the whole congregation. Each
Oratory is independent of the others and chooses its own
superior. The few general principles which regulated the
common life of the Oratory were not written down in the
e of Philip ; that was only done later on, in 1612. 1
The spreading of his Congregation after the manner of the
great Orders had no place in Philip s intentions, yet it
took
root in several cities of Italy and in one case also in
France.
In 1575 a first attempt to transplant the Oratory to Milan
failed ; Cardinal Borromeo had asked for some Oratorians
for his diocese. Philip consented, but he soon recalled them
when the Cardinal made use of them contrary to Philip s
wishes, for visitations and for the examination of his
priests. 2
It was only in 1586 that Oratories were established at
Naples, 3
at S. Severino, and at Fermo ; others followed in 1591 at
Camerino, in 1592 at Cotignac in France, and in 1593 at
Palermo. 4
1 CAPECELATRO, p. 362. A. THEINER in Freib. Kirchenlex.,
VII., 512 seq.
* CAPECELATRO, p. 291 seqq. Borromeo, in a letter addressed
to Rome on September 8, 1577, clearly explains the
fundamental
reason for his divergence of view from Philip. The
Oratorians, he
wrote, wish their congregation to depend only upon
themselves,
whereas he, on the other hand, wished everything to be in
his
own hands (" io desidero che tutto stia nella mi a
volonta " ;
CAPACELATRO, p. 295) ; with this wish of the great Cardinal
no
General of any Order could be in agreement ; this makes us
under
stand how it was that Borromeo at times found himself at
issue
with other Orders that were by no means in a state of
decadence.
8 Cf. the *Memorie lasciate dal P. Pateri, Carpegna, p. 56
seq.,
Papal Secret Archives.
4 The Oratorians came to the Low Countries in 1620
(Montaigu)
and in 1626 (Douai) ,to Spain in 1645, to the East Indies in
1650,
to Poland in 1665, to Portugal in 1668, to Mexico in 1669,
to
Brazil in 1671, to Peru in 1686. See the list of Oratories
in
CAPECELATRO, Vol. II. (Ed. 1882), p. 534 ; MARCIANO, Memorie
historiche della Congreg. dell Oratorio, Naples, 1693. The
Congregation was introduced into Germany by I. G.
Seidenbusch,
CHURCH HISTORY. 183
In spite of a great natural talent for learning as well as
for
literature, Philip had, for the love of God, in his youth re
nounced learning and all seeking for the beautiful. He
nevertheless, as a grown man, exercised a profound influence
in both these respects, and it was his Oratory that afforded
him the opportunity. The discourses at the evening meetings
were partly undertaken by laymen, who had not sufficient
training for the scientific treatment of matters of faith,
so it
naturally followed that they should have by preference found
their subjects in the lives of the saints and the history of
the Church. It was his favourite disciple, Cesare Baronius,
still a layman and about twenty years old, that Philip
ordered
every evening to deliver a discourse upon the history of the
Church, and he kept him strictly to this subject, even
though
Baronius himself would have preferred to devote himself to
purely religious subjects ; l during the course of thirty
years
Baronius had occasion to go through seven times in all its
entirety, that subject in which he was one day to become so
learned. 2 In 1568, after ten years of preparation, Philip
ordered him to write a history of the Church in answer to
the
who had become an Oratorian in Rome in 1675, and then
founded
Oratories at Aufhausen in Bavaria (confirmed by the Pope in
1695), at Vienna (1702), and at Munich (1707). Cf. EBNER,
Propst. Joh. Georg Seidenbusch und die Einfuhrung der
Kongre-
gation des hi. Philipp Neri in Bayern und Oesterreich,
Cologne,
1891. In Ceylon Giuseppe Vaz, who was of Indian birth (died
1711) distinguished himself in difficult times as the
missionary
of the Oratorians. (Vita by Do REGO, Venice, 1753 ; ZALESKI,
Calcutta, 1896 ; cf. A. HUONDER, Bannertrager des Kreuzes
II., Freiburg, 1915, 180 seqq.). In the XlXth century,
Newman,
afterwards Cardinal, introduced the Oratory in Birmingham
and
London (1847).
1 Cf. his deposition at the process of canonization of
Philip,
in CALENZIO, 948.
2 BARNABEO, Vita Baronii, 40 ; Baronius himself in his
thanks
giving to Philip at the beginning of the 8th volume of his
Annals,
printed in BARNABEO, 54. For the discourses of Baronius at
the Oratory see LAEMMER, Analecta, 76.
184 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Centuries of Magdeburg, and inexorably kept the disciple to
his subject, although, almost in despair at the imposition
of this gigantic task, he resisted it in every way. After
Philip s death, Baronius, at the beginning of the eighth
volume of his Annals openly declared before all the world
that the whole credit for the work of the disciple belonged
to his father and master ; with his greater insight, Philip
had
realized the danger which threatened the Church from the
Centuries, and had in consequence formulated the idea of a
counter attack, and had chosen the hand that was to deliver
it, and had combined and incorporated it with the exercises
of the Oratory, so that it should never flag. 1 Baronius
desired that this confession should be hung as a votive
tablet
at Philip s shrine, and that by means of the Annals it
should
find its way throughout the world, so that all readers might
recognize and give praise to their " author and
architect." 5
This votive tablet of the great scholar may actually be seen
to this day on the right hand side of Philip s shrine :
above
it is shown, in a beautiful miniature, Baronius, who wrote
the Annals ; underneath there is the long act of
thanksgiving
taken from the eighth volume of the great history.
Even though Philip may not have had the spirit of prophecy
which Baronius attributes to him, he in any case displayed a
surprising foresight when he realized the importance of the
Centuries, and set himself to their refutation, not as
others
had done, by polemical writings great and small, but by a
work on a grand scale. He well understood the spirit of the
1 " Eiusdem namque Patris nostri iteratis saepius
iussionibus,
sumus nos tantum opus aggressi, inviti licet ac renitentes
pro-
priisque diffisi viribus ; suscepimus tamen tanquam divino
parentes imperio, quo quidem ipse adeo opus urgebat, ut
siquando
nos tantae molis pondere superati, desisteremus a coeptis,
stimulis
acerrimae reprehensionis impelleret, etc." In BARNABEO,
Vita,
55, and in " Caesaris Baronii pro Annalibus
ecclesiasticis beato
Patri Philippe Nerio gratiarum actio." Annales, VIII.,
published
in BARNABEO, 54.
a " amplis notis ipsum praedicet Annalium primum
auctorem
et architectural." BARNABEO, 57.
THE ECCLESIASTICAL ANNALS. 185
times. The Centuries marked a turning point in Protestant
theology and polemics ; they were beginning to despair of
being able to attain success against the ancient Church in
the
field of dogma, and instead of this were making every effort
to make use of history against her, and to show forth its
development in the light of a constant departure from the
spirit of Christ. Thus, in the second half of the XVIth
century, a new tendency came to the fore, especially in
spiritual
matters. The current of humanism, with its exclusive search
for beautiful forms, had gradually lost its force, and a
period
of philology and archeology, which drew the attention of men
towards history and research into antiquity, had begun.
It was of great importance that this new tendency should
not develop, as humanism had done, along lines that were
more or less hostile to the Church. Philip recognized the
danger in time. Enthusiasm for the history of the Church
was natural to him who, when he had hardly left his
childhood s
days, had sought a new country in holy Rome with her grand
memories, and a further incentive in her catacombs. Thus
he was just the man to understand this new tendency, and
at the very moment of its birth to press it into the service
of
the Church.
Just as the gigantic work of Baronius and its vast influence
upon the world of history sprang from the spirit of Philip,
so in like manner in the world of archeology did the "
Columbus
of the catacombs," Antonio Bosio (died 1629), owe it to
two
disciples of Philip 1 that even after his premature death
his
researches were published and preserved to us. " Among
the first," wrote Giovanni Battista de Rossi, 2 "
who shed
light upon the darkness of the catacombs, special mention
must be made of the fathers of the Oratory, who, under the
guidance of their holy founder, Philip Neri, showed a love
and a special veneration for the Acts of the Martyrs, for
the
sacred monuments of Rome, and for everything that bore
1 Severani and Aringhi. A bibliography of the immediate
disciples of Philip in CAPECELATRO (ed. of 1882), vol. II.,
529 seqq.
a Roma Sotterranea, I., 12 ; cf. HILGERS, 490.
l86 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
upon ecclesiastical history." Philip himself was also
the
founder of the library at the Vallicella, one of the first
that
was thrown open to public use.
Just as Philip s activities had a great influence upon
learning,
so was it in the case of one of the fine arts, music. After
his
death music at once began to embark upon new ways. The
polyphonic contrapuntal style, in which all the voices sing
together equally, lost ground, and there began the era of
the
monophonic style, in which one voice alone executes a par
ticular melody while the others only keep up an accompani
ment. At the same time a new form of musical art developed,
the Cantata, Opera and Oratorio.
Philip looked upon music as a means of raising the heart
to God, and therefore very gladly caused songs for various
voices to be performed at the meetings of the Oratory. He
obtained the services, as director of his music, of a
distinguished
composer, his fellow-countryman Giovanni Animuccia (died
1569), niej^tro di capello at St. Peter s, and Palestrina s
predecessor in that office. Animuccia composed collections
of spiritual laudi on purpose for the Oratory, which were
followed by others composed by the Oratorian, Francesco
Soto. 1 As Animuccia himself says, in these compositions he
sought for a certain simplicity, and it was only after the
Oratory of S. Girolamo " by the grace of God and the
assistance
of distinguished prelates and nobles, had met with an extra
ordinary development " that he permitted himself a
moderate
use of the common devices of music. 2 It is a fact that in
the
later collections there are to be found compositions for six
and eight voices, which shows that by that time Philip had
at his disposal a full choir. 3 At the meetings at S.
Girolamo,
which had become so popular, it was inevitable that the kind
of singing in use there should have inclined to a simpler
style
of music, so as to meet the taste of a wide circle of
hearers.
1 Cf. KNELLER in Zeitschrift fur kathol. Theol. XLI. (191?),
249.
1 HABERL in Kirchenmusikalischen Jahrbuch, XVI. (1901),
47. CAPECELATRO,
8 P. WAGNER in Kirchenmusikalischen Jarhbuch, X. (1895), 93.
ST. PHILIP AND MUSIC. 187
The marvellous Mass of Pope Marcellus of Palestrina, with
its
well-known clearness and lucidity, finds its precursor in
the
works of Animuccia. 1
Without intending it, Philip also contributed in the matter
of music to the formation of a new form of art, the musical
Oratorio, which later on, at the hands of Handel, Haydn,
Mendelssohn, and more recently of Liszt, Tinel, and Perosi,
has been brought to such great perfection. Hitherto the art
of music, as far as secular music was concerned, had
contented
itself with one form alone, the so-called madrigal, choral
singing of a purely lyrical character. At the end of the
XVIth century the eternal madrigal had become wearisome,
and composers had begun to unite several lyrical numbers
into one greater work, and thus Opera and Oratorio had come
into being. Opera may be defined as the combination of
lyrics with drama ; a story is acted by the performers who
at suitable points give expression to their sentiments in
song,
whereas on the other hand the musical Oratorio is a combina
tion of lyrics with something of the nature of an epic ; a
story
taken from the Holy Scriptures or legend is told, but then
the
sentiments of the persons who are telling it are expressed
in solos or in chorus, or else the connexion between the
events
is obtained even without any express narration, and of
itself,
by means of successive numbers.
At first Philip caused to be performed at the evening
meetings of the Oratory sacred hymns, and songs of a purely
lyrical character. His disciple, Giovenale Ancina,
afterwards
Bishop of Saluzzo and the friend of St. Francis de Sales,
composed the texts for these laudi in strict accordance with
1 HABERL, loc. cit. 48. That after the death of Animuccia
the
direction of the music at the Oratory was undertaken by
Palestrina
is the opinion of Carlo Bartolomeo Piazza, 1703, Leonardo
Cecconi
1756, Pietro Antonio Petrini, 1795 (in CAPECELATRO, p. 373
seqq.).
Haberl, however, remarks that he has so far sought in vain
for
" authentic proofs of this story ; at any rate, the
name of Pales
trina is altogether wanting in the Laude spirituali "
(loc. cit.
41 ; cf. WAGNER, ibid. X. [1895], 51, 95). See KNELLER, loc.
cit. 477 seq.
l88 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the narrative of the Holy Scriptures. 1 From this it was but
a
single step to the performance of these narratives and
stories
after the manner of the later musical Oratorios. This step
was taken in 1619 by the celebrated composer, Giovanni
Francesco Anerio, 2 who at the request of the Papal singer
Orazio Grim, set to music the texts which treated of the
" gospels and stories from the Holy Scriptures, and the
praises of all the saints." 3 In a very significant way
Griffi,
in his preface to the " Teatro armonico spirituale * of
Anerio,
apostrophises St. Jerome and Philip Neri, who had now been
canonized, in dedicating the book to him : To thee, St.
Jerome, does the honour first belong, since it was in thy
house
that for thirty-three years the Blessed Philip attained to
the
greatest heights of sanctity. Thou, too, O Blessed Philip,
hast accomplished such heroic labours that the reform of the
morals of so many of the faithful was to a great extent
begun
by thee." 4 Griffi then describes in terms of the
highest praise
the exercises of the Oratory at San Girolamo and S. Maria in
VallicelJa, at which he himself had assisted for forty-five
years. 5 The new form of musical performances received the
1 GUIDO PASQUETTI, L Oratorio musicale in Italia, Florence,
1906. The life of Ancina was written by BACCI, 1671, A.
FERRANTE, 1856, A. Richard (German translation, Mayence,
1891), C. Bowden (English translation, London, 1891). He was
beatified on February 9, 1890.
8 In his " Teatro armonico spirituale di madrigali a 5,
6, 7
and 8 voci. Concertati con il Basso per 1 Organo, Rome,
1619.
8 HABERL, loc. cit. I. (1886), 56.
4 Ibid.
8 The point which has been overlooked by the biographers of
Philip, but which is of great importance, runs as follows :
" There
could not have been an easier or more efficacious means of
exciting
souls to a perfect love and fear of God than these daily
familiar
considerations of the hatefulness of sin, of the punishments
of
hell, of the beauty of holy souls, of eternal happiness ; in
this way
hearts were disposed to penance, urged to the frequent
reception
of holy communion, and to the performance of works of
charity.
And this was your work, Blessed Philip, which you carried
out
ST. PHILIP AND MUSIC. 189
name of Oratorio between the years 1635 an( i ^4>
from the
place where it first had been performed. 1 During the XVIIth
and XVIIIth centuries the musical Oratorio was much in
favour with the sons of Philip. 2
The Congregation of the Oratory was the last of the great
institutions which owed their existence to Philip ; there
then
began for him the beautiful sunset of a life that was full
of
on behalf of the divine majesty ; it was in this way that
you
founded your Oratory. ... In order to attain to your zealous
ends and to attract sinners by means of sweet recreation to
the
holy exercises of the Oratory, you made use of music and
caused
sacred songs to be performed in common ; in this way the
people
were allured by the singing and the sermons to the good of
their
souls. Some came to the Oratory only for the music, but then
became more adaptable and sensible of the spiritual
exhortations,
and were converted to God with great fervour. As I myself
was
for 45 years a witness in the two Oratories of Rome of the
great
effects produced by music, so did I place myself in contact
with
the celebrated composers I have mentioned so as to make the
present collection accessible also for other places where
such
institutions exist." Grim became a priest on September
24th,
1594. HABERL, loo. cit. (1891), 86.
1 PASQUETTI, L Oratorio musicale in Italia, Florence, 1906,
Some modern writers contest this application of the name
Oratorio.
because Philip s places of meeting (Oratories) were quite
unsuited
for dramatic representations (HERMANN KRETZSCHMAR, Fiihrer
durch den Konzertsaal II., 2, Leipzig, 1899, 3). It is,
however,
admitted by all that Cavalieri composed the Representazione
di anima et corpo, written, according to Pasquetti (p. 123),
by
the Oratorian Agostino Manni, and first produced in the
Oratory
at the Vallicella in 1600 (KRETZSCHMAR, loo. cit., AMBROS,
Gesch.
der Musik, IV. [1881], 275-80). Thus it was quite possible
that
an Oratorio should have been sung at the Vallicella, as an
Oratorio
has no need of any dramatic setting.
2 Cf. the statistics in Kirchenmusikal Jahrbuch, XVI.
(1901),
50 seqq. The Hamburg Library possesses 22 books of the texts
of Oratorios collected by Chrysander, who bears witness to
the
great activity of the Oratorians during the last thirty
years of the
XVIIth century. A. SCHERING in Jahrbuch der Musikbibliothek
Peters, for 1903, loth year (1904), 35.
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
merit to the highest possible degree. Difficulties, both
from
within and without, opposition and enemies had not been
wanting. He remained for a long time in painful uncertainty
whether he would not do better to leave Rome for the Indies,
and, following the example of Francis Xavier, devote himself
to the missions to the heathen. 1 He had scarcely gone to
S. Girolamo when his enemies tried to drive him out, and in
the meantime tried to make his life unbearable to him. 2
Under Paul IV., to whom every novelty almost without
exception was an object of suspicion, the Cardinal Vicar
treated him as an ambitious agitator ; for a short time he
was forbidden to hear confessions, or to organize his public
pilgrimages. 3 This period of painful struggle, of sowing
and ploughing was now a thing of the past, and Philip had
but
to gather in the harvest which he had sown during his years
of
labour and sorrow. Pius V. had a high opinion of him. 4
Gregory XIII. kissed his hand, 5 as did Charles Borromeo ; 6
Gregory XIV. received him with an embrace when he went
to pay his respects to the new Pope. 7 Clement VIII., who
had been Philip s penitent since his thirtieth year, desired
as Pope to see him as often as possible, 8 and at his
intercession,
and it was by no means the least of the motives which
decided
him, was persuaded to reconcile Henry IV. to the Church. 9
Leo XI. as Cardinal often visited him, and remained in
conversation with him for four or five hours, declaring that
his room was to him a Paradise. 10 Among Philip s penitents
there were some ten Cardinals, 11 among them Frederic Borro-
1 CAPECELATRO, p. 138 seq.
1 Ibid. p. 117 seq.
8 Ibid. p. 151 seqq.
4 Ibid. p. 213.
6 Ibid. p. 276.
8 Ibid. p. 1 86.
7 Ibid. p. 496.
8 Ibid. p. 511.
Ibid. p. 547 seqq.
10 Ibid. p. 4.51.
11 Ibid. p. 465 seg.; cf. SONZONIO 1. i, c. 21, p. 101 seqq.
ST. PHILIP AND THE ROMAN NOBLES.
meo and Cusano, and of the Roman nobility members of the
families of the Massimi, Gaetani, Pamphili, Sforza,
Crescenzi,
Orsini, Odescalchi, Colonna, Frangipani, Vitelleschi and
Salviati. 1 How great was his influence among the nobles is
shown by the case of Anna Borromeo, sister of the Cardinal
and daughter-in-law of the Viceroy of Naples, Marcantonio
Colonna. When certain difficulties arose in connexion with
the Chiesa Nuova because Cardinal Farnese claimed certain
rights over the church, Philip told her that he would not
write
to her any more nor hear her confessions any longer if she
did not take up the matter more warmly than she had hitherto
done. Anna showed herself ready to do anything ; after
her father and mother, she wrote to Cardinal Farnese, she
had
never experienced any love more deep and sincere than that
of Philip ; everything of virtue that she possessed she owed
to him, and to forfeit his direction would be harder for her
than
death itself. 2 Among those who were afterwards canonized
or beatified, the two founders of Orders, Camillus of Lellis
and Giovanni Leonardi of Lucca, were under Philip s direc
tion ; 3 Giovenale Ancina was his companion in the Congre
gation of the Oratory ; 4 with Charles Borromeo, 5 the
Capuchin,
Felix of Cantalice, 6 and the Dominicaness, Catherine de
Ricci, 7 he was united by the closest friendship ; the
English
martyrs were often saluted by Philip, when he met them in
the
streets, with the words: "Salvete flores
martyrum," and sought
his blessing before they set out for the bloody scenes of
their
1 CAPECELATRO, p. 466 seq. SONZONIO, 1. i, c. 22, p. 115
seqq.
2 Arch, delta Soc. Rom. di storia patria, XXVII. (1904),
488.
3 CAPECELATRO, p. 406 seqq.
4 See supra, p.
5 CAPECELATRO, p. 185 seqq.
6 Ibid. p. 402 seqq.
7 Ibid. p. 181. Her life was written by RAZZI, Lucca, 1894 ;
cf. Le lettere di s. Caterina de Ricci alia famiglia, con la
giunta di
alcune altre, raccolte da Cesare Guasti, e pubblicate per
cura di
Al. Gherardi, Florence, 1890 ; SISTO DA PISA, Lettere inedite
di s.
Caterina de Ricci, Florence, 1912. See also REUMONT, Briefe
heiliger Italiener, Freiburg, 1877, 251 seqq.
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
labours and trials. Cardinal Cusano declared that he had
never known a man who enjoyed such great veneration from
both great and small. 1 Until his eightieth year, until his
death on May 26th, 1595, he lived, to make use of a
beautiful
expression of Baronius, 2 not for himself but only for the
good
of others, for the good of his Romans, and Rome repaid him
by giving him her unlimited confidence. As an old man he
still remained the apostle of the Eternal City, and his
apostolate
extended from the Pope down to the smallest urchin in the
streets. 3
No less wonderful than this veneration itself was the fact
that, even in the case of those who remained in the closest
relationship with Philip for the last ten years, it did not
diminish but rather increased until the time of his death.
The most surprising examples of this are Baronius and Tarugi
:
the same was the case with the future Popes, Clement VIII.
and Leo XI. His direction of souls, inspired with all the
charity and loveableness of his character, had nothing in
the least effeminate about it. In the case of those who had
but just been converted, 4 he naturally only demanded what
was strictly necessary ; but if anyone entrusted his
direction
to him, and had become confirmed in well-doing, he imposed
heavy burdens upon him. The brothers of his Oratory
disciplined themselves three times a week. 5 When Rome
was threatened by Alba in 1556, Francesco Vai, out of fear,
did not hesitate to fly from the Eternal City ; Philip
addressed
the severest reproaches to him, in that he who aimed at
being
a spiritual man, yet feared death instead of seizing upon
the
1 CAPECELATRO, p. 456.
a qui octogenarius nunquam sibi vixit, sed omnium semper
utilitati, noctu dieque usaque ad extremum horam."
Letter
of August 5, 1595, to Giovenale Ancina, in LAEMMER,
Diatriba, 82.
8 Benedict XIII. in 1726 made the feast of St. Philip (May
26)
a feast of precept for Rome and its neighbourhood. Cf.
LADERCHI,
1571, n. 173.
4 CAPECELATRO, p. 107 seq.
5 Ibid. p. 145.
HIS SCHOOL OF SANCTITY. 193
opportunity of dying as a martyr. 1 He spoke in like manner
to others. 2 He did not attach great importance to external
mortifications ; 3 he would have absolutely nothing to do
with low spirits, 4 but insisted upon the interior
mortification
of obstinacy and self-will. 5 This was the explanation of
the
strange extravagances which he practised himself, and laid
upon his disciples, as for example when he went about in the
streets of Rome with half his beard shaved off, or smelling
a great bunch of broom ; 6 when Anna Borromeo knelt down
before him in the public street to ask his blessing, he
placed
his hand upon her head in blessing, but at the same time
loosened all her hair, 7 and he ordered Consolini, who had
to
undergo an examination in order to receive a benefice, to
tell
the Pope that an examination was not necessary in the case
of a man of his education and learning. 8 Similar things in
Philip s life are not the expression of eccentricity or of
his sense
of humour ; he wished by these means to destroy in himself
and others every trace of human respect and ambition. In
this sense he often said : " Anyone who cannot endure
the
loss of earthly honour for the love of Christ, will never
make
any progress in the spiritual life." 9
Baronius, Philip s confessor, bears witness that the saint
on his death-bed only regretted that men had esteemed him
more than he deserved, for he looked upon himself as a great
sinner. When Cardinal Frederic Borromeo brought him viati
cum Philip exclaimed aloud : " Lord, I confess that I
have
never done any good " and for the same reason he
pronounced
with deep emotion the words : "I am not worthy."
10
1 Letter of November 6, 1556, in CAPECELATRO, p. 180 seq.
2 Letter to the nun Maria Tregui, August 30, 1585, ibid. p.
557.
8 CAPECELATRO, p. 234 seq.
4 Ibid. p. 247 seq.
5 Ibid. p. 237.
6 Ibid. p. 239.
7 Ibid. p. 215.
8 Ibid. p. 503.
9 Ibid. p. 237.
10 See CALENZIO, 950-1.
VOL. XIX. 13
194 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In a century so rich in reformers of the Church of every
kind
and description, Philip holds a place that almost of itself
demands that he should be placed in the first rank. Just as,
chronologically speaking, he found himself at the end of a
long
line of reformers in the XVIth century, so, from the
spiritual
point of view, he forms the very antithesis of that tendency
which reached its climax with John Knox ; in his own way he
stands alone, as did his Scottish contemporary. He set
himself against the " reformers of the north "
with a lively
realization of the harm that was coming to the Church from
that quarter, but at the same time he had the deepest venera
tion for those primitive Christian times, which they too
held
up as the prototype of their reform. But with what a differ-
ance ! Philip Neri never dreamed of undermining the
doctrines and institutions of the Church on the pretext of
scientific research into Christian antiquity, a thing which
at
that time was only in its first stages. What he attached
importance to was to cultivate in himself and others the
spirit
of the infant Church, and this spirit, in his opinion,
consisted
above all in the love of God, which springs from humility
and the love of sacrifice, and therefore is capable of being
raised to sublime heights. He therefore would have nothing
to do with a reform that makes its way like a hurricane, or
a storm that launches thunderbolts and blasts the oak trees.
He hurled no fiery darts at churches and convents, he poured
out no vessels of wrath and indignation upon priests and
monks ; the sins of priests did not lead him to despise
their
office or their state ; on the contrary he thought himself
unworthy of the priesthood. When, in the time of Paul IV.,
public injustice was done him in the Pope s name, it never
entered his mind that he might be a prophet sent by God, or
that like another Elias he was to go on with his work ;
instead
of inciting men to rebellion he submitted himself with
simple
obedience, as docile as a little child. His character and
his
labours, which, like a bright ray of sunshine, rejoices and
warms, were made up of gentleness, goodness, cheerfulness
and love which won the hearts of men. He always took
humility for his guide, and when his love of God forced him
HIS INFLUENCE. 195
to take the first steps out of his solitude into the great
world,
his humility led him in safety through every danger. His
public work was begun among the most needy and neglected,
and by means which nobody could have called in question.
But quite unexpectedly, and almost of itself, the sphere of
his
activities and his influence continued to grow, until in the
time
of Gregory XIII. it included the whole of Rome, and at last
the whole Church ; until Cardinals and Popes, science and
art paid him homage, 1 and what is more, thousands venerated
1 Marble busts of St. Philip Neri are to be seen in Rome, in
the
atrium of the Hospital of the SS. Trinita dei Pellegrini, at
S.
Girolamo della Carita (by Legros), in the Vallicella Library
and
at the Villa Albani. The museum at Berlin has a beautiful
bust
of the saint (n. 277), the work of an unknown sculptor of
the
XVIth century. Cardinal Bartolini had a bronze bust
attributed
to Algardi ; G. Calenzio afterwards received this from him.
For
the portrait of Philip, the work of Vecchietto, see Acta
Sanct.,
mai VII., App. 864, n. 38. A painting by Baroccio in the
Doria
Gallery, Rome, shows Philip Neri as a boy of six (a
beautiful
reproduction of this in KERR, Pippo Buono). After the death
of
the saint there was a rivalry among the faithful of all
classes to
decorate the church where his body rests with paintings and
sculptures in marble. In the left-hand aisle the chapel
containing
the tomb of the " third apostle of Rome " was
erected by a noble
Florentine, Nero del Nero, in honour of his holy
fellow-country
man. The picture over the altar is a mosaic copied from the
original painting by Guido Reni preserved in the adjoining
house,
which was suppressed in 1871 ; the saint is on his knees
before
the Madonna. Over the altar in the sacristy was placed the
colossal group by Algardi, showing St. Philip with an angel.
The pictures on the ceiling, angels with the instruments of
the
Passion, were executed by Pietro da Cortona. He also painted
the beautiful ceiling on the upper floor of the house, St.
Philip
at the altar. In the inner chapel " altare elegans in
elegantiori
tabula repraesentat s. Philippum, qui dum ab orationis
exercitio
oculos retro flectit, Angelum necopinato conspicit in aere,
Crucem
sibi ostendentem et in Cruce instantes praemonstrantem
calami-
tates. Opus est egregii pictoris, ob oculorum vitio
Guercim"
vulgo appellati." (Acta Sanct., mai VII., App. 864, n.
37).
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
him as the author of their happiness in time and in
eternity.
By sacrificing all things, and giving up every thing for the
love
of God, he reaped his reward a hundredfold. In the eyes of
his friends and contemporaries, and in the estimation of
posterity he remains an ideal figure, in whom no defect can
be discovered.
In the chapel, which once was the room where St. Philip used
to
say mass " prope aram appensa cernitur alia imago s.
Philippi,
donum quondam P. Pauli Frigerii, dicere soliti, pictam
fuisse a
Vechietto (ita vulgus audit), poenitente olim s. Patris,
pictam
vero ad vivum e vicino conspectu lineamentorum s. Philippi,
ad id patiendum inducti precibus pictoris " (ibid. n.
38).
CHAPTER V.
THE JUBILEE OF 1575. THE COLLEGE OF CARDINALS.
As had been the case with the religious Orders, so too were
the
lay confraternities favoured by Gregory XIII., who fully
realized their beneficial influence. 1 The importance of
these
bodies, and especially the revival of religious life, were
shown
in a very impressive way, when the year of Jubilee was cele
brated in 1575.
Gregory had been occupied with preparations for the Holy
1 See in App. n. 30 the *account of Speciani, Boncompagni
Archives, Rome. The Bull. Rom., VIII., on p. 50 seq.
contains
the indulgences for the Confraternity of the B. Sacrament ;
145 seq. for the ancient Confraternity of the Gonf alone in
Rome ;
177 seq. permission for the erection of a confraternity of
the B.
Sacrament in France ; 264 seq. the raising of the
confraternity
at the Campo Santo in Rome to an archconfraternity (cf. DE
WAAL, Der Campo Santo der Deutschen in Rom, Freiburg, 1896,
107 seq.} ; 284 seq. erection of the archconfraternity for
visiting
the imprisoned in Rome ; privileges for confraternity of
Christian
Doctrine in the Trastevere ; 328 seq. erection of the
confraternity
of St. Catherine of Siena ; 365 seq. that of the
confraternity of
St. Joseph at the Pantheon ; 369 seq. (cf. *Avviso di Roma
of
March 21, 1582, Urb. 1050, p. 86, Vatican Library) erection
of the
confraternity of the SS. Annunziata in the church of the
Minerva ;
530 seq. confirmation of the privileges of the
archconfraternity
of the SS. Trinita, and 534 seq. confirmation of the
confraternity
of the Bolognese in Rome. For the petition of the
confraternity
of the Anima see SCHMIDLIN, 402. The confirmation of the
" Societas S. Sacramenti in Basilica Vaticana "
made by Gregory
XIII. in Bull. Vat., III., 117. For the churches of the
Roman
confraternities at that time see Le cose meravigliose di
Roma,
Venice, 1575 ; cf. also FORCELLA, VIII. , 217 ; LANCIANI,
IV.,
62, 66, and SIMONETTI, Le vie di Roma, Rome, 1898.
197
198 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Year since 1573, both for Rome and the Papal States, and
had restored streets and bridges and accumulated provisions.
The price of these was fixed, and any increase of rents was
forbidden in Rome. 1 At the same time the authorities were
ordered to keep a strict watch over the moral condition of
the city. 2 The greater part of these enactments were issued
by a special commission of Cardinals appointed in January,
1574. 3 At the consistory of January 8th, 1574, the Pope
ordered the priests of Rome and of all Italy to explain the
meaning of the year of Jubilee. In what manner this was to
be done in the case of the nations outside Italy, and
-especially
in those countries where the schism had taken root, was to
be
decided by the Cardinals. 4
1 Cf. the *Avvisi di Roma of August 28, September 5 and n,
1574, Urb. 1044, p. 240, 252, 257, Vatican Library ; MAFFEI,
I.,
106 ; MANNI, 128 seq. Cf. also *Discorso di Fabio
Cancellieri
sopra il rnacinato del a 1575 se corrisponda alia
moltitudine che
pare si e convenuta detto anno al Giubileo. Vatic., 9729, p.
no
seq., Vatican Library.
2 Cf. RIERA, i seq.
8 See the *report of Giov. Batt. Bernerio of January 23,
1574,
State Archives, Vienna.
4 See SANTORI, Diario consist., XXV., 217. See the "
Trattato
delle indulgenze e del giubileo " written by Cosimo
Filiarco in
Cod. G. 3, of the Boncompagni Archives, Rome. P. F. LINO,
L anno santo 1575 nel pontif. di N. S. Gregorio XIII.
Avverti-
menti per rice ve re con frutto il Giubileo, Venice, 1574.
Numerous
guides to Rome were prepared for the use of the pilgrims :
L.
CONTARINO, Le cose meravigliose dell alma citt& di Roma,
Venice,
J 575 . the same, L antichita di Roma, ibid. 1575 ; A.
PALLADIO,
L antichita di Roma, ibid., 1575 ; O. PANVINIO, Le sette
chiese
principali di Roma, trad, da M. Marco Ant. Lanfranchi,
Venice,
1575 ; M. A. SERRANO, De septem urbis ecclesiis, Rome, 1575
;
TH. TERTERUS, Roma sancta, Rome, 1575. MANNI (149 seq.}
enumerates other works of a like nature. Cod. Barb. XXIX.
47 contains : *" De iubilaei institutione eiusque
caeremoniis
ad Poloniam universam libellus lulii Roscii Hortini, 1575,
Vatican
Library." Ibid. Vat. 7424, ANGELO CARDUCCI, *La pianta
della meta del s. Giubileo et Anno santo 1575 detta di
salute
THE JUBILEE OF 1575.
The edict proclaiming the year of Jubilee, which was to
begin at Christmas, 1574, is dated May loth of that year. 1
A plenary indulgence, that is to say remission before God
and the Church of the temporal punishment remaining after
the pardon of sin and eternal punishment, was promised to
all who within a specified time (30 days for the Romans, and
15 for foreigners) visited the four principal churches of
Rome,
St. Peter s, St. Paul s, St. Mary Major s and the Lateran,
and
who confessed their sins with true repentance. The promulga
tion took place on May 2oth, the feast of the Ascension, and
again on December iQth, 1574, the fourth Sunday of Advent. 2
This promulgation of the Jubilee, which was introduced by
Gregory XIII., and has always been observed since then, has
a deep symbolical significance. The day that commemorates
the Ascension of Our Lord is intended to remind us that by
means of the great Jubilee indulgence the gates of Paradise
are opened to repentant sinners ; the last Sunday of Advent
shows that the Church has taken the place of the Synagogue,
and the new year of Jubilee that of the old year. 3 A bull
published in November declared that during the Holy Year,
with a few exceptions, all other indulgences were suspended.
4
Briefs for the promulgation of the Jubilee were sent to all
the
bishops of Christendom, and the Catholic princes each re-
eterna, dedicated to Gregory XIII. Cod. F. 32 of the
Boncompagni
Archives, Rome, contains : " LAZARUS ABRAE VITERBIENSIS
(phisicus hebraeus), *Tractatus de anno iubilaei oblatus
Gregorio
XIII.
1 See Arm. 13, caps. 10, n. i of the Papal Secret Archives.
A printed work of A. Bladus in the Casanatense Library,
Rome.
2 See the *report of Lingi Rogna, dated Rome, May 21, 1574,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and Mucantius, *Diarium, Papal
Secret Archives. Cf. ALFANI, 328 seq. ; MANNI, 130, and the
monograph of MACSWINEY mentioned infra, p. 202, n. i
3 See NOTHEN, Gesch. aller Jubeljahre, Ratisbon, 1875, 107
seq.
4 See ALFANI, 331 seq. ; MANNI, 131 seq. ;
Nuntiaturberichte,
ed. by SCHELLASS, IV., 304, n. 3.
200 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ceived a special letter inviting him to participate in it. 1
The
amusements of the Carnival were prohibited during the Ho]y
Year, 2 and the Pope expressed the wish that the money which
would have been spent upon these by the Conservatori should
be devoted to pious purposes. 3 During the year of Jubilee
Rome must prove herself indeed the holy city, and to this
end
the Cardinals were earnestly exhorted to set a worthy
example. 4
It was said in September, 1574, that the foreign Cardinals
would be summoned to Rome in order to take counsel for
far-reaching measures of reform. 5 Gregory attached great
importance to the presence of Charles Borromeo, who, to
quiet his scruples of conscience, received special
permission to
absent himself from his diocese. Before he set out he issued
for the instruction of his flock a beautiful pastoral upon
the
Jubilee indulgence, in which, with quotations from St. John
Chrysostom, he extols the tomb of St. Peter. Borromeo
left Milan on December 8th, travelling as a simple pilgrim
and
penitent. In spite of the inconveniences of the journey and
the severe weather, he omitted neither his fasts nor his
medita
tions. Even though he had travelled all through the night
he offered the sacrifice of the holy mass in the morning. In
Rome, which he reached on December 2ist, 1574, he lodged
with the Carthusians at S. Maria degli Angeli. 6 In addition
to
his fervent visits to the sanctuaries, he made use of his
stay in
1 See THEINER, I., 269 ; Nuntiaturberichte, ed. by
SCHELLASS,
IV., 59, n. 3, cf. p. cviii.
2 See Mucantius, *Diarium, Papal Secret Archives.
8 See the "report of Cusano of February 5, 1575. State
Archives
Vienna.
4 See SANTORI, Diario concist., XXIV., 249. At the same time
the prohibition to the Cardinals to use carriages was
renewed.
They were to appear on horseback only in a " cavalcata
solenne "
(see the picture in THURSTON, 89).
6 Burali, Borromeo and Paleotto were thinking of the most
serious reforms, says an *Avviso di Roma of September 25,
1574, Urb. 1044, p. 243, Vatican Library.
See SALA, Docum. I., 294 seq., III., 560 seq. ; SYLVAIN,
II.,
112 seq.
THE JUBILEE OF 1575. 2OI
Rome to obtain approval for various important measures of
reform. 1
On the vigil of Christmas, Gregory XIII., with the custom
ary great solemnities, performed the ceremony of the opening
of the Holy Door at St. Peter s. A treatise by Gianbattista
Cavalieri has preserved for us a picture of the imposing
cere
mony. 2 Cardinals Morone, Colonna and Sforza carried out
the same ceremony at St. Paul s, the Lateran and St. Mary
Major s. 3 At the function at St. Peter s, in the midst of
so
great a concourse of people that six persons were crushed to
death, there were present two young German princes : the
young Duke Ernest of Bavaria, who had been staying for a
long
time in Rome, 4 and the hereditary prince of Cleves, Charles
Frederick, who had arrived there onDecember i6th. During the
first days of the new year he received the blessed sword and
hat from the Pope, a gift of honour which was ordinarily
only
1 See BASCAPE, 1. 3, c. 3, p. 6yb, 1. 4, p. yoa.
2 Good examples in the Casanatense Library, Rome and in the
collection of wood engravings at the Corsini Palace,
reproductions
in HERMANIN, Die Stadt Rom., 1911, tav. 44. For the coins and
medals of the Jubilee see BONANNI, I., 331 seq., and
SERAFINI,
II., 5, 27.
3 See Mucantius in ALFANI, 333 seq. ; RIERA, 4b seq.,
THURSTON,
88 seq. A *letter of Hortensi Tyriacensis to Duke William,
dated Rome, December 24, 1574, State Archives, Munich ;
"report
of Cusano of January i, 1575, State Archives, Vienna, and
the
description of the journey to Rome by J. Rabus in Cod. Germ.
1280, p. 49, of the Royal Library, Munich. Cf. PRINCIVALLI,
Gli anni santi, Rome, 1889, 65 seq., and also the remarks of
MAC-
SWINEY (21 seq.) in the monograph quoted infra, p. 202, n. i
;
also the *Predica inanzi Gregorio XIII. per 1 apertura della
porta santa, by TOLEDO, in Cod. 5628, p. 314 seq. of the
Court
Library, Vienna.
4 For Ernest s journey to Rome, whose flight caused the
Curia
much anxiety, see MUTINELLI, I., no seq. ; LOSSEN, I., 334
seq.
Cf. Nuntiaturberichte ed. by Schellass, III., LXXII. seq.,
and the
same in Quellen und Fo- schungen des Preussischen Instituts,
X.,
325 seq.
202 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
bestowed upon kings and emperors. 1 It was thought that
Gregory bestowed these and other honours in order to bring
influence to bear, through Charles Frederick, upon the con
version of the Protestant princes. 2 Great results in the
inter
ests of the Catholics in Germany were looked for from the
piety shown by the hereditary prince of Cleves. The Pope
was therefore all the more grieved when this young man,
who gave such promise, fell sick of smallpox, and died on
February Qth, 1575. Gregory XIII. ordered that he should
be buried with every mark of honour, and with the greatest
pomp. He expended 3000 ducats for this purpose. Charles
Frederick was buried in the German national church of the
Anima. 5 In the choir, before the mausoleum of Adrian VI., a
richly sculptured monument was erected to him, the work of
Gilles van den Vliete and Nicola Pippa, the relief on which
represents the Last Judgment with the prince on his knees ;
a
second relief, originally connected with the former, and
repre
senting the conferring of the blessed sword, has recently
been
placed at the entrance to the sacristy. 4
1 See the detailed and beautiful monograph by MACSWINEY
OF MASHANAGLASS, L Epee et le Chapeau ducal donnes par
Gregoire XIII. en 1575 a Charles Frederic, Prince de C16ves
et
Juliers, Rome, 1900.
2 See the *report of Cusano of January 8, 1575, State
Archives,
Vienna, and the *Avviso di Roma quoted by SCHMIDLIN, 335.
For similar hopes see Vol. XX. chapters on Germany.
3 See SCHMIDLIN, 335 seq. To the authorities quoted there in
great detail may be added the *report of Cusano of February
12, 1575, State Archives, Vienna ; the *Avviso di Roma of
Feb
ruary 12, 1575, in the reports of A. de Medici in the State
Archives,
Florence. Med. 3292 ; cf. also the "letter of Hortensi
Tyriacensis
to Duke William V., dated Rome, February 12, 1575, State
Archives, Munich ; J. RABUS, *Romreise 1575, in Cod. 1280,
p. 213 seq. Court Library, Munich, and the *report of
Sporeno
to the Archduke Ferdinand, dated Rome, February 12, 1575,
Viceregal Archives, Innsbruck. Ferd. 83.
4 See BERGNER, 86 ; SCHMIDLIN, 340 ; LOHNINGER, S. Mari
delTAnima, 88 ; FORCELLA, III., 466 ; GRAVENITZ, 124 ;
NOACK,
Deutsches Rom. (1912), 24.
THE POPE AND THE JUBILEE. 203
From the beginning of the Jubilee Gregory XIII. set a
shining example by his sincere piety. He made the pre
scribed pilgrimages to the four basilicas first on January
3rd,
again during the Carnival on February I4th, during Holy Week
on March 28th, and finally on December yth, 22nd, and 23rd.
It made a deep impression when, in spite of his advanced
age,
he went up the Scala Santa on his knees, and went on foot
from
the Porta S. Paolo to the Ostian basilica. 1 Throughout the
year he was unwearied in taking part in all the religious
solemnities, 2 and especially in giving audiences, to which
he
often devoted four hours a day. On May 2ist he received 600
Augustinians who had come for their general chapter, on
September 23rd 300 Capuchins, and on the previous day 800
Franciscan Observants, who had also come to Rome for their
general chapter. 3 The Cardinals followed the pious example
of the Pope, and among them Montalto and Borromeo especi
ally edified the Romans by their devotion. 4
All the accounts agree in saying that the number of pilgrims
who visited the tombs of the apostles during the Holy Year
was extraordinarily great. It was calculated that there were
1 See the *report of Cusano of January 8, 1575, State
Archives,
Vienna. Bull, de Vlnstit. Beige a Rome, Rome, 1919, 299 seq.
Mucantius, *Diarium, Papal Secret Archives ; *Avviso di Roma
of January 8, 1575, Urb. 1044, p. 332, Vatican Library ;
MANNI,
135 seq.
3 The effect of the exertion of the procession of Corpus
Domini
upon him is related by Odescalchi in his *report of June 4,
1575.
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. How Gregory XIII. visited St.
Peter s on every Friday in March is described by *Rabus,
loc.
cit. p. 215 seq.
3 See the *Avvisi di Roma of May 7, and n, 1575, Urb. 1044,
pp. 428-436, Vatican Library : Mucantius, *Diarium, Papal
Secret Archives ; RIERA, 66 ; *Memorie of Cardinal Galli,
Bon-
compagni Archives, Rome ; P. Tiepolo in MUTINELLI, I., 109 ;
MANNI, 145. According to the *Avviso di Roma of May 7, 1575,
the Pope himself heard confessions for the absolution of
reserved
cases. Urb. 1044, p. 428, Vatican Librar} .
4 See MANNI, 136 seq. ; NOTHEN, Jubeljahre, 108 seq. ;
SYLVAIN
II., 120.
204 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
altogether more than 400, ooo. 1 In order to provide for the
maintenance of this great number of people, the time for
the sojourn of the pilgrims was reduced from thirty days to
five. 2 The faithful came, not only from all Italy but also
from the other countries of Europe, men and women, rich
and poor, while some even came from the East. 3 Especially
great were the crowds that came from the diocese of Milan
and from the States of the Church, and often the entire popu
lation of certain places with their bishop and clergy at
their
head set out in pilgrimage for the Eternal City. 4 With a
long
staff in their hand, a broad brimmed hat, and their pilgrim
1 See the *report in THEINER, II., 449. 150,000 persons, or
according to others, 200,000, were present at the closure.
Nun-
tiaturberichte, V., 300 ; SANTORI, Diario concist. XXV.,
94-95.
In 1575 in St. Peter s alone 354,400 communions were given
and 47,000 masses said ; see CERRATI, T. Alpharani de Basil.
Vat. liber, p. 164.
2 Cf. the *report of Cusano of January i, 1575, State Archives,
Vienna.
3 *" Non paucos Germania et Polonia, multos Gallia,
plurimos
Hispania misit, nonnullos Graecia, Armenia utraque
India,"
says G. FERRERI in his Vita Gregorii XIII. c. 5, Papal
Secret
Archives cf. App. n. 25.
4 See the *letter of Hortensii Tyriacensis to Duke William
V.,
dated Rome, December 25, 1574, State Archives, Munich, the
*reports of Odescalchi of April 2, 9, 23, 30, and May 14 and
21,
I 575. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; P. TIEPOLO, 214, and
MUTINELLI, I., 109; THEINER, II., 449; RIERA, i8b seq., 70
seq. ; PIENTINI, 64 seq. and the *Avvisi di Roma of March
26,
April 2, 23 and 30, May IT, 14 and 28, October 15 and
December
24, 1575, Urb. 1044, p. 378, 390, 4iob, 415, 44ib, 452-3,
S^b,
653, Vatican Library. Cf. SCHMIDLIN, 331, where an account
is
given of the German pilgrims to Rome ; THEINER, II., 2 seq.
For the pilgrims from Bologna cf. CANCELLIERI, Notizie d.
chiesa
S. Maria in Julia, Rome, 1823, 5 seq. A German description
of
the sanctuaries in Rome in the year 1575, by Dr. Jakob Rabus
in the account of his *Romreise in Cod. Germ. 1280, of the
Court
Library, Munich, and Cod. XL, 562, of the monastery of St.
Florian. For the pilgrims from Faenza cf. Marcello
Valgimigli,
Notiz. stor., Faenza Library.
JUBILEE PILGRIMAGES. 2O5
shell on their shoulder, those who took part in the Jubilee
went along their way in their varied dress, singing and
praying,
with crosses, banners great and small, and sacred images.
Side by side with the Lombards were to be seen the Tuscans,
Neapolitans, Romagnoli, Umbrians, and the natives of the
Sabine hills and from the Abruzzi. The order observed was
always as follows : first came the confraternities, in their
penitential dress of sackcloth, with cloaks of white, black,
red or blue, with their banners, then the rest of the men
according to their parishes, then the clergy, the civic
autho
rities, the leading citizens, and lastly the women. The pro
cession was brought to an end with the carriages and carts,
the beasts of burden and the baggage. At the gates of the
city the pilgrims were received with music by their friends
and acquaintances, and by the Roman confraternities, whom
Gregory XIII. had attached to the service of strangers. 1
They
were taken first to St. Peter s, and then to their lodgings,
where the various confraternities saw to their maintenance.
In front of the Roman confraternities there were to be seen
for the most part bands of children dressed as angels with
olive branches in their hands. 2 In thanksgiving these
strangers left to the various churches gifts of chalices,
candles,
and vestments, and very often banners and standards. The
greater number of gifts of this kind were made to the Con
fraternity of the SS. Trinita. There were to be seen banners
from Mantua, Ferrara, Casalmaggiore, Codogno, Sulmona,
S. Germano, Pontecorvo, Matelica and Castel Gandolfo. 3
1 See the *Avviso di Roma of March 26, 1575, Urb. 1044, p.
378, Vatican Library. Cf. PIENTINI, 114 seq., 117 seq. ; cf.
ibid. 318 seq. a list of the foreign confraternities which
joined
those of Rome during the Holy Year. F. CROSTAROSA, I pelle-
grini in Rome nei passati giubilei, 2 Rome, 1900, follows
Pientini
in everything, without giving any new information.
2 See RIERA, I5b seq., 44b seq,, 64 seq.
8 See PIENTINI, 311 seq., 315 seq. Cf. the *Relazione del
recivimento et alloggio fatto dalla ven. archiconfrat. delle
s.
stimate di S. Francesco di Roma alle compagnie forestiere
aggre
gate alia rned ma l a del s. giubileo 1575, descrit tada Fr.
Ant.
Maria Lanciani, Cod. Barb. L. 97, Vatican Library.
206 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
A contemporary states that during the month of May every
morning there passed through the Strada dei Banchi on their
way to St. Peter s from eight to ten thousand members of
Italian confraternities, to whom were joined many other
pilgrims and strangers. 1 Some of these processions, such as
the procession of penance from S. Pietro di Galatina, near
Otranto, 2 and that from S. Genesio in the Marches, attracted
general attention. 3
The procession of the pilgrims from S. Genesio, which was
met by the celebrated and ancient Confraternity of the Gon-
falone, is thus described : 4 the head of the procession was
formed by a body of penitents following a large crucifix,
and
disciplining themselves. To these were attached members
of the confraternities of the Blessed Virgin, the SS.
Trinita,
and the Most Holy Sacrament ; all were bare-footed and with
ashes sprinkled upon their heads, and wore their white, black
and blue habits. Then followed allegorical tableaux of the
old and new Testaments, and of the Church. In appropriate
costume, and bearing their symbols, were to be seen the arch
angel Michael in splendid armour, and with the sword and
scales in his hands, Adam and Eve with the apple, Noe with
the Ark, Isaac with the wood for the sacrifice, Abraham with
the knife of sacrifice, Melchisedech in the dress of the
high
priest, Jacob dressed as an oriental prince with a ladder,
Job
covered with wounds, Moses dressed in gold with the tables
of the law, Aaron dressed as a priest with a thurible, Josue
in armour with a representation of the sun, Gedeon in a
cuirass
with a trumpet, Samson with the bronze gates of the city,
David with the head of Goliath, Raphael leading Tobias,
Esdras with a white infula and a silver cup in his hand,
Isaias
dressed all in red, Amos dressed as a shepherd, Judith with
1 See *Avviso di Roma of May 14, 1575, Urb. 1044, p. 44ib,
Vatican Library.
2 See ALFANI, 352.
8 See *Avviso di Roma of September 7, 1575, Urb. 1044, p.
5igb, Vatican Library. Cf. PIENTINI, 88 seq.
4 See RIERA, 97 seq. Cf. SALVI, Una processione allegorica
di Sangenesini nel 1575, in Le Marche, VII., 5-6.
JUBILEE PROCESSIONS. 207
the head of Holof ernes, Jeremias in a long red robe,
Maccha-
beus with the head and arm of Nicanor. Ten little children
represented the infants slain by Herod, and John the Baptist
carried a cross of reed with the inscription : " Behold
the
Lamb of God." With him were the four Evangelists with
books in their hands, accompanied by the Doctors of the
Church : Gregory in white pontifical vestments, Jerome in
the
red robes of a Cardinal, Ambrose and Augustine dressed as
bishops. The procession was brought to an end with a car
representing the triumph of the Church, which apparently
moved by itself. It consisted of the Ark of Noe adorned
with allegorical figures and other symbols intended to repre
sent the universal Church. On the summit of the car was
to be seen Gregory XIII,. with an orb in his left hand, and
the
right hand raised in blessing, and at his feet the figure of
Prudence, with Justice on one side with the scales in her
hand,
and Charity on the other with three little children. The
pictures on the Ark of Noe represented, on the right Gregory
VII. receiving the penitent Henry IV., and on the left
Gregory IV. as the restorer of peace. Two angels carried the
following inscription from the inhabitants of S. Genesio :
" The Catholic Apostolic Roman Church, ruled for many
cen
turies by the holy fathers, enlightened and spread by the
doctrine and wonderful virtue of twelve Popes who bore the
name of Gregory, and now, under the thirteenth of that name,
full of righteousness and blessedness, happy and
triumphant."
In the children s processions, too, organized by the
Brothers
of Christian Doctrine in Rome, were to be seen allegorical
representations from the New and the Old Testaments. 1 The
procession from Faenza attracted much notice, and gave an
opportunity to those who took part in it to remove the bad
impression given in the days of Pius V., 2 by the spread
there
of Protestant principles. 3 In other processions, as for
example
1 See RIERA, 8ib. For the allegorical representations by the
pilgrims of Terni see ibid. 76 seq.
2 See Vol. XVII. of this work, p. 313.
3 Cf. LANZONI in Bollett. dioces. di Faenza, IV. (1917), p.
10,
p. 151 seq.
208 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
those from Perugia, Brescia and Lucca, the great number of
the nobility who took part excited general wonder ; x all
gave
much edification by their sincere piety. Great compassion
was aroused by the procession of the poor, the beggars, the
blind and the cripples of Rome, whose pilgrimage the Pope
had reduced to a single day. 2 Among the foreigners the
Countess of Arenberg excited admiration by her deep piety. 3
The father of Guido Reni and two celebrated poets, Battista
Guarini and Torquato Tasso, also visited the sanctuaries of
Rome during 1575. 4
Several of the pilgrims took back to their own countries as
a
precious memorial the plan drawn by Antonio Lafreri, which
had served as their guide in their visits to the principal
churches. In this the sanctuaries were shown in the
prescribed
order, as they had been visited by the Pope, followed by the
citizens, ecclesiastics, members of the court, and armed
men.
Without the recent additions, there are representations of
St. Paul s outside the Walls, St. Peter s, St. Mary Major s,
St. John Lateran, St. Sebastian on the Appian Way,
Santa Croce and St. Lawrence outside the Walls. In
front of each of these basilicas there is a gigantic image
of
the titular saint whom the pilgrims are venerating on their
knees. 5
The foreign pilgrims wondered, not only at the riches of the
Eternal City, in her churches and relics, but also at the
great
number of the religious and of the pious confraternities. At
the solemn processions and at the customary functions they
were given an opportunity of realizing how fully the life of
the
religious Orders and the other ecclesiastical bodies had
been
1 See *Avviso di Roma of May 28, 1575, Urb. 1044, p. 453b,
Vatican Library ; P. Tiepolo in MUTINELLI, I., no ; RIERA,
114.
1 See *Avviso di Roma of April 23, 1575, Urb. 1044, p. 4iob,
Vatican Library.
Cf. RIERA, 85.
4 See MANNI, 140 ; PRINZIVALLI, T. Tasso a Roma, Rome,
1895, 20 seq.
* See HERMANN, Die Stadt Rom im 15 und 16 Jahrhundert,
Leipzig, 1911.
THE CONFRATERNITIES. 2OQ
developed in the capital of Christendom. Besides the Bene
dictines, Augustinians, Carmelites and Trinitarians, there
were
to be seen Dominicans, Franciscans, Minims, Servites,
Hieroni-
mites, and the new Orders, Theatines, Barnabites, Capuchins
and Jesuits. An even more impressive spectacle was afforded
by the lay confraternities which later on so much aston
ished Montaigne. 1 They were distinguished by the colour
of their sack-like habits. Black was worn by the company
della Morte and by that of the SS. Crocifisso, yellow by the
Bergamaschi and the brothers of S. Maria del Pianto, red by
the confraternity of the SS. Trinita for convalescents, blue
by those of S. Giuliano, S. Maria dell Orto and St. Joseph,
white by those of St. Catherine of Siena, S. Maria di
Loreto,
the confraternity of the Genoese and the Neapolitans of
S. Spirito, as well as the confraternities of the Blessed
Sacra
ment of S. Lorenzo in Damaso and S. Giacomo in Borgo, and
green by those of St. Rocco. The five noble confraternities
of S. Maria della Consolazione, S. Salvatore ad Sancta Sanc
torum, S. Angelo in Borgo, S. Maria Annunziata and the
Gonf alone had no special dress. 2 Three thousand members
of the confraternity of the SS. Trinita were to be seen in
the
procession on Maundy Thursday. 3
The generosity of Gregory XIII. as well as his piety was
shown in a striking manner during the year of Jubilee. The
pilgrims were assisted in every possible way, and the steps
that had been taken for the maintenance of many thousands
proved so effectual that, in spite of the vast concourse,
there
was no scarcity.* Plentiful provision was also made for the
spiritual needs of the pilgrims. In all the churches,
especially
the parish churches, the Pope had appointed a sufficient
1 See MONTAIGNE, II., 37 seq., cf. 5.
2 See Mucantius, Diarium, in THEINER, II., 16. Cf. also
RIERA, 102 seq., and PIENTINI, 230 seq.
3 See the *report of Odescalchi of April 2, 1575, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
4 See the *report of Odescalchi of March 26, 1575, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua ; MANNI, 144.
VOL. XIX. 14
2IO HISTORY OF THE POPES.
number of learned and exemplary confessors. 1 Celebrated
preachers everywhere proclaimed the word of God, while with
burning words they made the city resound with their dis
courses on virtue and vice, on penance and punishment. The
pilgrims also preached, as was the case with the Bishop of
Aleria, Alessandro Sauli, 2 who was so highly esteemed by
Philip Neri, and who by his self-sacrificing labours had won
for himself the name of the Apostle of Corsica. 3
The efforts of Gregory XIII, which were also continued in
the years that followed, to secure the complete submission
of
the Romans to the truths of the faith, had the result that,
under the influence of the Catholic restoration, sacred
oratory
received a new impulse. 4 The most celebrated preachers
were the Jesuit, Francesco de Toledo, the Capuchin, Alfonso
Lupo, and the Minorite, Porro Francesco Panigarola ; the
two first named were Spaniards, while Panigarola was a
native of Milan. 5
1 At last it was ordered, in order to provide opportunity
for
confessions, that the churches should be kept open until
midnight.
See *Avvisi di Roma of December 21, 1575, Urb. 1044, p. 648,
Vatican Library.
1 See MANNI, 147 seq. ; the Franciscan Cornelio Mussi, who
had already made hib name as a preacher at the Council of
Trent,
had died in 1574 ; see SANTORI, Autobiografia, XII., 358.
*Report
of Odescalchi of January 12, 1574. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
;
HURTER, I., 31.
3 See Vol. XVII. of this work, p. 237.
4 Cf. TACCHI VENTURI, I., 251 seq., 255 seq.
6 *" Continuano li 3 predicatori con la solita dottrina
et facondia
onde e nato il motto bellessimo da S.S. : Toletus docet,
Panicarola
delectat et Lupus movet." *Awiso di Roma of March 23,
1577,
Urb. 1045, p. 256, Vatican Library. An *Avviso di Roma of
February 15, 1578, also makes mention of Giovanni di Napoli
(S. Spiiito) and Marcellino (S. Lorenzo in Damaso) ibid.
1046,
P- 35. where further details were given of a procession of
penance
led by A. Lupo. An *Avviso di Roma of December 2, 1581,
Urb. 1049, p. 436, Vatican Library, tells of the
extraordinary
crowds at the Advent sermons of Panigarola at the Araceli.
For
Panigarola himself cf. I. NICII ERYTHRAEI Pinacotheca, I.,
81 seq. ;
WORKS OF CHARITY. 211
The zeal of the clergy and the Pope produced abundant
fruits, which was to be seen in the clearest way in the
careful
and frequent attendance of the pilgrims at the sacraments of
penance and of the altar. 1 Sixteen confessors were occupied
every day at the Araceli ; the Jesuits had to remain in the
con
fessional until night-fall. 2 Contemporaries tell us of the
restitution of ill-gotten goods, of the giving up of
concubines,
of surprising cases of the conversion of heretics and of
foreign
schismatics, 3 and above all of generous works of charity.
In spite of the arrangements made by the Pope, the extra
ordinarily large number of the pilgrims afforded a wide
field
for the generosity of the Romans, and Rome justified her
ancient name for hospitality and kindness in a striking way.
The work which Philip Neri had prepared with unwearied
labour during many years now produced fruit a hundred-fold.
Nobles and citizens vied with each other in works of
Christian
charity. Carlo Muti gratuitously maintained nine hundred
peasants from his estates for three days, and he himself
accom
panied them on their pilgrimage. 4 We are told of a noble
Roman lady that every day throughout the Holy Year she
lodged ninety women pilgrims, and herself washed their feet.
Freib. Kirchenlex., IX., 1329 seq. ; KEPPLER in the Tub.
Quartal-
schrift, 1892, 91, as well as his praises in the *Avviso di
Roma
of February 15, 1584. Urb. 1052, p. 57, loc. cit. The
sermons
on the indulgence delivered by Dr. J. Rabus on Palm Sunday,
I 575, a t the German Campo Santo in Rome, was included by
him
in the *Reisebeschreibung of Cod. Germ. 1280, p. 235 seq.,
Court
Library, Munich. MONTAIGNE too (II., 31) makes mention of
the best preachers in Rome, and especially the Jesuits.
1 See also the testimony of Gregory XIII. in SANTORI, Diario
concist., XXV., 74.
2 See RIERA, 66 seq.
3 *" Per 1 esempio di tante opere sante che si fanno in
Roma
sono tornati spontaneamente alia fede Christiana alcuni
Trasmon-
tani ch erano da quella per loro errori molto lontani,"
says the
*Avviso di Roma of April 23, 1575, Urb. 1044, p. 4iib,
Vatican
Library. Cf. also the account in THEINER, II., 451, and
RIERA,
2 5> 59- MANNI gives a list of names, 142 seq.
4 See RIERA, 26.
212 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Other Roman ladies pledged their jewels in order to be able
to assist the pilgrims. 1 While the national hospices under
took the care of their countrymen, and the confraternities
of the similar associations from outside which were
affiliated
to them, the confraternity of the Santissima Trinita dei
Pelle
grini founded by St. Philip received without distinction all
who came on pilgrimage to Rome ; sometimes it was called
upon in a single day to provide for from seven to eight thou
sand pilgrims, 2 yet there was always perfect order and no
scarcity. This was owing above all to the Pope who had told
the heads of the confraternity that if they were in need of
anything they were to go to him. 8 But the Romans as well,
and above all Marcantonio Colonna, Paolo Giordano Orsini
and other nobles subsidized the confraternity so generously
that the contributions which arrived were always in excess
of the demand. In this way the institution, during the year
of Jubilee, was enabled to house and maintain in all 144,913
pilgrims, each for three days. To these must be added 21,000
poor convalescents for whom the confraternity also provided.
4
1 See ALFANI, 353 seq.
* See MAFFEI, I., 46, whose account is based upon the
*Memorie
of Cardinal Galli (Boncompagni Archives, Rome). The *Avviso
di Roma of May 28, 1575, which certainly exaggerates, gives
12,000 for the previous Saturday. Urb. 1044, p. 450, Vatican
Library. Cf. supra p. 167.
3 *" II Papa ha fatto intendere a niinistri dell
hospitale della
Trinita che mancandogli cosa alcuna per sostentamento de
peregrin! mandana a pigliar a Palazzo." Urb. 1044, p.
450,
Vatican Library.
4 See the account in THEINER, II., 449, by which the ex
aggerated estimate of Manni is amended. Cf. Mucantius,
*Diarium, March 9, 1575, Papal Secret Archives ; see the
*Avvisi
di Roma of March 26, April 2 and 23, May 1 1 (between
Saturday
and to-day, Wednesday, 17,076 persons were fed at the
Trinita),
May 28, 1575 (since Christmas, 120,000 persons have been
enter
tained at the Trinita, each for three days, the list of whom
has
been presented to the Pope by the Cardinal Protector Medici,
and 40,000 scudi have been expended, not including alms ; on
Saturday there were consumed 10,446 pounds of bread, 14
casks
THE SS. TRINITA. 213
A splendid example was given to the members by Cardinal
Medici, the Protector, by Duke Alessandro Farnese, Paolo
Giordano Orsini and other nobles and prelates, who served
the pilgrims in person. A similar service of charity was
also
rendered by the ladies of the great Roman families, in the
case
of the women pilgrims who were received in a separate build
ing. 1 " It is a most beautiful and touching
spectacle," wrote
the representative of the Duke of Mantua from Rome on
May 2ist, 1575, " to see the leading Romans persevering
in this
service, feeling that they are serving Christ in the person
of
these pilgrims, as the Gospel says: I was a stranger,
etc." 2
A book with wood engravings which the pilgrims took
back to their own countries, represents the works of faith
inspired by charity which were to be seen during the Holy
Year in Rome, penetrated as it was by the spirit of St.
Philip.
In the corner are to be seen the four principal basilicas,
with
bands of pilgrims gathered from all parts, and in the centre
an allegorical figure of " Roma Santa," the
chalice with the
scared host in her right hand, while under her feet she
tramples the symbols of conquered paganism. Twelve vig
nettes surround this figure ; each depicts some special work
of charity, temporal or spiritual. Thus there are depicted
with an explanatory inscription : preaching, prayer,
penance,
fasting, alms-giving, the comfort of the afflicted, the
washing
of feet, Christian instruction, the liberation of prisoners,
the
visiting of the sick, the assistance of pilgrims and the
feeding
of wine and one cask of vinegar), Urb. 1044, p. 378, 390,
4iob,
453, Vatican Library. Cf. also TIEPOLO, 214 (the unfortunate
printer s error " Trinita dei Monti " has been
followed by HUBNER,
I., 74, and by THURSTON, 93) and the *report of Odescalchi
of
April 23 (.so far 80,000 pilgrims have been received at the
hospice of the SS. Trinita), May 14 (often there are 4, 5, 6
and
7 thousand persons at the SS. Trinita) ; also in App. n. n
the
*report of April 2, 1575, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
1 See *Avviso di Roma of April 2, 1575, Urb. 1044, P- 39
Vatican Library, and RIERA, 28 seq.
2 *Letter of Odescalchi of May 21, 1575, Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
214 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the poor. The frame-work that encloses these pictures
is a river of seven branches which flows from the Holy
Spirit,
above Whom is seen the Eternal Father. As an inscription
upon the river are the words of the Bible : " The
stream
of the river rejoices the city of God ; the Most High hath
sanctified his dwelling-place." 1
The living Christianity which the city of the Popes thus
proclaimed during the Holy Year, 2 was rewarded by the fact
that Rome remained untouched by the pestilence which in
J 575 visited the greater part of Italy. 3 During this
terrible
tribulation, which was renewed in the following year, the
champions of Catholic reform everywhere set the highest
example. The bishops, such as Agostino Valiero of Verona,
Nicolo Sfondrato of Cremona, Ippolito Rossi of Pavia, were
rivalled by the religious Orders, both new and old, in their
works of Christian charity, while here too Charles Borromeo
above all stands out as the hero of Christian charity. 4
A year after the Jubilee the great Spanish canonist, Martino
Azpilcueta, 5 gave it as his opinion that of all the cities
which
he had visited in Spain, France and Italy, Rome more than
any
other gave the impression of a moral revival. " Our
Holy
1 Ps, 45, 5. A very greatly reduced reproduction of the
folio,
of which there is a copy in the British Museum, London, in
THURSTON, 261. In contrast to this may be placed the vulgar
caricature by a Protestant " artist," for greater
details of which
see JANSSEN-PASTOR, VI. 15 - 16 , 43-44.
1 On the occasion of the extension of the Jubilee in the
following
year, it was shown, especially at Cremona
for the better had been brought about by the work of Catholic
reform ; see *Historia anni iubilaei Cremonae celebr. 1576,
Archives of St. Angelo, Arm. 5, caps. 3, n. 16, Papal Secret
Archives.
8 See MANNI, 140. PILOT in Ateneo Veneto
contributes some verses on the plague of 1575.
4 See App. n. 32.
Comment, de datis et promissis, summ. 3 : Opera II.,
tomb with a half bust in S. Antonio de Portoghesi in Rome
see ORBAAN, Sixtine Rome, London
No comments:
Post a Comment